1

Southern Protests:

Scott Camil and the Anti-War Movement at the

University of Florida, 1969-1975

Michael Steven Thomas

2

Contents

I. Introduction

3

II. Anti-war Fervor Reaches Florida

9

III. Scott Camil

23

IV. The May 1972 Crisis

33

Pictures from 1972

42

V. The Gainesville 8 and Assassination Attempt

47

VI. Conclusion

53

VII. Bibliography

56

3

I. Introduction

“There is something special about Gainesville. I cannot tell you what it is, but Gainesville is a very unique place. Gainesville is in the national news a lot, and it is not that big of a city compared to cities all over the country… A lot of things happen in Gainesville.”

-Scott Camil, 1992

Late one Tuesday night in 1972, a mass of students stood outside their school’s administration building, halting all traffic on one of the busiest roads in the city. Over 1500 students gathered over the course of the day in an attempt to protest the President of the United

States’ escalation of the Vietnam War and their school’s indirect support of the war effort. Some yelled obscenities at the police officers in front of them, others played guitar to the chants of the crowd, while another group stood silently in support for their beliefs. After it became apparent to the politicians and police officers of the city that these protestors would not move, officers equipped with riot gear were ordered to break up the assembly.

The chaos that followed seemed like a scene out of Birmingham in the 1960s. The protestors were blasted with a fire hose. Police shot tear gas and pepper spray into the crowd.

Demonstrators threw the gas canisters back, along with beer bottles and rocks, refusing to disperse as they were ordered. Officers of the law and angry civilians claiming to be officers then moved into the crowd, forcing the protestors to run in all directions. The police chased after them, smacking whomever they could with their clubs and arresting anyone within their grasp.

Officers chased students into neighborhoods, running through apartment complexes and grabbing anyone in sight, guilty or not. This was only day one of what turned out to be a three day protest, and it didn’t occur in New York or California. It happened in the small southern town of Gainesville, home to the University of Florida. 4

Despite having a vibrant protest community throughout the 1960s and 1970s, academic historians have largely overlooked the anti-war movement in Gainesville, Florida. Even the most recent work on the 1960s continues to focus on the most well known cases, like that of Columbia

University, University of California Berkeley, and Kent State University. From historians to journalists, most studies tend to focus on northern schools, leaving the impression that these demonstrations are exclusive to the North and denying appropriate recognition of Southern schools that participated in violent protests.1

In the few publications that do discuss the South’s role in the movement, Gainesville is almost entirely missing. This is particularly troublesome because the University of Florida had a vibrant activist community and played an important role in the civil rights and anti-war movements throughout the 1960s and well into the 1970s. Encompassing hippies, black power advocates, and both liberal and conservative white college students, Gainesville’s movement was incredibly diverse. The University of Florida’s protests rivaled other schools throughout the country in size and received federal attention for them at the time. Gainesville was also home to

Scott Camil, a founding member of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), a national organization comprised of former veterans who opposed the war. Camil, along with the VVAW, orchestrated many large-scale protests in Florida, the largest of these intended to have taken place at the 1972 Republican National Convention in Miami. He was later put on trial for

*I would like to thank Dr. Louise Newman, Dr. Michael Gannon, and Scott Camil for their extensive help with this project. 1 In her graduate thesis titled Protest Activities in Southern Universities, 1965-1972, for the University of Auburn, Kristin Grabarek does a wonderful job compiling a brief account of the demonstrations at many major Southern universities, however her work includes little information on the University of Florida. Like many of the historians before her, Grabarek explicitly states that protest activities in Florida ended in the spring of 1970, with the exception of a minor protest involving 55 students from Florida State University. While Florida State witnessed a protest of 55 students in 1970, nearly 6000 students took to the streets in one 1970 protest alone at UF. Additionally, Grabarek does not make any mention of the two other major protests at UF in 1971 and 1972. The fact that the University of Florida is not included in the scope of this graduate thesis further draws attention to the need for a comprehensive work on UF and a reevaluation of the timeline for anti-war protests within the South.

5 conspiracy to disrupt the 1972 Republican National Convention along with his other coconspirators in what became known as the Gainesville 8 trials.2 Camil was thought to be such a threat to the government’s agenda that federal agents attempted to assassinate him in 1975.3

Additionally, a comprehensive study of Scott Camil and the role he played in

Gainesville's movement is important because his leadership is precisely what sets the University of Florida apart from so many other protest communities at that time. Anti-Vietnam War historians Simon Hall and Melvin Small both state that factional infighting from the many diverse interest groups that opposed the war became the movement's greatest downfall.4 5 While this was certainly the case for a number of schools and organizations across the country, this was not the case at the University of Florida. Scott Camil used his strong communication skills to bring together black students, liberals, libertarians, women’s rights activists, socialists and hippies to protest the war as a single, united front.6

Uniting these different interest groups was no easy task. African Americans largely opposed the war because they were disproportionately drafted into military service. Liberal college students opposed the war for ideological reasons, whereas libertarian students opposed the war because they felt as though the government was not doing enough to win it. Many more protestors simply saw the anti-war environment as an opportunity to party.7 Camil's leadership was so effective that he even enlisted the Quaker and Unitarian churches to fight for the cause.8

Though Small and Hall are correct in pointing out that diversity was often a weakness of the

2 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 3 Federal Bureau of Investigation, “Scott Camil,” Part 1 of 1, 1. 4 Simon Hall, Rethinking the American Anti-War Movement, (New York, New York: Routledge, 2012), 120. 5 Melvin Small, Anti-warriors: The Vietnam War and The Battle For America’s Hearts and Minds, (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2002), 4. 6 For the sake of this paper, I will use the term “black” instead of “African American” because it was the preferred phrasing at the time used by the sources that I quote. 7 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 52. 8 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 322-323. 6 national anti-war movement, Camil masterfully united a number of the University of Florida’s organizations that opposed the war, effectively turning diversity into a strength.

Furthermore, Camil’s story is important not just because of the powerful role he played in orchestrating many of UF’s protests, but also because the government persecution that he endured shows just how far the US government went to silence those who spoke out against the war. After Camil was tried for conspiracy to disrupt the 1972 Republican National Convention, he began to construct an autobiography of his service in the war, his work fighting to end the war, and the subsequent persecution that he faced for his activism. When two federal agents shot him in 1975, his home was raided and his life's work confiscated. His work was never returned to him, despite a federal judge’s orders to do so, and still remains lost to this day.9 Because so little has been published on Camil, this paper relies heavily on Camil’s written testimony in It Did

Happen Here, as well as various interviews with Camil and others present at the University at the time.

Ultimately, the University of Florida is missing from the current historiography of the anti-war movement because the majority of its larger demonstrations occurred at a time when the rest of the country was winding its activism down. That is not to say that these demonstrations were not important; many historians cite the continued pressure from demonstrators as a contributing factor to the war's end.10 While historians like Melvin Small and Simon Hall do an excellent job analyzing the anti-war movement as a whole, the scope of their work is too broad to include the specific instances within the state of Florida. Additionally, both historians conclude their narratives of the anti-war movement with the infamous shooting of Kent State University protestors by National Guardsmen in 1970. Gregg Michel's work on the Southern Student

9 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 10 Small, Anti-warriors, 159. 7

Organizing Committee brings an entirely new perspective to our current understanding of the anti-war movement by highlighting the importance of the American South, but his work also concludes with Kent State.11

Perhaps one explanation as to why the city of Gainesville experienced its activism later than other regions has to do with the Vietnam Veterans Against the War and the organization’s influence upon the University of Florida. It comes as no surprise that the VVAW was the best organized activist group on campus at UF. Camil was a Non-Commissioned Officer trained by the US Military to organize and move troops in combat, a task much harder than organizing demonstrations.12 Additionally, in the 1960s, other large scale national activist organizations such as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and their southern counterparts, the

Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC), were technically “unrecognized” organizations within the state of Florida, meaning that they could not use any of the University of Florida’s resources.13 Conversely, Camil’s VVAW often partnered with the Student

Mobilization Committee (SMC), an organization largely used to protest the war that also received money from UF Student Government.14

Having funding from the school and the ability to use its resources created an obvious advantage for Camil and the VVAW. Though students at the University of Florida were no more

11 Michel advocates for a closer look at the role the South played in the counter-culture movements of the 1960s in his book Struggle For A Better South: The Southern Student Organizing Committee, 1964-1969. The Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC) was originated by a group of white, southern activists in favor of Civil Rights for African-Americans. They believed that they could better relate to white southerners than their black counterparts could, and campaigned alongside other black demonstrators in an effort to make the Civil Rights movement more palatable to whites. They would evolve throughout the decade to later support the Anti-Vietnam War movement. The SSOC was arguably the most influential activist group present on college campuses at the time; even greater than the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) or the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Michel argues. Seeking to combat the notion of a “backwards” South in his examination of the SSOC, he agrees that too much emphasis is placed on Northern schools within the current historical scholarship. Gregg L. Michel, Struggle For A Better South: The Southern Student Organizing Committee, 1964-1969 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 2-13. 12 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 13 UPI, “Bill in House to Ban SDS,” The Florida Alligator, October 8, 1969, 1. 14 Bruce Alper, “Don’t Give SMC Money,” The Florida Alligator, May 1, 1972, 8. 8 conservative or liberal than the rest of the United State’s various institutions, the school lacked any sort of strong leadership in the 1960s that could successfully pool the many different anti- war organizations together on campus. In fact, other than the “Vietnam Day” demonstration in

1969, all other major protests at the University of Florida were spontaneous activities that attracted a large audience. Because of Scott Camil’s leadership, the VVAW was the first student group on campus that successfully organized anti-war sentiment into effective demonstrations. In doing so, Camil and his band of Vietnam Veterans attracted the attention of the state and federal governments, further illustrating the University of Florida’s anti-war movement’s legitimacy.

The Gainesville 8 trials and the later assassination attempt on Camil’s life further demonstrates just how threatened the government felt by Camil’s organizational abilities. Therefore, the turbulent events that afflicted Gainesville and the University of Florida from 1969-1975 challenge the contemporary notion that major Vietnam War protests occurred primarily in

Northern liberal schools and ended in 1970, further adding to our understanding of the anti-war movement as a whole.

9

II. Anti-war Fervor Reaches Florida

Picture depicts officers removing a protestor from the front of Tigert hall, the administration building at The University of Florida. This picture appeared on the front page of the editorial section of The Florida Alligator, the school’s newspaper, on the first day of class in the fall of 1969. The Florida Alligator, September 19, 1969, 9.

Unlike many other college campuses across the nation, the University of Florida remained relatively quiet throughout much of the 1960s. Yet, by the fall of 1969, the Florida

State legislature began to pass laws placing tighter restrictions on college student demonstrations. This act was carried out as a precautionary measure spurred on by the many violent civil rights and anti-war demonstrations on college campuses throughout America. The

Florida Legislature ordered the Board of Regents to revise school policies regarding what they deemed to be disruptive conduct. The new regulations expanded the definition of behavior constituted as disruptive, while also adding harsher punishments for political activism. 10

Disruptive conduct was previously defined as “anyone obstructing the normal processes and activities essential to the functions of the university or community,” but was revised to read

“anyone specifically impeding or interfering with the rights of others to enter, use, or leave any campus facility, service or scheduled activity will be liable for appropriate disciplinary action.”

They also further revised what qualified as an offense from “deliberate interference with the rights of others” to “deliberate interference with academic freedom and freedom of speech of any member or guest of the university.”15 This particular addition comes as a bit ironic, as UF

President Stephen O’Connell kicked the Southern Student Organizing Committee off of campus earlier that year, an action that would seemingly qualify as the “deliberate interference with academic freedom and freedom of speech.”16

Additionally, the Florida House Higher Education Committee approved a bill that banned the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) from all public university campuses within the state.17 The House bill, authored by Representative Donald H. Reed, officially stated that “the rules and regulations shall prohibit the administration of an institution in the university system from granting approval to a student group such as the Students for a Democratic Society, which advocates the overthrow of the government through violence or the disruption of normal processes of the university,” despite the fact that both the presidents of UF and FSU had already banned the organization in the previous year.18 The excessive educational restrictions imposed

15 Dave Osier, “Disruptive Conduct Rules Get Regents Full Approval,” The Florida Alligator, October 6, 1969, 1. 16 John Sugg, “Repression Won’t Stop campus Radicals,” The Florida Alligator, October 19, 1969, 9. 17 Originally hailing from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, SDS is largely thought of as the main organization responsible for organizing massive protests throughout the country. After staging a number of protests throughout the 1960s, SDS became a household name by the end of the decade. During 1969 the more radical wing of the organization that supported violence as a legitimate form of protest broke off from the group and formed the Weather Underground, also known as the Weathermen. These militant members of the Students for a Democratic Society took credit for a number of small scale bombings of federal buildings throughout the early 1970s. The Weather underground slowly dissipated after the war ended in 1975. See: Ayers, Bill, Fugitive Days: Memoirs of an Antiwar Activist, (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 117-132 18 UPI, “Bill in House to Ban SDS,” The Florida Alligator, October 8, 1969, 1. 11 by the Florida legislature show that the government was increasingly fearful of the growing anti- war movement around the nation, and they were doing all that they could to keep the movement from spreading throughout their state.

While the state government sought to quell protests through the school system, the

Federal Bureau of Investigation set up a counter-intelligence office in Jacksonville for the sole purpose of monitoring the activities throughout Florida’s various northern campuses. Every 90 days, the counter-intelligence office generated reports on the various instances of protest in their region.19 Aside from a list of “agitators” and potential “targets,” these reports had little to say about Gainesville.20 By 1968, the FBI began to shift their attention towards Tallahassee. On

April 4, students at the Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU), a traditionally black college, rioted following the death of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The FBI report stated that

“hundreds of students threw rocks at cars driven by white people.” The report goes on to detail the brutally violent scene. The protestors burned mobile homes and fired guns in the streets. One white child burned to death in the chaos.21

When considering the severity of the FAMU protest, it comes as no surprise that the FBI took a particular interest in the state’s capital. Just as the Florida state legislatures attempted to control campus demonstrations through new rules and laws, the FBI sought to contain protests by targeting specific individuals through what was undoubtedly an invasion of privacy. The

Bureau locked their sights onto one female student at Florida State University who was believed to be starting a Tallahassee branch of SDS. Once the FBI discovered that this particular woman was organizing meetings in the name of SDS, they devised an elaborate plan that would amount to little more than telling her parents. The Bureau authored a letter to the female’s parents

19 Federal Bureau of Investigation, CointellPro/New Left- Memphis, Part 1 of 1, 4-6. 20 Federal Bureau of Investigation, CointellPro/Black Extremists, Part 2 of 23, 28. 21 Federal Bureau of Investigation, CointellPro/New Left-Jacksonville, Part 1 of 1, 22. 12 claiming to be a fellow Florida State student and friend of the girl heading up FSU’s SDS. In the letter, the FBI feigned concern for the student, writing that “she” was concerned with her friend’s activism and that everybody on campus supported President Nixon’s initiatives in Vietnam.

Federal agents eventually tried this tactic on other FSU student activists as well, but none of their letters were ever returned.22

University of Florida students were also subject to FBI harassment of their parents. Camil remembers a number of his VVAW members approaching him with the same story. The FBI would frequently go to the work places of VVAW parents claiming that their son or daughter was a communist working against the government, ultimately putting pressure on the employer to fire them. Despite the FBI’s best efforts, Camil’s men mostly remained unfazed. Though the counter-intelligence program’s tactics were ineffective, the program remained funded and active, later setting its sights on Scott Camil.23

Meanwhile, at the University of Florida in 1969, black students were growing increasingly frustrated by their low enrollment numbers. Though the first black students officially enrolled in classes at UF in 1958, it was not until 1965 that a black student graduated with his undergraduate degree.24 Four years later in 1969, black enrollment numbers remained abysmally low. Out of the nearly 22,000 students enrolled in classes at UF, only 100 were of

African American descent.25 In response, black students at UF replaced the Afro-American

22 Federal Bureau of Investigation, CointellPro/New Left-Jacksonville, Part 1 of 1, 34-46. 23 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 24 “UF Timeline: 150 Years through UF, 1948-1974: Post-War Expansion, http://www.ufl.edu/about- uf/history/1948-1974/ 25Ed Crowell and Chris Schauseil, “Summer Work Raises UF Black Enrollment,” The Florida Alligator, September 28, 1969, 3. 13

Student Association with the newly formed Black Student Union (BSU).26 When the group officially formed, their message was one of frustration and action. Their preamble states:

“We, the black students of the UF, have come from all over this state and country burning with anger and despair, not only with the miserable plight of black students… but also with the plight of our people. There can be no separation of the problems of black students from the problems of black peoepl. There can be no separation of the problems of racism from the problems of developing an academically liberated mind.”27

Their chairman Mitch Dasher explained the group’s initiatives in an interview with the Florida

Alligator.

“We are more political and militant than the AASA was. As a political organization, we are not quite as culturally nationalistic as AASA. We are more revolutionary nationalists. ‘Black’ recognizes the ideology we expound, attempting to rise above the muck of our oppressive society: ‘Union’ recognizes our resisting, liberating battle must be marked with Unity.”28

The FBI’s Jacksonville counter-intelligence office reported that the new black extremist groups might have “red Chinese orientation,” going on to point out that there was a potential for violence with this new organization.29 But it would not be for another two years before anyone would encounter a major protest from the black community within Gainesville.

On October 15, 1969, the University of Florida saw its first large-scale demonstration against the Vietnam War, consisting of over 1000 participants. Prior to this event, student demonstrations received tepid involvement from the student body.30 The Student Mobilization

Committee (SMC) coordinated the event and planned it so that it would coincide with the

26 The Black Student Union still exists on campus at the University of Florida today, though the organization’s aim is quite different now. According to their website, “The Black Student Union serves to CREATE, CULTIVATE, and CHALLENGE students at the University of Florida through community service, philanthropic ventures, entertainment, and quality programs and forums.” University of Florida Center for Activities and Involvement. “Black Student Union,” Accessed April 1, 2013, https://orgs.studentinvolvement.ufl.edu/search/orgdetail.asp?org=BLACK+STUDENT+UNION. 27 John Sugg, “New Black Student Union Replaces AASA,” The Florida Alligator, October 9, 1969, 6 28 John Sugg, “New Black Student Union Replaces AASA,” The Florida Alligator, October 9, 1969, 6 29 Federal Bureau of Investigation, CointellPro/Black Extremists, Part 1 of 23, 47. 30 Throughout the 1960s, UF students participated in small sit ins and demonstrations in the Gainesville community, though they were almost always over African American rights and not the Vietnam War. These demonstrations, however frequent, hardly ever brought a turnout of over 100 students. For more information on Gainesville’s involvement in the civil rights movement, see Gregg L. Michel’s Struggle for A Better South: The Southern Student Organizing Committee. 14 national protest event “Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam.”31 Prior to the event, SMC requested that the University of Florida be closed down in observance of the event. However, both UF President O’Connell and Student Government President Charles Shepherd refused to sanction SMC’s request.32 As a result, a riff formed between the SMC and Student Government.

The more radical SMC wanted the event to officially be called “Vietnam Day,” and encouraged professors to cancel their regularly scheduled lessons and instead discuss the war, much like the

“teach-ins” held at the University of Michigan during the beginning of the anti-war movement.

Student Government, on the other hand, declared the day “Gentle Wednesday,” and advertised it as a day of music, discussion groups, and refreshments. The leaders of the SMC were outraged at the soft language used by Student Government, and even more upset when they were forced to open the microphone up for pro-war speakers.33 The clash between Student Government and the

Student Mobilization Committee perfectly exemplifies what many historians believe to be the downfall of the anti-war movement. Though both parties were clearly championing the same cause, the varying level of radicalism is what turned many protestors against one another.

Despite the logistical dispute, the demonstration was a huge success; many students, faculty, and staff articulated their viewpoints peacefully and respectfully. Over 1,500 people attended the rally on the Plaza of the Americas, the large lawn in front of the main library that would be a major site for activism for years to come. The event ended with 600 students singing

31 College campuses across the country participated in a day of speeches and songs all calling for the end of the war in Vietnam. In Boston, Senator Ted Kennedy and George McGovern made speeches calling for the immediate withdrawal of troops from Vietnam. In Boston, Senator Ted Kennedy and George McGovern made speeches calling for the immediate withdrawal of troops from Vietnam. In total, 80 congressmen voiced their support for the cause. For the most part, the event remained peaceful, outside of a few skirmishes with police in Oregon and Washington DC.According to historian Simon Hall, over 2 million Americans were involved in the protest nationwide. University Press International, “Moratorium Observance Evokes National Response,” The Florida Alligator, October 16, 1969, 2. 32 Carol Sanger, “Moratorium Recess Lacks SG Sanction,” The Florida Alligator, October 9, 1969, 1. 33 John Sugg, “Just Who’s Vietnam Day Is It?,” The Florida Alligator, October 15, 1969, 9. 15

John Lennon’s “Give Peace A Chance” with their arms interlocked.34 SMC members sold black and red armbands that read “644,000” representing the total number of lives lost in the Vietnam

War to that point. The proceeds were to help pay for travel expenses for a national march on

Washington, planned for November 15, which would go on to attract over 500,000 demonstrators from around the country.35

UF’s demonstrations remained peaceful and relatively small scale throughout the 1960s, but all of that changed after Kent State. In early May of 1970, Kent State University experienced incredibly violent protests on its campus. After the ROTC building was burned down following a demonstration, the Governor of Ohio called on the National Guard to restore order. On May 4,

1970, National Guardsmen opened fire on demonstrators, killing 4 and wounding 9.36 College campuses across the nation lit up with anti-war fervor on a scale never witnessed before. The

University of Florida was no different. Led in part by various students and community leaders such as Michael Gannon, chaplain of the local Catholic Church and Professor of History at UF, students marched peacefully through campus, stopping to protest in front of the ROTC building and on the lawn of the President’s mansion, eventually ending at Tigret Hall, the school’s administration building.37 While the protestors declared that 6,000 students attended, police reports stated that only 3,000 did.38 Even if assuming the smaller estimate to be more accurate, this was still a substantial turnout for a student body so seemingly apathetic to the anti-war movement. At the time of the protest, UF barely had 22,000 students enrolled.39 This means that a substantial portion of the student body decided that they would get involved in the highly

34 Raul Ramirez, “UF Anti-war Moratorium Draws More Than 1,500,” The Florida Alligator, October 16, 1969, 1. 35 Anne B. Freedman, “Love, Pups and Tears: Moratorium Had All 3,” The Florida Alligator, October 16, 1969, 3. 36Melvin Small, Anti-warriors, 122-123. 37 Steve Orlando, “A Man for All Seasons,” Florida, February 24, 2011, http://magazine.ufl.edu/2011/02/michael- gannon/ 38 Steve Strung, “3000 UF Students on Strike,” The Florida Alligator, May 7, 1970, 1. 39 Jones, Richard T., Richard Jones to Sam Taylor, May 15, 1972, Letter, from Special Collections at Smathers Library 16 unpopular anti-war movement. The “1970 Crisis,” as President O’Connell’s personal records named it, was the largest protest that the university has ever had to this day.40

Political cartoon from The Florida Alligator, May 4, 1972. Picture depicts Nixon and Kissinger plotting the war in Vietnam without any regard for those killed in the war including soldiers, civilians and students from Kent State.

Following the Kent State Massacre, UF Student Government quickly declared May 6 a day of mourning for the University. Student Government President Steve Uhlfelder urged students not to attend their classes and to keep things peaceful on campus.41 Students remained on the lawn of Tigert hall demanding that their administration listen to their views. These

40 O’Connell, Stephen C., File on the May 1970 Crisis, May 1970, Document, from Special Collections at Smathers Library 41 Robert Fraser, “Tigret, SG Call Today, ‘a day of mourning,’” The Florida Alligator, May 6, 1970, 1. 17 demands included removing firearms from UF police officers and the cancellation of the school’s ROTC program.42 The latter was a common plea from students across the nation. In a syndicated piece by the United Press International within the May 6 edition of the Florida

Alligator, the article reported protests of ROTC programs across major northern universities

(though nowhere in this article is there any mention of southern schools, again exemplifying the focus on the North even while these events occurred).43 Despite the statements from the major news organizations, Kent State protests did not occur solely in the north, or even just at UF.

Florida State University and the University of South Florida both reported large scale protests on their ROTC buildings following the shootings. These events link Florida’s largest institutions with those in the North; both regions’ protests resulted from the Kent State shootings and both called for the immediate closure of their ROTC programs.44 45

The University of Florida continued to be a hot bed for political activism and was subject to attempted repression by the state lawmakers and administrators. In 1971, UF played host to popular radicals such as Jane Fonda and Abbie Hoffman, thus prompting the Florida Congress to put forth a bill calling for new restrictions for public speakers on campus. The bill would

“prohibit any university personnel from sponsoring or permitting any speaker… who advocates destruction of public or private property, or violent overthrow of the government.” The bill was an attempt not only to silence those that spoke out, but also anyone who asked those people to speak at the university. Anyone found guilty of this crime would be sentenced to 6 months in

42 Ron Sachs, “UF Students Protest Kent State Incident,” The Florida Alligator, May 7, 1970, 1. 43 “Students Strike Nationally Against the Deaths,” United Press International, May 6, 1970 44 “FSU-USF Protests Reflect Concerns,” The Florida Alligator, May 6, 1970 45 UF’s ROTC program became the main target of Gainesville’s anti-war movement, as was the case on campuses across the nation. Almost exactly two years after Kent State, demonstrators stood outside the University of Florida’s student union where the ROTC was holding their military ball. After a few demonstrators entered the union, the crowd of over 100 was asked to leave the entire area, though according to union director William Rion, they had not technically violated the Reitz Union’s policy. Moss, “War demonstrators asked to leave Reitz Union,” The Florida Alligator, May 1, 1972, 1. 18 prison or a fine of $5,000.46 The same year, the American Association of University Professors issued a report stating that the University of Florida professors severely lacked academic freedom, further illustrating the administration and law makers attempt to silence dissent on campus.47

As lawmakers cracked down on anti-war demonstrators, black students at UF began to speak out regarding what they saw as a lack of progress for their fellow black students.48

Representatives from the Black Student Union made a number of proposals to the University

Senate, including demands for a larger black student body, more black professors, and a cultural center for African Americans.49 Tensions between UF Administration and BSU culminated on

April 15 when 67 black students were arrested and suspended for occupying President Stephen

O’Connell’s office building. The black students came to O’Connell’s office 3 times with a list of demands, and each time they were promptly told that they had 3 minutes to leave to office before being arrested. After the third time, the University Police Department was called in to take the representatives to the Alachua County Jail.50

46 Randy Bellows, “Legislators Attempting Campus Crackdown,” The Florida Alligator, February 2, 1971, 1. 47 Randy Bellows, “UF Lacks Academic Freedom,” The Florida Alligator, January 20, 1971, 1. 48 “Dialogue’s Topic on Black Situation,” The Florida Alligator, February 15, 1971 49 Terry Tenebaum, “BSU Recommendations Reviewed,” The Florida Alligator, February 5, 1971, 1. 50 Ron Sachs and Ken McKinnon, “Disturbance Flares on Campus,” The Florida Alligator, April 16, 1971, 1. 19

Black students rally outside Tigert hall. The Florida Alligator, April 16, 1971. That afternoon, students began to assemble on the Plaza of the Americas in an attempt to rally support for the 67 students arrested. Among these protestors were Scott Camil and his

VVAW. Student Government President Uhlfelder spoke to the growing number of students saying “It’s about time we start to realize that the problems of this campus are not being solved by the existing power structure- and the reason stems from President O’Connell.” Uhlfelder also called for O’Connell’s immediate resignation, and circulated a petition among those in attendance at the rally. As the crowd continued to grow, Kip Smith, the Student Government

Secretary of Minority Affairs addressed the crowd and insisted that the demands brought to

O’Connell that day were presented to the President over and over again for the last 18 months.51

A list of the demands appeared the following day on the front page of The Florida Alligator. The list of proposed changes included raising the number of admitted black students to 500 each year, establishing a minority affairs position under the Vice-President’s office, the hiring of a black

51 Ron Sachs and Ken McKinnon, “Disturbance Flares on Campus,” The Florida Alligator, April 16, 1971, 1. 20 assistant manager in personnel, increased recruitment and hiring of black faculty members, and

“the fair and equal treatment of our black brothers and sisters” employed at the university.52

The crowd left the Plaza of the Americas at 3p.m., increasing their numbers as they marched to O’Connell’s office in Tigert Hall, chanting “O’Connell’s got to go,” as they went.

Students were immediately ordered to leave, but did not. Uhlfelder and Father Gannon entered the building to speak with O’Connell, who refused to drop the suspensions of the black students.

The Alachua County Sherriff’s office and the Gainesville Police Department arrived on scene with two busses to transport more students to jail. Instead of listening to the police’s order to disperse, students surrounded the buses and deflated the tires on the vehicles. Shortly after, the demonstration turned violent as the protestors and police confronted one another. Tear gas canisters were thrown into the crowd, causing students and police both to eventually retreat from the area due to the gas. An additional 9 students were arrested and 2 officers injured.53

The following weekend’s events took a turn for the bizarre. On Saturday, approximately

200 students, many of which were white, marched through the streets of downtown Gainesville in an effort to protest the black students’ arrest earlier in the week.54 On Sunday, over 400 students gathered on the Plaza of the America’s for a phony “burial” of President O’Connell.

After a fake service, student’s buried an effigy of O’Connell on the university grounds and proceeded to march to the President’s mansion on campus. When the crowd of now 600 arrived, officers fully equipped with riot gear stood guard outside O’Connell’s home. Instead of a violent clash, the protestors left a wreath at the O’Connell’s front door and left peacefully.55

52 “BSU Demands,” The Florida Alligator, April 16, 1971, 1. 53 Ron Sachs and Ken McKinnon, “Disturbance Flares on Campus,” The Florida Alligator, April 16, 1971, 1-2. 54 “Weekend review, a chronology,” The Florida Alligator, April 19, 1971, 1. 55 Marian Jedrusiak, “400 observe O’Connell ‘burial,’” The Florida Alligator, April 19, 1971, 1. 21

Unfortunately for all those involved, the University of Florida was still in a state of disruption after the weekend’s demonstrations. Support continued to mount for the release of the black students arrested on the previous Thursday, even as far away as Tallahassee. Over 1000 students at Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University marched to Governor Askew’s mansion to demand that all charges be dropped on the arrested students and that O’Connell be replaced as President.56 Back at the University of Florida, the BSU held a demonstration on the

Plaza of the Americas to garner support for the arrested students. Once again, the factional infighting that plagued the anti-war movement struck here as well. A group of about 100 of the more radical protestors ran throughout campus classrooms disrupting classes in an effort to get all students to go on strike. Student Government President Uhlfelder denounced the disruptions, but many demonstrators continued with their plans.57

Monday night, Deputy Minister of Information for the Black Student Union David

Freeman and Student Government Secretary for Minority Affairs Kip Smith gave their ultimatum regarding the arrested students to President O’Connell during a press conference. “If full amnesty is not granted for all persons arrested Thursday, April 15, 1971, and if there is no acceptable commitment to resolve the proposals presented on April 15, then we the black students will withdraw from the University of Florida Monday, April 26, 1971,” the ultimatum reads. UF faculty also fully backed the demand. Coordinator for Minority Affairs Roy I Mitchell stated that all black faculty members would resign immediately with the students.58 Even the black Mayor Neil Butler, who was also attending UF as a student at the time, stated that he would withdraw as well.59

56 Bruce Kuehn, “FAMU students planning rallies,” The Florida Alligator, April 19, 1971, 4. 57 Bruce Kuehn, “Students disrupt classes; split Plaza rally,” The Florida Alligator, April 20, 1971, 13. 58 Jan Godown, “Withdrawal of blacks imminent,” The Florida Alligator, April 21, 1971, 1. 59 Steve Strang, “Mayor might withdraw from UF,” The Florida Alligator, April 21, 1971, 1. 22

With pressure mounting from all areas, President O’Connell eventually decided to revoke the students’ suspension, and the city of Gainesville dropped all charges. But the struggle was not an easy one. The turbulent events concerning black students’ rights, the Kent State massacre, and the Vietnam Moratorium all provide overwhelming evidence that student activism in

Gainesville did not come to a halt at the end of the 1960s; in fact, the reverse was true. While other institutions began to see activism decrease on campus, Kent State served as a wakeup call in Florida. The Kent State Massacre and the protests following the black student arrests marked the turning point in the anti-war movement at the University of Florida. The repressive legislation and bizarre counter-intelligence tactics from the FBI illustrate that the US

Government was beginning to take notice to the growing dissent in Gainesville. With all of this newfound activism on campus, the only thing keeping the University from exploding into unrest was a lack of cohesive leadership. Enter Scott Camil.

23

III. Scott Camil and the Vietnam Veterans Against the War

Vietnam Veteran Scott Camil was arguably the most influential leader in the anti-war movement at the University of Florida. It comes as no surprise that prior to Camil’s time at UF, the school saw only one large scale protest of over 1000 demonstrators. Camil possessed a keen ability to unite different factions of those against the war, and because of his efforts, these fringe groups were able to work together to successfully protest the Vietnam War at a time where national demonstrations were on the decline. As a major player in the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW), he even attracted national attention to himself and his fellow demonstrators on a number of occasions. Camil testified before Congress with other VVAW members about the war crimes Americans were committing in Vietnam, he was put on trial for conspiracy to disrupt the 1972 Republican National Convention, he was on President Nixon’s infamous “enemies list,” and was even the victim of an assassination attempt sponsored by the federal government.

Scott Camil is a controversial figure. Camil’s story is important not just because of the powerful role he played in orchestrating many of UF’s protests, but also because the government persecution that he endured shows just how far the US government went to silence those who spoke out against the war. The fact that the federal and state government felt threatened enough by Camil’s leadership to try and kill him further illustrates the importance of the anti-war movement in Gainesville, Florida.

In his early years, Scott Camil was the farthest thing from a peace loving anti-war demonstrator. Growing up in Miami, Florida, he was raised in a staunchly conservative home.

His step father was a member of the ultra-conservative John Birch Society, a group known for their strong belief in limited government and anti-communism.60 Camil hated his step-father

60 Clive Webb, Rabble Rousers: the American far right in the civil rights era, (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010), 10. 24 growing up, and remembers receiving beatings as a child for questioning his parents’ logic. In school, Camil struggled with disciplinary problems, causing him to graduate an entire year later than he should have. The Marine Corps recruiters made a huge impression upon Camil. Not only did they emphasize the tough, macho aspects of being a marine, but they would also buy him and his friends beer. Shortly after coming into contact with the recruiters, Camil enlisted in the

Marines through the delayed enlistment program.61

Camil enlisted in the Marin Corps while in high school and left for boot camp shortly after graduation. He arrived in Vietnam in March of 1966 and served there served until

November of 1967.62 During his tenure overseas, Camil earned the reputation amongst his fellow soldiers of a murderer. Many American soldiers at the time were ruthless to those they captured, labeling all Vietnamese as members of the Vietcong no matter whose side they were on. Camil didn’t believe in torturing any of the prisoners, so he would kill them instead of subjecting them to the merciless beatings that other soldiers engaged in.63

“Like, I would kill a prisoner; I killed all my prisoners. But I never tortured a prisoner. I felt if I got captured, just kill me or leave me alone. That is how I did them. But guys would tie them up, they would fucking smash out all their teeth with rifle butts, they would kick them in the balls, they stomp on their balls, they would break their arms, they would break their legs, they would cut off their ears, they would cut off their heads. They would do all kinds of shit. I never did any of that, but I would kill anybody.”64

While fighting in Vietnam, Camil was injured twice. The first time he was hit by a bouncing

Betty, a mine that pops out of the ground and explodes. Because of what Camil refers to as the

“macho factor,” he remained in Vietnam until he was injured a second time in operation

Medina.65 Camil remembers losing many of the men in his company when they were ambushed

61 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 1-9. 62 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 320. 63 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 11- 18. 64 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 19. 65 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 21- 24. 25 by the North Vietnamese Army as they climbed a mountain single file.66 Following this second injury Camil tried to get a second extension of his tour, but instead left Vietnam for non- commissioned officers’ school back home.67 Ironically enough, it was this training that he received from the federal government in NCO school that enabled him to be such an effective organizer of protests later in his life.68

Camil arrived in Gainesville in December of 1970 to attend classes at the University of

Florida. At this point in time, Camil still was not against the war in Vietnam and had no intentions of protesting against it. But as he began to meet new people, experience different classes and experiment with recreational drugs, Camil’s opinion towards the military and the war started to change. Camil ultimately attributes three things to changing his mind about Vietnam:

Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States, Jane Fonda, and the Winter Soldier investigation in 1971.69 He read Zinn’s book as an assignment in college, and saw Jane Fonda speak when she came to UF to participate in a rally against the war.70 In January of 1971, Fonda spoke to a crowd of nearly 5000 students, condemning the war in Vietnam and low black enrollment numbers at UF. She also spoke out heavily against the university’s research programs that she claimed were aiding government weapons research. It is interesting to note that the three things that Fonda spoke against were also the three big issues that UF students rallied against for the next two years. After Fonda’s speech, Camil claimed that “she [was] the one person who changed my life… If there is anyone I would give credit [to] in the whole world for making me

66 For a more detailed account of the battle and Camil’s time overseas, see Doyle D. Glass, Lions of Medina: The Marines of Charlie Company and Their Brotherhood of Valor, (New York: Penguin Group, 2007), 139-158. 67 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 24- 26. 68 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 69 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 70 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 34- 37. 26 from a Neanderthal, go-along-with-the-government, right-wing fascist into a sensitive, thoughtful human being, it would be Jane Fonda.”71

Despite all that he had learned, Camil still was not ready to protest the war. Shortly after

Fonda spoke, she requested all veterans present to leave a phone number.72 After leaving his contact information, Camil was called and eventually flown to Detroit where the Vietnam

Veterans Against the War were holding a public hearing about the atrocities that soldiers such as

Camil committed in Vietnam.73 The Vietnam Veterans Against the War were arguably one of the most influential groups that protested the war. The VVAW was comprised solely of veterans from the war in Vietnam, which made it hard for proponents of the war to argue against their message. War supporters could not attack their credibility because the VVAW were the ones who fought the war. They could not label them as draft dodgers or call them unpatriotic for the same reason either.74 So when the VVAW spoke out against the war at their hearing, people took notice.

The event Camil and other veterans attended in Detroit became known as the “Winter

Soldier Investigation.” The three day hearing consisted of different veterans who served in

Vietnam detailing exactly what soldiers were ordered to do overseas.75 Camil remembers going to the event not because he wanted to speak out against the war, but rather looking for recognition for his service. After meeting several other soldiers and Vietnamese civilians, he started to really believe that the entire war and his part in it was morally wrong. “This stuff is all feeding into my brain, and all of a sudden all these things are starting to come together. Now, I

71 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 37. 72 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 73 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 40- 43. 74 Protest: the Story of the Gainesville 8, Directed by Alan Saperstein, Gainesville: WUFT, 1996 75Winter Soldier, DVD, Produced by Vietnam Veterans Against the War Winterfilm Collective, Millarium Zero, 1972. 27 am starting to think we were the bad guys,” Camil remembers.76 The information revealed was so damning that Senator George McGovern called for a congressional investigation into what the veterans testified.77

At the end of the investigation, many of the soldiers there decided to make the Vietnam

Veterans Against the war a national organization. Prior to the Winter Soldier Investigation, the

VVAW only existed in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New York. Camil returned to the

Veterans for Peace in Gainesville with the news that the VVAW wanted to branch out, but he was snubbed by their leadership. The Veterans for Peace did not like the idea of a newcomer suggesting ideas and taking charge of the leadership. Many of them also suspected Camil to be an undercover agent looking to spy on veterans.78 Camil was also rejected by many of the conservative groups that opposed the war, this time on the basis that he smoked marijuana and therefore could not be viewed as a credible leader.79 This struggle further exemplifies the factional infighting that plagued the anti-war movement. Despite the fact that many organizations opposed the war, they all opposed it for different reasons and thus working together on these issues was difficult at best. Even within the VVAW, members had a hard time agreeing on a course of action. During the drafting of the VVAW’s constitution, Camil remembers different members butting heads:

“We fight over every fucking word. It is a battle to cross every T and dot every I. The group is made up of all people who agree the war is wrong, but you have the right-wingers who feel that we are not fighting to win… You have the people who feel it is racist and for that reason, it is wrong. You have the people who feel that it is all the fault of capitalism. You have the people who feel that it is just not being a decent human being. So you get all these people who really are not together on much of anything except [that] we are all Vietnam veterans, and we all think we have been fucked by the government and the war is wrong.”80

76 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 40- 41. 77 Peter Michelson, “Bringing the War Home,” New Republic, February 27, 1971, Vol. 164, Issue 9, 21, accessed February 12, 2013, http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/10362536/bringing-war-home. 78 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 79 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 43. 80 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 44. 28

After the members of the VVAW drafted their constitution, each member was assigned a district for which they were to be responsible for coordinating events. Camil was the only member present from the South, so he was put in charge of Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina,

North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Florida.81 But, as stated earlier, Camil had a hard time drumming up support with other groups against the war on campus. Left with no other alternatives, Camil was forced to start from scratch. Playboy Magazine decided to give the

VVAW a free full page ad in one of its magazines stating that any veterans who were against the war and would like to do something about it should contact the VVAW. Shortly thereafter, the organization received the names of 20,000 veterans who wanted to get involved in the cause.

Camil received a print out of every one within his jurisdiction and mailed them a letter with the contact information of everyone within their area, instructing them to meet amongst themselves and offering travel to them to help them get their chapter started. Soon, the organization had a number of small chapters throughout the South, many of which hosted their own versions of the

Winter Soldier investigation.82

In 1971, Gainesville’s chapter of the VVAW grew to nearly 80 members, 3 of which were black and 11 of which were undercover agents.83 Later that same year, the VVAW marched in UF’s homecoming parade using guerilla theatre to get their point across to the nearly 80,000 attendees of the parade.84 A few veterans marched carrying a casket with an American flag draped over it and a sign that read: “The Impossible Dream: NO MORE WAR!”

81 At first, Camil was the only representative present from the entire Southeast, however, as more veterans came forward and the VVAW grew, Camil was reassigned to being the Regional Coordinator of Florida, Georgia, and Alabama. 82 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 45. 83 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 48. 84 The Florida Alligator, October 25, 1971, 3. 29

Picture depicts Scott Camil (right) with other members of the Gainesville chapter of the VVAW marching with a casket in the University of Florida’s homecoming parade.

This event highlighted Camil’s ability to bring together a number of fringe organizations that also sought an end to the war. Unbeknownst to attendees of the parade, the VVAW had members of the Quaker and Unitarian churches waiting silently in the crowds with fake blood packs under their shirts. Without warning the Vietnam veterans in the parade charged the crowd, armed with toy M-16 assault rifles and bayonets, pretending to attack the people hiding in the crowd with the blood packs. The whole act caused a panic to spread throughout the crowd. When people started to realize that the event was staged, members of the VVAW went through the crowd and passed out leaflets that read: “If you were a Vietnamese, this could happen to you or your family.”85

As Scott Camil continued to play an active role in the VVAW and demonstrations at the

University of Florida, the FBI kept close tabs on him and others associated with him. Camil remembers receiving phone calls from other members of the VVAW saying that they had to

85 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 322-323. 30 resign because the FBI went to their parents’ work place and caused trouble for them. Outraged by this, Camil visited with the FBI in an attempt to show them that they had no violent intentions. The meeting went over so well that the FBI’s file on Camil stated that he was “very cordial and friendly.” In a memo dated August 2, 1971 from the FBI’s Jacksonville office, they wrote about Camil saying that: “Subject continues to be very active in his capacity as

Southeastern Regional Director of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War and has maintained his non-violent approach in his anti-war activities. Subject has shown no propensity for violence.”86

Despite this peaceful review and for reasons unknown to Camil, someone from high up in the FBI issued an order to persecute and ultimately assassinate Camil. The memo, addressed to the director of the FBI’s Jacksonville headquarters on December 22, 1971 stated that:

“Information developed to date regarding subject indicates clearly subject is extremely dangerous and unstable individual whose activities must be neutralized at earliest possible time.”

In Camil’s brief memoir of his persecution from the government, published in the book It Did

Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, he says: “When you pin the government down, they’ll say “well, ‘neutralize’ just means to render useless.” But if you talk to the guys in the field, they say it means to kill.”87

This memo marks the point in Camil’s life that the government began to seriously persecute him for his work with the VVAW. Just weeks after the memo calling for Camil’s neutralization, he was arrested on trumped-up charges of kidnapping two 17 year-olds. The evidence that the FBI provided was a handwritten receipt for their ransom, allegedly written by

Camil himself. The night of the alleged kidnapping, Camil was a featured speaker at the

86 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 323-324. 87 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 325. 31

Concerned Democrats Convention, leaving him with a room full of politicians that could attest to his alibi.88 Though the kidnapping charges were eventually dropped, Camil continued to be a target for a number of government organizations for the next several months. He was arrested for possession of marijuana, but was acquitted shortly thereafter. The IRS then arrested him for not paying an $11 phone tax. His house was broken into, but only his personal files were stolen. His lawyer’s office was also broken into, with only Camil’s file found missing.89 Clearly the government was targeting Camil, but these attempts to disrupt his work did not stop him from continuing to play a major role in the turbulent events on campus at the University of Florida.

Though these petty harassments were meant to break him, Camil viewed the government’s consistent harassment as proof that his work was meaningful.90

The anti-war movement at the University of Florida was plagued by factional infighting, often between groups that opposed the war for different political reasons. However, part of the reason why Scott Camil’s work demonstrating against the Vietnam War was so successful was because he brought many diverse organizations together. This also undoubtedly brought Camil more attention from the authorities. In 1971, when black students protested their disproportionately small enrollment numbers by sitting in UF President Stephen C O’Connell’s office, Camil and the rest of the VVAW demonstrated with them. “…they would call up and say,

“We’re going to do this. Will you speak?” I would come and speak; I would bring my friends…

They came to our demonstrations; we went to their demonstrations… [We] marched in their marches. We talked when they needed speakers. They came and did the same for us,” Camil

88 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 89 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 325-326. 90 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 32 remembers.91 When students protested Nixon’s mining of Haiphong Harbor later in 1972, Camil and the VVAW were in the middle of the clash with police. When officers started beating student demonstrators, he and his men intervened. The VVAW, armed with slingshots, began to fight back. They monitored the police radio and deployed men wherever the officers were heading. “We stood up to them, and they did not like it,” Camil said. “We won. We absolutely won.”92

91 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 49. 92 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 51- 58. 33

IV. The May 1972 Crisis

Political Cartoon from The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972.

By far the most violent protest that Scott Camil and the VVAW played a large role in came in response to what they saw as an expansion of the war effort in Vietnam. On May 8,

1972, President Richard Nixon announced that the United States had begun mining Haiphong

Harbor, North Vietnam’s third largest city and arguably their most important harbor.93 The backlash from college students across the nation was immediate and unequivocal.94 The three

93 “Mining of North Vietnamese Harbors is Announced,” History.com, http://www.history.com/this-day-in- history/mining-of-north-vietnamese-harbors-is-announced 94 According to the Associated Press, the protests occurred across the entire nation. At Berkley, 500 students wreaked havoc upon their local park, while 600 at Columbia did the same on the streets of New York. In Ohio, 2000 students at Miami University blocked off Main Street, while at the same time 1500 students at the University of 34 day protest of Nixon’s actions in Vietnam marked the climax of violent student demonstrations at the University of Florida. The size and severity of the May 1972 Crisis illustrates how the

University of Florida was different from many other schools around the nation. Not only did protests of the Vietnam War continue following the Kent State Massacre in 1970, but protestors at the University of Florida acted alongside demonstrators across the nation, and did so in equivalent, if not greater, numbers. This demonstration further links the university to many others actively engaged in anti-war dissent, illustrating its importance in the overall narrative of the Vietnam War.

What started out as a small peace rally on the Plaza of the Americas at the University of

Florida turned into one of the nation’s largest college protests of the new North Vietnam campaign. Sponsored by the Vietnam Veterans Against the War and the Student Mobilization

Committee, the protest drew approximately 150 students, who gathered in front of their school’s main library to share their feelings about Nixon’s recently unveiled plan. Camil’s organization of this protest exemplifies the cohesiveness of the many interest groups within the University of

Florida that opposed the war. In a 1992 interview concerning the events, Camil details his efforts to include as many groups as possible in the rally:

We call a demonstration. I get on the phone, [and] I call up SMC- Student Mobilization Committee- [and tell them,] “We are going to have a demonstration.” [I] Call up YSA. [I] call up the Gay Liberation. [I] Call up each group. [I] call the Black Student Union. I say, “This is what we are going to do; can you provide one speaker?” Also, we were real handy with the press. We would call up the Alligator, the Gainesville Sun, [and] all the radio stations. Right away, I would make a press release, Nancy or Carol would type it out, somebody would go deliver it in all their boxes, and boom! It was on all the news. It was the fucking news. So as soon as it was on the news, people came.95

California in Santa Barbara obstructed U.S. 101. When asked whether or not he modeled his demonstrations after those occurring around the nation on the same day, Scott Camil says that it was a “spontaneous local effort,” and not influenced by other demonstrations. The Associated Press, “Scattered Campus Protests Follow Nixon’s Vietnam Action,” The Gainesville Sun, May 9, 1972, 2. 95 Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 51-54. 35

Camil’s ability to pool the support of a diverse group of organizations is part of the reason why the 1972 protest was so effective and massive in participant size. He understood that the war in

Vietnam was a numbers game, with victories often determined by the body count. Similarly,

Camil knew that the anti-war movement was also a numbers game, requiring protestors to demonstrate in large numbers in order to effectively get their message across. Though diversity was often a weakness of the anti-war movement as a whole, Camil masterfully brought together a number of UF’s organizations that opposed the war, not only creating an effective protest of

President Nixon’s actions, but also strengthening the movement as a whole.

Shortly after the speakers whom Camil had asked to speak finished their remarks on the plaza, many students moved to the lawn in front of Tigert Hall, where the school’s administration was located. O’Connell’s records indicate that the UF President met with 4 students in his office, where they demanded that he come out publicly condemning Nixon’s actions and immediately halt all military research at the university. O’Connell denied both requests. Fifteen minutes later, the meeting was over.96 Following the meeting, Camil organized the VVAW to block all traffic on 13th Street directly in front of Tigert Hall. The idea was to inconvenience the people of Gainesville for a few minutes so that they would think about the greater inconvenience the war was causing people overseas.97 13th Street happens to be one of

Gainesville’s busiest roads, so it did not take long for the whole city to become aware of the students’ presence.

Gainesville police quickly arrived to direct traffic around the protest. Camil remembers having a very positive relationship with Gainesville Mayor Richard Jones and even received his approval for the protest. But the demonstration quickly grew as the afternoon carried on, and city

96 “Summary of Disturbance on May 9-10, 1972,” Document, from Special Collections at Smathers Library, UF Presidents Collection, Series P12 Box 69, 1. 97 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 52 36 leaders (it is unclear exactly who issued the order) decided to break the assembly up.98 First

Student Government President Sam Taylor pleaded with students to leave the streets. Then

Camil and Father Gannon99 attempted to get the students to disperse. Their statements made little impact, so, Police Chief Nolan Freeman announced that the students had until 3 pm to vacate the streets. As the police waited to take action, more and more students joined the rally. Soon there numbers reached over 1000. 100 Camil remembers the numbers exceeding 3000.101 By 3:30, firemen were ordered to spray the crowd with their hoses, but this had little effect on the protestors. Camil remembers: “The first thing they did was come out with fire hoses and spray people down. That turned it into a carnival atmosphere. That turned it into a fucking party.

People were not there because of politics or the war anymore; they were there partying.”102

When the hoses failed to disperse the students, Chief Freeman ordered his men to fire tear gas into the crown. Within a matter of minutes, the location cleared.103

At 8pm Chief Freeman decided that it was time to clear the streets again. Claiming concern for the safety of the protestors at night, Freeman declared the protest an unlawful assembly and demanded that everyone leave the entire area, not just the street. Protestors were given until 9pm to leave. As the students defiantly held their ground, officers equipped with riot gear clutched their billy clubs in front of the protestors. The Florida Alligator reported that 150 police were present, while The Gainesville Sun, reported 60 or so. At 9:05pm the police moved

98 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 52- 54 99 Father Gannon was the priest of the local Catholic Church. In addition to his religious duties, he spent time as a historian teaching at the University of Florida. Gannon was a leader in the anti-war movement. Himself a war correspondent, he saw firsthand what the VVAW claimed was happening in Vietnam. Gannon often put himself in between the police and the protestors acting as the unofficial negotiator between the two. Michael Gannon, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, October 16, 2012 100 Stacy Bridges and Dave Reddick, “200 Arrested here in Anti-war Protest,” The Gainesville Sun, May 10, 1972, 1. 101 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 102 Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 54 103 “Summary of Disturbance on May 9-10, 1972,” Document, from Special Collections at Smathers Library, UF Presidents Collection, Series P12 Box 69, 2. 37 in and violently cleared the street, arresting as many as they could. Protestors moved north to the

University and 13th intersection, before the police pushed them west on University Ave. After moving about 3 blocks, protestors built a makeshift barricade in front of the local Krystal Burger.

Seeing protestors run inside the establishment to take cover from the police, one officer attempted to lob a tear gas canister into the building to get them out. Fortunately for the students,

Father Michael Gannon intervened. He refused to allow the officer to throw the canister, claiming that a large number of innocent students and protestors alike would be severely hurt.

But when Gannon decided to hold the officer’s arm back, he was knocked unconscious by the club of another officer.104

For the remainder of the night, the battle raged on. Police and State Troopers again fired tear gas canisters into the crowd. When these were kicked back, Police fired a stronger chemical, pepper fog, into the mass of protestors. After witnessing officers attacking civilians and students,

Camil’s men used slingshots to hurl objects at the authorities, thereby distracting them from their objective.105 At last, the streets appeared empty by midnight. Over 200 students were arrested, most for unlawful assembly or resisting arrest. Bond was set at $502 for those charged with unlawful assembly. Many students did not have the money so they remained in jail throughout the night.106

The next day was just as violent. In the morning fire broke out in one of UF’s classroom buildings, causing over $7500 in damage. Camil partnered up with Father Gannon and held a peaceful march across the campus. Unfortunately only 200 students attended it, and by 3pm the same spot on 13th Street in front of Tigert Hall was occupied by protestors.107 In an attempt to

104 Michael Gannon, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, October 16, 2012 105 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 106 Jim Spinks, “Tuesday Night’s Protest Nets 219 Arrests, 18 Injured,” The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972, 10. 107 Alligator Staff, “UF Hit by 2nd Night of Unrest,” The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972, 1. 38 avoid another night of violence, police allowed students to hold their position and spent the entire day diverting traffic around the protest. 108 But their patience quickly wore thin. At nightfall, the police struck back with full force. The Marion County Sheriff’s Office brought in their riot wagon to smash through the barricade. The wagon shot tear gas from a mounted turret on its roof. Unlike the previous night, protestors scattered as soon as the police moved in.

Angered by how many protestors escaped them the night before, Gainesville Police Department brought in a helicopter with search lights to illuminate those attempting to flee.109 Police chased protestors through neighborhoods and across campus, arresting over 160.110

Fortunately for the city, the third night of protests brought no violence. A crowd of over

450 sat on the sidewalk in front of Tigert Hall, banging cans on the ground and shouting at cars as they drove by. In complete contrast to the previous two nights, the third protest carried with it a festive air. Protestors joked with the police officers who were present. People passed guitars around singing protest songs. Supporters of the movement brought their friends beer and donuts from the local Krispie Kreme donut shop. Violence had finally come to an end in Gainesville, but not without hundreds of reports of police brutality and press censorship.111

Present for the first night, journalist for the Gainesville Sun Dave Reddick observed firsthand the severity of the demonstration. The reporter claimed that he was hit by an officer while he observed another officer drag a protestor by his hair onto the bus the police used to detain arrested citizens. As he laid on the ground struggling to get up, Reddick tried to explain that he was a journalist with a press pass. In response, the officer kneed him in the back and

108 “Summary of Disturbance on May 9-10, 1972,” Document, from Special Collections at Smathers Library, UF Presidents Collection, Series P12 Box 69, 3-5. 109 Skip Perez, Dave Reddick, and Stacey Bridges, “170 More Arrested UF, Riot Wagon Moves Crowd,” The Gainesville Sun, May 11, 1972, 1-4. 110 Jeffrey White, “Place Apartments Stormed, Gassed,” The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972, 2. 111 Wendy Snyder, “Peace Breaks Out Thursday Night,” The Florida Alligator, May 12, 1972, 2. 39 yelled at him to move. The officer then lined him up with a group of other arrested protestors as another cop walked by and smacked him in the groin with his billy club. When he fell down in pain, his arresting officer kicked him in the calf and carried him onto the bus.112

Inside the bus Reddick observed a police officer drag a pregnant woman by her hair and throw her onto the bus with him. She then told him that she fainted after being struck by an officer when she yelled to a young protestor to run from the police. When she awoke, she saw the same officer strike a student and yelled at him to stop, in which he replied “the first time wasn’t enough?” while another officer grabbed her by the neck, and threw her down. The first one then proceeds to kick her in the mouth.113 A picture appeared in The Gainesville Sun showing a pregnant women being carried off by police. Police Chief Freeman argued in the next day’s paper that he received reports of Reddick violently participating in the protest and resisting arrest. When asked where he got this information, the police chief claimed that he “didn’t remember.”114

Many other newsman observed violent arrests and were ordered by the police to leave the area, despite having press passes. All together, 5 journalists were arrested.115 One student was arrested as he left the library after a night of studying, another as he returned to his dorm.116

Multiple journalists, students, and others including Camil and Father Gannon reported seeing men who claimed to be undercover police beat protestors and then leave them in the streets without even arresting them.117 One student wrote in to the Florida Alligator after police shot tear gas into his apartment. Apparently the police saw the lights on in his apartment late at night

112 Dave Reddick, “Don’t Resist,” The Gainesville Sun, May 10, 1972, 1. 113 Dave Reddick, “Don’t Resist,” The Gainesville Sun, May 10, 1972, 1. 114 Doris Grimmage, “Police Chief Criticizes Reporter Arrest Story,” The Gainesville Sun, May 12, 1972, 10A 115 Skip Perez, “Newsmen tell of being arrested,” The Gainesville Sun, May 10, 1972 116 “Murphree H” The Florida Alligator, May 12, 1972, 9. 117 Jeffrey White, “Students Report Beating by Non-uniformed Persons,” The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972, 6. 40 and thought he had protestors hiding inside. He was throwing a birthday party.118 Another student in the same apartment complex was arrested outside his building when he stepped outside for a smoke break after a long night of studying with his roommates. Book and pencil in hand, police apprehended him and charged him with unlawful assembly.119

After witnessing the police commit these atrocities, Camil ordered his men to act. The

VVAW was monitoring the police radio and deployed men wherever the officers were. The

VVAW was made up of veterans, and they regarded the police as amateurs. Camil remembers:

They were just stupid. When they escalated, the crowd went from like 250 or 300 to 5,000. Then they had a fucking mob… We are highly organized. First of all, we have learned a lot of guerrilla skills and a lot of combat skills. We certainly have learned how to hit and run. I mean, that is what was done to us… We hit them hard and they were totally blown away by it. They were not used to anything like that. They were totally freaked out. People will say that is violence. Sure, [but] they used the violence first.120

Camil remembers the police would put tape over their badges, nameplates, and even the license plates on their cars. He even recalls officers molesting women. Camil and his men attempted to divert police attention from the protestors onto themselves throughout the demonstrations. They used slingshots against the police, firing marbles, ball bearings and even balloons of ammonia.

The May 1972 Crisis is would prove to be the largest demonstration against the

Vietnam War after 1970 at the University of Florida. The city of Gainesville concluded that over

$40,000 in damage was done because of the protests.121 Though there were few large-scale protests to follow, government persecution of those involved in demonstrations was far from over. The violence events in May of 1972 provided FBI counter intelligence agents and undercover agents alike with more reason to investigate Scott Camil and the VVAW. The

118 Jim Spinks, “Tuesday Night’s Protest Nets 219 Arrests, 18 Injured,” The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972, 10. 119 Brad Steen, “More Brutality,” The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972, 9. 120 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 53- 56. 121 “Report on Expenses by the City During the Disturbances at the University of Florida,” Document, from Special Collections at Smathers Library, UF Presidents Collection, Series P12 Box 69, 2. 41 following section further explores the federal government’s pursuit of Camil and other leaders within the movement.

42

Pictures from May 1972 Crisis:

Tear gas canisters are thrown back and forth between police and protestors. The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972.

Students are sprayed with a fire hose by police outside Tigert hall. The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972 43

Student Government President Sam Taylor (second from the left) pleads with students via megaphone to clear the streets. The Florida Alligator May 11, 1972.

The Gainesville Sun, May 11, 1972. 44

Father Michael Gannon (right) stands in between the police and protestors. The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972.

Father Gannon aids a fallen photographer. The Gainesville Sun, May 11, 1972. 45

View from inside Tigert hall of students begining to assemble in the street in front of the UF administration building. The Florida Alligator, May 11, 1972.

Left: Police drag away a protestor on the second night of the demonstration. The Florida Alligator, May 12, 1972. Right: Police carry a battered protestor onto their bus. The Gainesville Sun, May 12, 1972. 46

Students rally on the Plaza of the Americas in the afternoon of day 2 of the demonstration. The Florida Alligator, May 12, 1972.

Protestors taunt police on day 2 of the demonstration. The Florida Alligator, May 12, 1972.

47

V. The Gainesville 8 and Camil’s Assassination Attempt

Though Camil and the protestors felt that they had won the battle protesting Nixon’s mining of Haiphong Harbor in May of 1972, the US Government was about to win the proverbial war. On July 13, 1972, just days before the VVAW planned to hold a demonstration outside of the Republican National Convention in Miami, a federal judge indicted 6 members of the VVAW on charges of conspiring to overthrow the government. On July 14 they were jailed in Tallahassee, far from their co-conspirators in Miami.122 Later that year on October 18, one additional member and one non member were added to the 6 charged with conspiring to overthrow the government.123 Out of a federal indictment, the Gainesville 8 was born.

As regional coordinator of the VVAW, Camil was the only one of the 8 defendants charged with breaking 3 different laws: conspiring to disrupt the 1972 Republican National

Convention, possession of automatic weapons and explosives, and instructing others in how to use explosives.124 Before Camil was originally arrested, he was tipped off that the police were going to raid his friend’s home where he was staying and shoot him. When the police arrived at

Camil’s friend’s house, they did not come to make a quiet arrest. 40 officers surrounded the home, broke in through the windows, threw tear gas canisters into the home, and charged in with automatic rifles.125 Meanwhile, Camil spent the night elsewhere and avoided the scene. He turned himself in the next day with his lawyer, as well as members of the press present to ensure his safety.126

122 Elli Moss, “Gainesville 8 trial begins; not guilty plea will be entered,” The Florida Alligator, November 6, 1972, 5. 123 Carol Comer, “Gainesville 6: two counts, two defendants added: arraignment set day before national vote,” The Florida Alligator, October 20, 1972, 1. 124 Elli Moss, “Gainesville 8 trial begins; not guilty plea will be entered,” The Florida Alligator, November 6, 1972, 5. 125 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 126 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 326. 48

The government alleged that Camil and others were plotting to violently disrupt the

Republican National Convention that year in Miami, Florida. At the time, Camil was unaware that the local, state, and federal governments were paying members of the VVAW to serve as undercover informants.127 In a shameful effort to further discredit Camil and the other veterans protesting the war, the FBI enlisted agent provocateurs into Camil’s organization in order to encourage the VVAW to act violently.128 Just as the agent provocateurs were paid to disrupt the organization, informants were indirectly paid to do the same. Informants were paid a monthly stipend to report on the VVAW’s current goals and objectives.129 However, if they reported that the organization had no dangerous plans, then the government would have no reason to continue to pay them. This payment plan therefore created an incentive for informants to lie and report back to the police any information that would keep them employed.

Camil and the rest of the VVAW had absolutely no intention of creating any violence at the 1972 Republican National Convention. They were, however, planning a large protest outside of the convention. Camil stated that a member of the VVAW reported at a national meeting that he had uncovered plans that the government was going to shoot someone at the protest and blame it on the VVAW in an attempt to paint the veterans as violent and deranged. When the

VVAW leadership learned of this plan, Camil drafted a detailed contingency plan to handle such an act of aggression from the authorities. These plans were passed onto the federal government by Camil’s second in command, who, unbeknownst to Camil, was an undercover agent. The

127 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 73- 74. 128 Protest: the Story of the Gainesville 8, Directed by Alan Saperstein, Gainesville: WUFT, 1996 129 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 326. 49 contingency plans provided the government with a reason to hold the originally indicted 6 in jail while the convention took place.130

The grueling trial took an entire month, with the prosecution calling 28 different witnesses to testify against the Gainesville 8. Throughout the trial, the government tried a number of shady tactics in an effort to make the defendants appear as violent and crazed reactionaries. Before the trial, government narcotics agents arrested a member of the VVAW for the sale of LSD. The veteran suffered horrendous injuries in the war, leading him to become addicted to morphine. In order to get the veteran to testify against his fellow soldiers, the government placed him under house arrest, and supplied him with morphine. Camil and his men learned of his location and removed him from the safe house.131 Luckily for the defendants, his testimony was ruled invalid because he was under the influence of drugs.132 During a short recess, the defendants met privately with their lawyers. When they were taken into a room, they discovered two federal agents hiding in the closet nearby with listening equipment. Despite this outrageous violation of attorney-client privilege, the defendants were later reprimanded by the judge for making petty complaints when they revealed what had happened. The jury was also sequestered during the duration of the trial. The court went to extreme lengths to keep any information about politics from the jury, as the Watergate scandal broke over the course of the trial. They even went as far as removing the “Doonesbury” comics from the newspaper because of its occasional political humor.133 One jury member even alleges that her husband was followed when he ran errands in her absence.

130 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 71- 77; Shultz and Shultz, It Did Happen Here, 326; Protest: the Story of the Gainesville 8, Directed by Alan Saperstein, Gainesville: WUFT, 1996 131 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 132 Protest: the Story of the Gainesville 8, Directed by Alan Saperstein, Gainesville: WUFT, 1996 133 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 88- 90. 50

For all of their effort, the government was unable to convict Camil and the seven other defendants. After a month long trial, the jury reached a decision in a matter of only a few hours.134 The Gainesville 8 were eventually acquitted of all charges on August 31, 1973, after waiting over a year for the trial and enduring a month of testimonies from the prosecution’s witnesses.135 Camil and his co-defendants received a wealth of support not only from young lawyers within their community, but also a number of attorneys from different organizations around the country, who believed in their movement.136 Camil also went on a speaking tour around the country with Jane Fonda, raising over $280,000 for their defense.137 But unfortunately for Scott Camil, his persecution from the government intensified over the following years.

In 1975, a woman by the name of Barbara Ives showed up at Camil’s doorstep looking for a friend of his. Soon, the two developed a romantic relationship, sharing not only their beds but marijuana and cocaine as well. During one visit, Barbara Ives introduced Camil to two of her friends. Eventually the two came to visit Camil without Barbara, claiming that she was on her way into town and they needed to go and pick up more drugs for her stay. Camil rode in the front passenger seat of the car while one of the two men drove, and the other sat behind Camil. After they successfully acquired the drugs, the man in the back seat grabbed Camil by the neck and put a gun to his head. Camil tried to fight back. The driver slammed on the breaks and the man in the back shot Camil. The force of the bullet knocked him out of the car as he tried to escape. Luckily for Camil, a number of witnesses observed the scene and called the police, whose station was a

134 Protest: the Story of the Gainesville 8, Directed by Alan Saperstein, Gainesville: WUFT, 1996. 135 Barry Friendman, “G’ville 8 trial called ‘unjustified,’” The Independent Florida Alligator, September 24, 1973, 11. 136 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 79- 80. 137 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 327. 51 mere block away. When the Gainesville police arrived, the two men flashed government badges.

They were Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents.138

Camil was rushed to the hospital where he was treated terribly. The doctor on call refused to perform the surgery, so he merely made the incision in Camil while the nurse removed the bullet. Shortly after Camil left the hospital, he had to return to the VA hospital because his surgery was not completed correctly. Even worse, the government charged him with assaulting federal agents who shot him. Once more, Camil needed to defend himself in court. Ironically enough, this time it was the FBI that came to Camil’s rescue. Their data analysis of the crime scene proved that there was no way Camil could have attempted to grab the DEA agent’s weapon and attempt to shoot them, as the agents claimed to be the case. Camil later learned that the two DEA agents that shot him did so with an unregistered gun that could not have been traced back to them. They also attacked Camil without any sort of arrest warrant, even after the local Gainesville DEA agent advised them that Camil was not involved in the sale of drugs. The jury in the assault trial even recommended that the agents be indicted for attempted murder, but they never were.139

Barbara Ives confided in her best girlfriend at the time that she was working on a case with the government to kill Scott Camil. Her girlfriend’s husband testified under oath in court to this, and was later divorced by his wife for doing so.140 When Camil was shot, federal agents raided his home and removed all of his drug paraphernalia as well as a book he was writing with

138 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 96- 100; Schultz and Schultz, It Did Happen Here, 330-331. 139 Bud Schultz and Ruth Schultz, It Did Happen Here: Recollections of Political Repression in America, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 332. 140 Scott Camil, Interview by Michael Thomas, Gainesville, April 2, 2013 52 all of the documentation for it. After a judge ordered Camil’s items be returned to him, the federal agency claimed that they were “unable to locate” his possessions.141

Camil’s role in the protests and demonstrations at the University of Florida cannot be ignored. Camil’s leadership set in motion many of the events that took place in the early 1970s at the University of Florida. Prior to his leadership, the movement on campus was small and disorganized, with a number of interest groups vying for power. Camil makes this story important because his leadership is largely what made people notice what was going on at the

University of Florida. Without Camil, it is uncertain whether or not the protest in May of 1972 would have reached the size that it did. The Gainesville 8 trials almost certainly would not have occurred, and there would obviously be no assassination attempt. These are all important events because they showed the government's interest in UF's movement. The lengths with which the government went to silence the VVAW and Camil himself show just how much the government feared their influence. The Gainesville 8 trials put Gainesville in a class with other famous protestors that were put on trial, like the Chicago 7 and Seattle 7. Though UF distinguishes itself from other schools by protesting into the 1970s, Camil’s presence partially explains why the protest culture at the University of Florida lasted well into the decade.

141 Scott Camil, interview by Stuart Landers, Smathers Libraries at the University of Florida, October 20, 1992, 101- 104.

53

VI. Conclusion

To this day, the University of Florida has not witnessed any protests that come close to the size of the demonstrations against the Vietnam War in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Part of this might be attributed to the fact that UF revised their protest policies in the decades following the May 1972 Crisis, easing restrictions on free speech and providing more opportunities for students to peacefully speak their mind. Today the University has two designated free-speech zones on campus: the Turlington classrooms courtyard and the Plaza of the Americas, the same place that many of the turbulent protests started out in the 1970s. Additionally, the Dean of

Student’s Office established a program that they call the “Protest Team.” Depending on the size of the protest, a certain number of administrators are assigned to the specific demonstration to keep close watch on the event and assure that the appropriate departments on campus are alerted for public safety. Additionally, the Protest Team works with students to ensure that their message is heard by the appropriate administrators. Often times, if a group is demonstrating against a certain policy, the Protest Team will arrange a meeting between the appropriate administrator in charge of the policy and the protestors, all in an effort to better promote the students’ ideas and opinions. In an interview UF’s current Dean of Students, Dr. Jen Day Shaw explained that as long as protestors are not inhibiting education, generally the university will allow protests to go on unless there is a threat of violence. In that case, the handling of the protest is handed off to the

University Police Department.142

The political demonstrations upon the campus of the University of Florida from 1969-

1972 illustrate that the movement in Gainesville was different from the anti-war movement across America. The city owes much of its story to the Vietnam Veterans Against the War and their regional coordinator, Scott Camil. The VVAW was the best organized activist group on

142 Dr. Jen Day Shaw, Interview by author, notes, Gainesville, FL, November 7, 2011. 54 campus at the University of Florida. Prior to their influence, Gainesville saw little activism involving large numbers of students. Additionally, Camil was able to transform the anti-war movement’s greatest weakness into its greatest strength. Everywhere across the nation, the diverse interests of different anti-war organizations ultimately prompted the movement to implode. However, at the University of Florida, Camil maintained friendly relationships with almost everyone he came in contact to, allowing him to pool each groups’ resources and focus them towards a common goal.

So why is such an important story virtually missing from the overall narrative of the anti- war movement? The University of Florida’s demonstrations took place at a time when, generally speaking, the rest of the country’s protest fervor was melting away. Most historians are correct in ending their studies of the anti-war movement in America after Kent State in 1970. For the most part, protesting did begin to fizzle out across the nation shortly after 1970. In 1969, the SSOC, which was the largest and most successful anti-war activist organization in the South dissolved from internal tensions. Around the same time, SDS fragmented and split into a non-violent and violent faction. The election of Richard Nixon in 1968, who pledged “peace with honor” in

Vietnam and a crackdown on crime, showed America’s frustration with the previous decade of demonstrations. America looked, at the end of the 1960s, to be getting over the innocence and social experiments of the decade. However, because the University of Florida never had a solid outlet for their anti-war sentiments, when protests began springing up all around campus, student activism exploded. Scott Camil’s involvement with this cannot be ignored. Though plenty of small activist organizations existed on campus, no demonstration (aside from the reaction to

Kent State) reached the size and success that Camil and VVAW’s did. 55

Traffic still moves slowly in Gainesville, but today it has nothing to do with student demonstrations in the streets. In fact, nothing outside of the archives exists on campus that would lead anyone to believe that the University witnessed such violence and rebellion 40 years ago.

Camil still resides in Gainesville, and is still an active member in the community when it comes to salient political issues. Dr. Gannon has long since retired to North Gainesville. President

O’Connell passed away in April of 2001, and since the University erected a massive sports facility in his name. Many of Camil’s lawyers in the Gainesville 8 trial are still practicing defense attorneys in Gainesville. The anti-war movement in Gainesville did however impact a number of people’s lives. Scholars have debated since the war’s end the effectiveness of the

Vietnam War protests on actually ending the war. Though it is impossible to know for certain just how influential they were, the demonstrations in the state of Florida and at the state’s flagship institution are an integral part of the history of the anti-war movement, and deserve further investigation in order to truly understand the movement.

56

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