DOCSLIB.ORG

The Sixteen Lands of Videvdat 1 Airyān¢M Vaźjah and the Homeland of the Iranians

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Sixteen Lands of Videvdat 1 Airyān¢M Vaźjah and the Homeland of the Iranians PERSICA XVI, 2000 49 THE SIXTEEN LANDS OF VIDEVDAT 1 AIRYÂN¢M VAÊJAH AND THE HOMELAND OF THE IRANIANS Willem Vogelsang Research School CNWS Universiteit Leiden 1. Introduction The Vidêvdât (Av. vi.daêva.dâta, ‘Law against the Daevas’),1 formerly commonly known as the Vendidâd, forms part of the so-called Younger Avesta.2 It deals mainly with purification and atonement. The language of the text is marked by various ‘mistakes’ in inflexion, in contrast to other, apparently much older parts of the Avesta, as for instance the ‘Old Avestan’ Gâthâs. A relatively late date for its final composition has therefore commonly been accepted; a date as late as the post-Achaemenid period was suggested by I. Gershevitch.3 The first chapter (fargerd) of the Vidêvdât contains a list of sixteen lands which, according to the text, were created by Ahura Mazdâ. The list starts with the land of Airyân¢m Vaêjah, ‘the expanse of the Aryans’,4 and ends with a reference to the land along the Ra∞hâ, a mythical river the name of which is also found in ancient Indian sources (compare Skt. Rasâ). At the end of the list the text informs us that there were many other beautiful countries. In keeping with Zoroastrian mythology, all of the sixteen lands created by Ahura Mazdâ were plagued, according to the text, by a particular counter-creation of A∞gra Mainyu, the evil entity in Zoroastrianism and Ahura Mazdâ’s opponent. These curses are mentioned in the text, but since some of the relevant words occur only once in the Avesta and their etymology still poses many problems, their meaning often remains unclear.5 1 For the name itself, see Benveniste 1970. 2 For a short introduction to Avestan literature, see Gershevitch 1968: 10-28, with pp. 26-29 particu- larly concerned with the Vidêvdât. 3 Gershevitch 1968. Henning (1942) has suggested that one of the measuring systems that are referred to in the Vidêvdât, is of Graeco-Roman origin. 4 For another etymology and meaning of the word (‘Stromschnelle’), see Oettinger, unpublished ms., p. 372. 5 For a discussion of these words, see Christensen 1943: 61ff. 50 WILLEM VOGELSANG The contents and arrangement of Vidêvdât 1 have long been a topic of discussion.6 The sequence of the names was interpreted by H.S. Nyberg7 and D. Monchi-Zadeh8 as being arranged in the form of a boustrophedon, whereby the majority of the lands are located in Eastern Irân, while some should be situated in Western Irân. H. Humbach9 interpreted the list as a series of semi-circulars, reaching from Eastern to Western Irân, with the centre in the mountains between Parthia and Areia, called the Masdoranon Oros by Ptolemy (VI 5.1). According to Humbach, the name of this mountain range reflects the name of Ahura Mazdâ. Another interpretation of the Vidêvdât list was brought forward by Gh. Gnoli.10 He holds the opinion that all the lands belong to the Eastern Iranian world, and that the first name of the list, Airyân¢m Vaêjah, should be regarded as the cen- tre of Zoroastrian worship, and be located in or near Seistân (along the Afghânistân-Irân border). While many of the names in the list can be compared with names that occur in other sources (e.g. the Achaemenid inscriptions and classical sources), others remain to be con- vincingly identified. An additional problem is the question whether all of the lands that are mentioned in the list refer to an actual geographical location, or whether in at least some cases we are dealing with mythical names that bear no direct relationship to a spe- cific area. Such a point has often been brought forward as regards the first and the last names in the list: Airyân¢m Vaêjah (No. 1) and Upa-Aodaêshu-Ra∞hayâ (No. 16). Another, but related problem is the question whether the list was originally composed as it is now, or whether it incorporates one or more smaller sections that were combined or added upon, for instance with the first name of the present list. That the full text of Vidêvdât 1 was re-edited subsequent to its first composition seems indicated by the apparent interpolations in the passages dealing with Airyân¢m Vaêjah (Vid. 1,3) and Var¢na (Vid. 1,14). Whether the sequence of geographical names contained in the text was also seriously altered remains a moot point. Leaving aside the problem of the history of the text prior to its final composition, I start this paper from the assumption that at the time it was composed as it stands today, it was regarded as a coherent, and realistic survey of some of the lands of Ahura Mazdâ worship.11 In other words, the present list must, at some time, have made sense to its ‘consumers’, the people using the list. This means that all the lands included in the list had, at least to the composer and his audience, a specific geographical location, however vaguely defined. The possibility that some of the lands also had a mythical significance still remains.12 6 A. Christensen (1943); Gh. Gnoli (1967; 1975; 1977; 1980); E. Herzfeld (1947: 738-770); H. Humbach (1960); M. Molé (1951); D. Monchi-Zadeh (1975: 115ff.), and H.S. Nyberg (1938: 314ff.). For further references, see Gnoli, ‘Avestan Geography’, in the Encyclopaedia Iranica. 7 H.S. Nyberg 1938. 8 D. Monchi-Zadeh 1975. 9 H. Humbach 1960: 36ff. 10 Gh. Gnoli 1980. 11 In doing so I follow Gnoli’s argument (1980) against a predominant mythological explanation of Avestan geography; this does not mean however that I concur with his identifications. 12 As in the case of Atlantis, most Europeans are still likely to locate that mythic land somewhere in the Atlantic Ocean, far in the west, although no one would actually set out to go there. THE SIXTEEN LANDS OF VIDÊVDÂT 1 51 It is the purpose of the present article to shed some light on the location, or (at the time of final composition) imagined location of some of the names in the list, including Airyân¢m Vaêjah (No. 1) and Xn¢nta (No. 9), and subsequently to try to place the list in an historical context and elaborate upon the significance of the list in a wider perspective. 2. The list Below follows the list of names in the sequence in which the various districts are named (Vid. I,2-19): 1. Airyân¢m Vaêjah 9. Xn¢nta, land of the Vehrkânas 2. Sugdian Gava 10. Haraxvaitî 3. Mouru 11. Haêtumant 4. Bâxdî 12. Ragâ 5. Nisâya 13. Caxra 6. Harôiva 14. Var¢na 7. Vaêk¢r¢ta 15. Hapta.h¢ndu 8. Urvâ 16. Upa-Aodaêshu-Ra∞hayâ A number of the above mentioned lands can relatively easily be identified. Gava (No. 2) is referred to in the text as the land of the Sugdas. This means that it can be located in or near ancient and medieval Sogdia.13 The heartland of Sogdia has traditionally been the district around modern Samarkand, the Marakanda of the classical authors.14 This was almost certainly the case during the Achaemenid period, for it was at Marakanda (mod- ern Samarkand) that Alexander found the Sogdian basileia (Arrian, Anab. Alex. III.30.6).15 Yet, the particular name of Gava may be compared to that of Gabae.16 This place is mentioned by Arrian (Anab. Alex. IV 17.4) in his biography of Alexander the Great as the rallying point of Spitamenes and his troops for invading Sogdia in 328 B.C. The “Sogdian stronghold” of Gava was located close to the land of the Massagetae. Con- sequently its most likely location was somewhere in the west of ancient Sogdia, close to the Kara Kum desert where the Massagetae used to live.17 If Gava and Gabae refer to an identical place, then the present text appears to refer to a situation whereby the centre of Sogdia was regarded to lie, not at Samarkand, but further to the west, perhaps at or near Bukhârâ. The hypothesis that Gava/Gabae and Sogdia may originally have been different districts seems supported by a passage in the Avestan Mihr Yasht (X 14), which gives the sequence “Gava, Sogdia and Choresmia”.18 The name of Mouru (No. 3) is comparable to that of ancient Margiana, the land in the delta of the modern Murghâb river. Its early rise as an agricultural centre and a cross- roads of caravan tracks is amply demonstrated in written records and archaeological remains.19 13 See Bailey 1932. For further remarks, see Gnoli 1980: 121ff. 14 Compare Vogelsang 1992: 72-74 for a brief historical geography of Sogdia. 15 Curtius (VII 6.10) tells that the Sogdian capital was surrounded by a wall of seventy stadia (some 13 kilometres) length; the ruins of modern Afrâsiyâb, the ancient site of Marakanda, cover an area of c. 220 ha (cf. Pugachenkova and Rtveladze, Enc. Ir., s.v. ‘Afrâsiâb’). 16 Compare Humbach 1961: 69. Curtius (VIII 4,1) however, reads Gazaba. See also Humbach 1961: 69. 17 Von Schwarz 1906; Vogelsang 1992: 232. 18 This translation differs from that given by Gershevitch (1959: 80-81). 19 Sarianidi 1998; Vogelsang 1992: 56-58. 52 WILLEM VOGELSANG The name of Baxdi (No. 4) (in the text described as ¢r¢dwô.drafsha, ‘[with] uplifted banner’20) may be identified with the district of ancient Bactra, around modern Balkh in North Afghânistân. The name of Bactra/Bâxdî originally referred to the river (modern Balkhâb) that flows down the Hindu Kush mountains northwards towards the Amu Daryâ.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 2 Religions and Religious Movements
    ISBN 978-92-3-103654-5 Introduction 2 RELIGIONS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS H.-J. Klimkeit, R. Meserve, E. E. Karimov and C. Shackle Contents Introduction ....................................... 62 RELIGIONS IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN ENVIRONMENT ............. 67 Turkic and Mongol beliefs, the Tibetan Bon religion and shamanism ......... 67 Religion among the Uighurs, Kyrgyz, Kitan ...................... 69 MANICHAEISM AND NESTORIAN CHRISTIANITY ............... 71 Manichaeism ...................................... 71 Nestorian Christianity .................................. 75 Zoroastrianism ..................................... 78 Hinduism ........................................ 82 THE ADVENT OF ISLAM: EXTENT AND IMPACT ................ 83 NON-ISLAMIC MYSTIC MOVEMENTS IN HINDU SOCIETY .......... 88 The Hatha-yoga movement ............................... 89 The bhakti movement .................................. 90 Birth of the Sikh religion ................................ 91 Introduction (H.-J. Klimkeit) Although cultural and religious life along the Central Asian Silk Route was determined both by various indigenous traditions, including Zoroastrianism, and by the world 62 ISBN 978-92-3-103654-5 Introduction religions that expanded into this area from India and China as well as from Syria and Per- sia, we can detect certain basic patterns that recur in different areas and situations.1 Here we mainly wish to illustrate that there were often similar geopolitical and social conditions in various oasis towns. The duality of such towns and the surrounding deserts, steppes and mountains is characteristic of the basic situation. Nomads dwelling in the steppes had their own social structures and their own understanding of life, which was determined by tra- ditions that spoke of forefathers and heroes of the past who had created a state with its own divine orders and laws. The Old Turkic inscriptions on the Orkhon river in Mongolia are a good case in point.
    [Show full text]
  • Honigmanonigman - 9780520275584.Indd9780520275584.Indd 1 228/06/148/06/14 2:382:38 PMPM 2 General Introduction
    General Introduction SUMMARY Th e fi rst and second books of Maccabees narrate events that occurred in Judea from the 170s through the 150s and eventually led to the rise of the Hasmonean dynasty: the toppling of the last high priest of the Oniad dynasty, the transforma- tion of Jerusalem into a Greek polis, Antiochos IV’s storming of Jerusalem, his desecration of the temple and his so-called persecution of the Jews, the liberation of the city and rededication of the temple altar by Judas Maccabee, the foundation of the commemorative festival of Hanukkah, and the subsequent wars against Seleukid troops. 1 Maccabees covers the deeds of Mattathias, the ancestor of the Maccabean/Hasmonean family, and his three sons, Judas, Jonathan, and Simon, taking its story down to the establishment of the dynastic transmission of power within the Hasmonean family when John, Simon’s son, succeeded his father; whereas 2 Maccabees, which starts from Heliodoros’s visit to Jerusalem under the high priest Onias III, focuses on Judas and the temple rededication, further dis- playing a pointed interest in the role of martyrs alongside that of Judas. Because of this diff erence in chronological scope and emphasis, it is usually considered that 1 Maccabees is a dynastic chronicle written by a court historian, whereas 2 Macca- bees is the work of a pious author whose attitude toward the Hasmoneans has been diversely appreciated—from mild support, through indiff erence, to hostility. Moreover, the place of redaction of 2 Maccabees, either Jerusalem or Alexandria, is debated. Both because of its comparatively fl amboyant style and the author’s alleged primarily religious concerns, 2 Maccabees is held as an unreliable source of evidence about the causes of the Judean revolt.
    [Show full text]
  • The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early
    Dokuz Eylül University – DEU The Research Center for the Archaeology of Western Anatolia – EKVAM Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea Congressus internationales Smyrnenses X Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey Edited by Ergün Laflı Izmir 2020 Last update: 04/05/2020. 1 Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. Papers presented at the international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity, May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey, Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea – Acta congressus communis omnium gentium Smyrnae. Copyright © 2020 Ergün Laflı (editor) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission from the editor. ISBN: 978-605-031-211-9. Page setting: Ergün Laflı (Izmir). Text corrections and revisions: Hugo Thoen (Deinze / Ghent). Papers, presented at the international video conference, entitled “Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity” in May 14–15, 2020 in Izmir, Turkey. 36 papers with 61 pages and numerous colourful figures. All papers and key words are in English. 21 x 29,7 cm; paperback; 40 gr. quality paper. Frontispiece. A Roman stele with two portraits in the Museum of Kırşehir; accession nos. A.5.1.95a-b (photograph by E.
    [Show full text]
  • Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nineteenth-Century Iran
    publications on the near east publications on the near east Poetry’s Voice, Society’s Song: Ottoman Lyric The Transformation of Islamic Art during Poetry by Walter G. Andrews the Sunni Revival by Yasser Tabbaa The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait of an Shiraz in the Age of Hafez: The Glory of Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century a Medieval Persian City by John Limbert by Zeynep Çelik The Martyrs of Karbala: Shi‘i Symbols The Tragedy of Sohráb and Rostám from and Rituals in Modern Iran the Persian National Epic, the Shahname by Kamran Scot Aghaie of Abol-Qasem Ferdowsi, translated by Ottoman Lyric Poetry: An Anthology, Jerome W. Clinton Expanded Edition, edited and translated The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914–1952 by Walter G. Andrews, Najaat Black, and by Gudrun Krämer Mehmet Kalpaklı Izmir and the Levantine World, 1550–1650 Party Building in the Modern Middle East: by Daniel Goffman The Origins of Competitive and Coercive Rule by Michele Penner Angrist Medieval Agriculture and Islamic Science: The Almanac of a Yemeni Sultan Everyday Life and Consumer Culture by Daniel Martin Varisco in Eighteenth-Century Damascus by James Grehan Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, edited by Sibel Bozdog˘an and The City’s Pleasures: Istanbul in the Eigh- Res¸at Kasaba teenth Century by Shirine Hamadeh Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle Reading Orientalism: Said and the Unsaid East by Ehud R. Toledano by Daniel Martin Varisco Britons in the Ottoman Empire, 1642–1660 The Merchant Houses of Mocha: Trade by Daniel Goffman and Architecture in an Indian Ocean Port by Nancy Um Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nine- by Jonathan P.
    [Show full text]
  • Megillat Esther
    The Steinsaltz Megillot Megillot Translation and Commentary Megillat Esther Commentary by Rabbi Adin Even-Israel Steinsaltz Koren Publishers Jerusalem Editor in Chief Rabbi Jason Rappoport Copy Editors Caryn Meltz, Manager The Steinsaltz Megillot Aliza Israel, Consultant Esther Debbie Ismailoff, Senior Copy Editor Ita Olesker, Senior Copy Editor Commentary by Chava Boylan Rabbi Adin Even-Israel Steinsaltz Suri Brand Ilana Brown Koren Publishers Jerusalem Ltd. Carolyn Budow Ben-David POB 4044, Jerusalem 91040, ISRAEL Rachelle Emanuel POB 8531, New Milford, CT 06776, USA Charmaine Gruber Deborah Meghnagi Bailey www.korenpub.com Deena Nataf Dvora Rhein All rights reserved to Adin Steinsaltz © 2015, 2019 Elisheva Ruffer First edition 2019 Ilana Sobel Koren Tanakh Font © 1962, 2019 Koren Publishers Jerusalem Ltd. Maps Editors Koren Siddur Font and text design © 1981, 2019 Koren Publishers Jerusalem Ltd. Ilana Sobel, Map Curator Steinsaltz Center is the parent organization Rabbi Dr. Joshua Amaru, Senior Map Editor of institutions established by Rabbi Adin Even-Israel Steinsaltz Rabbi Alan Haber POB 45187, Jerusalem 91450 ISRAEL Rabbi Aryeh Sklar Telephone: +972 2 646 0900, Fax +972 2 624 9454 www.steinsaltz-center.org Language Experts Dr. Stéphanie E. Binder, Greek & Latin Considerable research and expense have gone into the creation of this publication. Rabbi Yaakov Hoffman, Arabic Unauthorized copying may be considered geneivat da’at and breach of copyright law. Dr. Shai Secunda, Persian No part of this publication (content or design, including use of the Koren fonts) may Shira Shmidman, Aramaic be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embedded in critical articles or reviews.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 the Assyrian Empire, the Conquest of Israel, and the Colonization of Judah 37 I
    ISRAEL AND EMPIRE ii ISRAEL AND EMPIRE A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism Leo G. Perdue and Warren Carter Edited by Coleman A. Baker LONDON • NEW DELHI • NEW YORK • SYDNEY 1 Bloomsbury T&T Clark An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Imprint previously known as T&T Clark 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury, T&T Clark and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-0-56705-409-8 PB: 978-0-56724-328-7 ePDF: 978-0-56728-051-0 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Typeset by Forthcoming Publications (www.forthpub.com) 1 Contents Abbreviations vii Preface ix Introduction: Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonial Interpretation 1 I.
    [Show full text]
  • CALLI NUS Ancient Sources Are Unanimous in Calling Callinus A
    CALLI NUS Date and Homeland Ancient sources are unanimous in calling Callinus a c1t1zen of Ephesus. As will be seen below, he can be dated with confidence to the middle of the 7th century. Poe tTy Although we have extant only a 21-line fragment, one hexameter, one pentameter, and two 3-word fragments, it seems that Strabo had access to a number of Callinus' poems and used them as historical sources. During much of the 7th century there were wars involving the Greek cities of Asia Minor, the Lydians, and the Cimmerians. The latter came down from the eastern area of the Black Sea into Phrygia and then into Lydia. Gyges, the Lydian ruler, was at first successful in repelling them but was killed in 652. A few years later, c. 645, when Gyges' son Ardys was on the throne, the Cimmerians captured the Lydian capital Sardis except for its citadel (Hdt. 1.15). Callisthenes, as reported by Strabo 13.4.8 (= fr. 5b W.), stated that Sardis was captured twice, first by the Cimmerians and then by the Trerians and Lycians, and that his source was Callinus. If Callisthenes is to be trusted, it seems that Callinus mentioned both the invasion which resulted in Gyges' death and the second invasion during the rule of Gyges' son. The Trerians appear in fr. 4 and according to Strabo 14.1.40 (= fr. 3) the Trerians were a Cimmerian tribe. In the same passage Strabo states that the Trerians destroyed Magnesia and that in the following year the Milesians occupied the territory.
    [Show full text]
  • 17 Zoroastrianism
    17 Zoroastrianism This statement was prepared by the Athravan Education Trust and Zoroastrian Studies, the two main academic bodies responsible to the Zoroastrian faith for theological developments and study. Whoever teaches care for all these seven creations, does well and pleases the Bounteous Immortals; then his soul will never arrive at kinship with the Hostile Spirit. When he has cared for the creations, the care of these Bounteous Immortals is for him, and he must teach this to all mankind in the material world. —Shayasht ne Shayast (15:6)1 These actions, according to Zoroastrianism, will lead toward “making the world wonderful,” when the world will be restored to a perfect state. In this state the material world will never grow old, never die, never decay, will be ever living and ever increasing and master of its wish. The dead will rise, life and immortality will come, and the world will be restored to a perfect state in accordance with the Will of Ahura Mazda (Lord of Wisdom). The role of humanity in the world is to serve and honor not just the Wise Lord but the Seven Bounteous Creations of the sky, water, earth, plants, animals, man, and fire—gifts of God on High to humanity on earth. The great strength of the Zoroastrian faith is that it enjoins the caring of the physical world not merely to seek spiritual salvation, but because 1. The Shayasht ne Shayast is a compilation of miscellaneous laws dealing with proper and improper behavior. 145 146 FAITH IN CONSERVATION human beings, as the purposeful creation of God, are seen as the natural motivators or overseers of the Seven Creations.
    [Show full text]
  • An Introduction to Old Persian Prods Oktor Skjærvø
    An Introduction to Old Persian Prods Oktor Skjærvø Copyright © 2016 by Prods Oktor Skjærvø Please do not cite in print without the author’s permission. This Introduction may be distributed freely as a service to teachers and students of Old Iranian. In my experience, it can be taught as a one-term full course at 4 hrs/w. My thanks to all of my students and colleagues, who have actively noted typos, inconsistencies of presentation, etc. TABLE OF CONTENTS Select bibliography ................................................................................................................................... 9 Sigla and Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................... 12 Lesson 1 ..................................................................................................................................................... 13 Old Persian and old Iranian. .................................................................................................................... 13 Script. Origin. .......................................................................................................................................... 14 Script. Writing system. ........................................................................................................................... 14 The syllabary. .......................................................................................................................................... 15 Logograms. ............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • In the Alphabetic Order Q Follows A, a Follows E, C Follows C, 1J Follows N, S Follows S, I Follows Z
    INDEX [In the alphabetic order q follows a, a follows e, c follows c, 1J follows n, s follows s, i follows z. In arranging words no distinction has been made between long and short vowels. Pahlavi anrllater forms are generally given in square brackets after the Avestan ones, ancl are entered separately only when there is a significant difference between the two.l Aban see Apas 273· A ban Niyayes 52; 271-2. Airyaman 56-7; his part at Fraso.kar<Jti, Aban Yast 73· 57. 242, 291. abstract divinities 23-4; 58, 59; 203. Airyanam Vaejah [f:ranve)] 144-5; 274- Aditi 55· S· Adityas 55; 83. Airyama isyo 56; 261; 263; 265. Adurbad i Mahraspandan 35; 288. Aiwisriithra [Aiwisriithrim] the 4th watch Aesma demon of Wrath, 87; companion ( giih) of the 24-hour day, from sunset till of the daevas, 201; flees at the last day midnight, 124; under the guardianship of before the Saosyant, 283; the Arabs are the fravasis, 124, 259. of his seed, 288. Aka Manah 283. aethrapati [erbad, herbad] 12. Akhtya 161. Afrasiyab see FralJrasyan *Ala demon of purpureal fever, 87 n. 20. afrinagan an "outer" religious ceremony, Amahraspand see Amasa Spanta 168; legends connected with the offerings Amestris xog; 112. made at it, 281. amaratat ,..., Ved. amrtatva-, "long life" after-life pagan belief in it beneath the or "immortality" II5 n. 32. earth, xog-xo, II2, IIS; in Paradise, no- Amaratat [Amurdad] personification of 12; Zoroastrian beliefs, 235-42, 328. "Long Life" and "Immortality", one of the Agni identified with Apam Napat, 45-6; 7 great Amasa Spantas (q.v.), 203; dis­ the nature of his primary concept, 69-70.
    [Show full text]
  • From Small States to Universalism in the Pre-Islamic Near East
    REVOLUTIONIZING REVOLUTIONIZING Mark Altaweel and Andrea Squitieri and Andrea Mark Altaweel From Small States to Universalism in the Pre-Islamic Near East This book investigates the long-term continuity of large-scale states and empires, and its effect on the Near East’s social fabric, including the fundamental changes that occurred to major social institutions. Its geographical coverage spans, from east to west, modern- day Libya and Egypt to Central Asia, and from north to south, Anatolia to southern Arabia, incorporating modern-day Oman and Yemen. Its temporal coverage spans from the late eighth century BCE to the seventh century CE during the rise of Islam and collapse of the Sasanian Empire. The authors argue that the persistence of large states and empires starting in the eighth/ seventh centuries BCE, which continued for many centuries, led to new socio-political structures and institutions emerging in the Near East. The primary processes that enabled this emergence were large-scale and long-distance movements, or population migrations. These patterns of social developments are analysed under different aspects: settlement patterns, urban structure, material culture, trade, governance, language spread and religion, all pointing at population movement as the main catalyst for social change. This book’s argument Mark Altaweel is framed within a larger theoretical framework termed as ‘universalism’, a theory that explains WORLD A many of the social transformations that happened to societies in the Near East, starting from Andrea Squitieri the Neo-Assyrian period and continuing for centuries. Among other infl uences, the effects of these transformations are today manifested in modern languages, concepts of government, universal religions and monetized and globalized economies.
    [Show full text]