Sid Re: "The Palestine Papers" and SOTU
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Israel: Background and U.S
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 14, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33476 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary On May 14, 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence and was immediately engaged in a war with all of its neighbors. Armed conflict has marked every decade of Israel’s existence. Despite its unstable regional environment, Israel has developed a vibrant parliamentary democracy, albeit with relatively fragile governments. The most recent national elections were held on February 10, 2009, ahead of schedule. Although the Kadima Party placed first, parties holding 65 seats in the 120-seat Knesset supported opposition Likud party leader Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu, who was designated to form a government. Netanyahu’s coalition includes his own Likud, Yisrael Beiteinu (Israel Our Home), Shas, Habayet Hayehudi (Jewish Home), the United Torah Judaism (UTJ), and the new Ha’atzmout (Independence) party. The coalition controls 66 of 120 Knesset seats. Israel has an advanced industrial, market economy with a large government role. Israel’s foreign policy is focused largely on its region, Europe, and the United States. Israel’s foreign policy agenda begins with Iran, which it views as an existential threat due to Tehran’s nuclear ambitions and support for terrorism. Achieving peace with its neighbors is next. Israel concluded peace treaties with Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, but not with Syria and Lebanon. Recent unrest in Egypt is rekindling latent anxiety in Israel about the durability of the peace treaty Egypt and Israel have relied upon for 30 years. -
Gaza-Israel: the Legal and the Military View Transcript
Gaza-Israel: The Legal and the Military View Transcript Date: Wednesday, 7 October 2015 - 6:00PM Location: Barnard's Inn Hall 07 October 2015 Gaza-Israel: The Legal and Military View Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC General Sir Nick Parker For long enough commentators have usually assumed the Israel - Palestine armed conflict might be lawful, even if individual incidents on both sides attracted condemnation. But is that assumption right? May the conflict lack legality altogether, on one side or both? Have there been war crimes committed by both sides as many suggest? The 2014 Israeli – Gaza conflict (that lasted some 52 days and that was called 'Operation Protective Edge' by the Israeli Defence Force) allows a way to explore some of the underlying issues of the overall conflict. General Sir Nick Parker explains how he advised Geoffrey Nice to approach the conflict's legality and reality from a military point of view. Geoffrey Nice explains what conclusions he then reached. Were war crimes committed by either side? Introduction No human is on this earth as a volunteer; we are all created by an act of force, sometimes of violence just as the universe itself arrived by force. We do not leave the world voluntarily but often by the force of disease. As pressed men on earth we operate according to rules of nature – gravity, energy etc. – and the rules we make for ourselves but focus much attention on what to do when our rules are broken, less on how to save ourselves from ever breaking them. That thought certainly will feature in later lectures on prison and sex in this last year of my lectures as Gresham Professor of Law but is also central to this and the next lecture both on Israel and on parts of its continuing conflict with Gaza. -
Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world. -
The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and Their Impact on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Efforts
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Honors Theses Lee Honors College 4-25-2018 The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli-Palestinian Peace Efforts Daniel Bucksbaum Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Bucksbaum, Daniel, "The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli- Palestinian Peace Efforts" (2018). Honors Theses. 3009. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses/3009 This Honors Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Lee Honors College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Changing Geopolitical Dynamics of the Middle East and their Impact on Israeli- Palestinian Peace Efforts By Daniel Bucksbaum A thesis submitted to the Lee Honors College Western Michigan University April 2018 Thesis Committee: Jim Butterfield, Ph.D., Chair Yuan-Kang Wang, Ph.D. Mustafa Mughazy, Ph.D. Bucksbaum 1 Table of Contents I. Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………3 II. Source Material……………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 III. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 IV. Historical Context for the Two-State Solution………………………………………………………...6 a. Deeply Rooted and Ideological Claims to the Land……………………………………………….…..7 b. Legacy of the Oslo Accords……………………………………………………………………………………….9 c. Israeli Narrative: Why the Two-State Solution is Unfeasible……………………………………19 d. Palestinian Narrative: Why the Two-State Solution has become unattainable………..22 e. Drop in Support for the Two-State Solution; Negotiations entirely…………………………27 f. -
Europe and the Vanishing Two-State Solution
EUROPE AND THE VANISHING TWO-STATE SOLUTION Nick Witney ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: •A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over two hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. • A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Sofia and Warsaw. In the future ECFR plans to open an office in Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. ECFR is a registered charity funded by the Open Society Foundations and other generous foundations, individuals and corporate entities. -
The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 2010: Obama in Charge
The Middle East Situation The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 2010: Obama in Charge Christian-Peter Hanelt estinians, especially, hoped for a more “even-hand- Senior Expert - Europe and the Middle East ed” approach and an intensified engagement. Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh In many regards, Obama meant to mark a turning Keys point in US-Middle East relations: he advocated for Maren Qualmann renewed trust and confidence between the parties Consultant, Hamburg and the US, while once again attempting to trans- form the image of the US into that of a serious and honest broker for peace and democracy. As a con- 2011 the Setting: obama’s new Middle East sequence, his unusual decision to tackle the Israe- Med. approach, His “Cairo-Vision” and the Second li-Arab peace process at the beginning of his term term of benjamin netanyahu by “actively and aggressively seek[ing] a lasting peace between Israel and Palestinians, as well as On 2 September and 14 September 2010, direct between Israel and its neighbours”1 became a lit- negotiations between Israeli Prime Minister Benja- mus test for his new relations with the Middle East. 47 min Netanyahu, Palestinian Authority Chairman Mah- In one regard, though, Obama used the speech to moud Abbas and United States President Barack reinforce a strategic change undertaken by the pre- Obama took place in Washington with the ultimate vious administration. While the Bush administration aim of reaching an official “final status settlement” to did not give high priority to the Arab-Israeli conflict the conflict by agreeing on a two-state solution. At until the Annapolis Process, in her last year in office the end of the same month, the direct talks ended Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice did confirm when Israel failed to renew the 10-month settlement that solving the Arab-Israeli conflict was in the US freeze that had been in place since November 2009 administration’s strategic interest. -
Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: the Annapolis Conference
Order Code RS22768 December 7, 2007 Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: The Annapolis Conference Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary At the end of November 2007, the Bush Administration convened an international conference in Annapolis, MD to officially revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas reached a “Joint Understanding,” in which they agreed to launch continuous bilateral negotiations in an effort to conclude a peace treaty by the end of 2008 and to simultaneously implement the moribund 2003 Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Both leaders are operating under significant domestic political constraints and they continue to disagree on many issues. Thus, their negotiations will be challenging. This report will not be updated. For background and future developments, see CRS Report RL33530, Israeli- Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy, by Carol Migdalovitz. Background In early 2007, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was said to have promised moderate Arab regimes that the United States would become more engaged in the Israeli- Arab peace process in exchange for their support for countering increasing Iranian influence in the Middle East.1 The Secretary made eight trips to the region during the year, initially to work with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas on developing a “political horizon” that would lead to a resumption of the long-stalled Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, issued by the international Quartet (the United States, European Union, United Nations, and Russia) on April 30, 2003.2 Each side maintains that the other has not fulfilled its obligations under the three-phase Road Map; independent observers agree that neither has done so. -
The NEGOTIATION and ITS DISCONTENTS
The ANNAPOLIS PROCESS (2007-2008) NEGOTIATION AND ITS DISCONTENTS Omer Zanany The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research Translation: Michelle Bubis Design: Yosef Bercovich ISBN: 978-965-555-926-2 Printed in Jerusalem ©2015 - The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv & Molad - the Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy. All rights reserved. The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research The ANNAPOLIS PROCESS (2007-2008) Negotiation and its Discontents Omer Zanany The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research THE TAMI STEINMETZ CENTER FOR PEACE RESEARCH The Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research which was established in 1992 is an interdisciplinary academic unit at Tel Aviv University. Its mandate is to promote academic activity related to conflict resolution and peace-making, with special reference to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Within this framework, the center: • Initiates, encourages and supports research projects on subjects related to its mandate both in the Middle East and in other regions of the world. • Holds research workshops and local and international conferences dealing with relevant subjects. • Fosters academic collaboration with similarly oriented institutions in Israel and abroad. Molad is an independent, non-partisan Israeli think tank that works to reinvigorate Israeli society by injecting new ideas into all spheres of public discourse. Our vision combines progressive values with a realistic approach to the political and geopolitical challenges of Israeli reality. We inform public debate with responsible content that meets the highest possible standards of research and analysis – the dearth of which has played a crucial role in Israel’s ongoing state of crisis. -
Peace Talks on Jerusalem a Review of the Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations Concerning Jerusalem 1993-2013
The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Peace Talks on Jerusalem A Review of the Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations Concerning Jerusalem 1993-2013 Lior Lehrs The JIIS Series no. 432 Peace Talks on Jerusalem A Review of the Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations Concerning Jerusalem 1993-2013 Lior Lehrs © 2013, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St. 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org.il E-mail:[email protected] About the Author Lior Lehrs is a researcher at the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. He is a doctoral student at the Department of International Relations of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The topic of his PhD research is “Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes.” Recent publications include Y. Reiter and L. Lehrs, The Sheikh Jarrah Affair, Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2010; L. Lehrs, “Political Holiness: Negotiating Holy Places in Eretz Israel/Palestine, 1937-2003,” in M. Breger, Y. Reiter, and L. Hammer (eds.), Sacred Space in Israel and Palestine: Religion and Politics (London: Routledge, 2012). Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies’ Work Group: Jerusalem between management and resolution of the conflict Since 1993 a Work Group of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies has been engaged in studying the political future of Jerusalem. The group aims to present policymakers, public-opinion shapers, and the interested public with reliable, up- to-date information about the demographic, social, and political trends in East Jerusalem and in the city as a whole, and to formulate alternatives for management of the city in the absence of a political agreement as well as alternatives for future management. -
The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State
The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State November 2013 Table of Contents Foreword by the Partner Organizations Dr. Reuven Pedatzur, Dr. Samir Hazboun, Gen. (ret.) Mansour Abu Rashid ..... 2 Foreword by the Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the State of Israel H.E. Ambassador Andrew Standley ...................................................................5 Foreword by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Israel Office State Sec. Michael Mertes and Ms. Annika Khano ............................................6 Regional Normalization following a Two-State Solution H.E. Ambassador Hind Khoury, Prof. Asher Susser, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ................................................... 8 Economics when Borders are not Barriers: Jordan, Israel, and the Palestinian State Mr. Amjad Qasas, Dr. Avichai Snir, and Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ....................................................... 40 The Palestinian State and the National Aspirations of the Palestinian Diaspora Dr. Matti Steinberg, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development, and Researcher from DATA Studies and Consultations ............52 The Political Character of the Palestinian State Prof. Munther Dajani, Dr. Anat Kurz, and Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ....................................................... 76 Middle-East Regional Security Cooperation following the Establishment of a Palestinian State Brig. Gen. (ret.) Udi Dekel, Researcher -
Regional Actors and the Fatah-Hamas Unity Deal Shifting Dynamics in the Middle East?
Palestinian women demonstrated in a protest calling for Palestinian political unity, March 2011—Demotix images March 2011—Demotix unity, political Palestinian for calling in a protest women demonstrated Palestinian Regional Actors and the Fatah-Hamas Unity Deal Shifting Dynamics in the Middle East? By Julia Pettengill and Houriya Ahmed Copyright Henry Jackson Society, 2011 About the Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: Project for Democratic Geopolitics is a cross-partisan, British think-tank which seeks to pursue, protect and promote the principles of free and democratic societies. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about The Henry Jackson Society’s activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org About the Authors Julia Pettengill is author of A Guilt Beyond Crime: The Future of Genocide Prevention in the Anglo-American Sphere, published by the Henry Jackson Society in 2009, and cited in the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission’s 2010 report Those Who Bear the Greatest Responsibility. Pettengill holds an MA in Modern History from the University of St Andrews, and worked as a writer and researcher prior to joining HJS as a Research Fellow. Houriya Ahmed is co-author of Hizb ut-Tahrir: Ideology and Strategy and Islamist Terrorism: The British Connections, as well as others. -
Fatah Central Committee P R O F I L E S
FATAH CENTRAL COMMITTEE P R O F I L E S All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2015 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 www.washingtoninstitute.org Cover: "Fatah Flag" by MrPenguin20—Own work. Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons. Contents Introduction Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) Al-Tayyeb Abdul Rahim (Abu al-Tayyeb) Zakaria al-Agha (Abu Ammar) Azzam al-Ahmed Mahmoud al-Aloul (Abu Jihad) Marwan Barghouti Ahmad Sakhr Khlousi Basseiso (Sakhr Basseiso) Mohammad Dahlan (Abu Fadi) Hassan Ahmad Abu Einein (Sultan Abu Einein) Saeb Erekat (Abu Ali) Othman Abu Gharbieh Muhammad Ghneim (Abu Maher) Muhammad al-Madani Sharif Ali Meshaal (Abbas Zaki) (Abu Meshaal) Jamal Muhaisen Nasser al-Qudwa Jibril Rajoub (Abu Rami) Nabil Abu Rudeinah Nabil Shaath (Abu Rashid) Hussein al-Sheikh Mohammad Shtayyeh Tawfiq al-Tirawi (Abu Hussein) Salim Zanoun (Abu Adib) 3 Introduction The Fatah Central Committee, the party’s most senior institution, is responsible for developing and implementing its strategic vision and initiatives. The committee's members hold some of the most important and sensitive portfolios in Palestinian politics. At the time of the Central Committee's formation in 1963, two years before Fatah's official launch, it included only ten members.