The Politics of Careers
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The Politics of Careers molds: career politicians like Gov. James Hunt, Attorney The Generalcurrent Rufus crop Edmisten,of political U.S. leaders Senator falls roughlyRobert Morgan,into two Insurance Commissioner John Ingram, and former Gov. Robert Scott, or career ideologues like U.S. Senator Jesse Helms. Hunt, Edmisten, Morgan and Ingram began their The state's politician who currently has the longest careers practicing law in the little towns of Wilson, sustained career in public life is Robert Morgan. In Boone, Lillington and Asheboro. Each used his 1974, after 25 years in politics, Morgan reached the background "close to the people" to peg future U.S. Senate by unifying disparate elements within the campaigns. Bob Scott drew on his father's legacy as Democratic Party. Having built solid, conservative the little-man's governor who built roads (the same support from his Harnett County home in the east, Gov. Scott who appointed Frank Graham to the Morgan skillfully added two important voter blocs to Senate) for his alliance with the Scotch-Irish stock. his coalition: the black community and consumer Helms matured with philosophical ideals instead of groups. Following the model of a number of attorneys political ambitions. From a Raleigh television studio, general across the country, Attorney General Morgan he broadcast impassioned conservative commentaries established a consumer advocacy office in North across eastern counties. This base, almost Carolina. During the 1974 Senate race, Morgan often accidentally, catapulted him into the national referred to his accomplishments as a consumer rightwing vanguard. advocate, which netted endorsements and votes. North Carolina careerists have survived by Landing black support involved a more difficult combining their "down-home" backgrounds with a adaptation to the times. In 1960, Morgan had savvy instinct for knowing which issues and slogans managed I. Beverly Lake, Sr.'s pro-segregation attract support-and votes. John Ingram has drawn gubernatorial campaign. In 1974, Morgan on a latent hostility to big business to project himself disassociated himself from Lake, saying, "We've all as a modern-day populist working for the little man. grown as the traditions and times have changed." After the Watergate hearings fortuitously created the The 1978 U.S. Senate race revealed a fascinating image of probing legal investigator for Rufus mix of North Carolina political tendencies. In the Edmisten, he returned to North Carolina and Democratic Party primary, John Ingram, the successfully ran for attorney general. Jim Hunt built insurance commissioner who had championed the a national reputation as a "New South" governor by average ratepayeragainst the big insurers,upset initiating and publicizing programs pegged to Luther Hodges, the former governor's son and board national issues. His education and "new generation" chairman of the North Carolina National Bank. The campaigns, for example, successfully piggybacked the stateplutocrats from businessassociates to Terry "International Year of the Child." And Jesse Helms Sanford-proteges like Duke's Joel Fleishman and chose to broaden his constituency beyond eastern manpower planner George Autrey had lined up with North Carolina and to transfer his energy into the Hodges. But Ingram had been elected statewide electoral area at a time when sentiments consistent before and Hodges had not. By campaigning "for the with his views were expanding throughout the state people" and against the banks, Ingram pulled off a and nation. surprise victory, edging Hodges and far out- SUMMER 1980 21 Photo courtesy of N.C . State Archives 1969 annual meeting of the Research Triangle Institute. (L to R): RTI President George Herbert, RTI Board Chairman Watts Hill, Sr ., former Gov. Luther Hodges , former Gov. Dan Moore, Gov. Robert Scott , former Gov. Terry Sanford. distancing state senators Lawrence Davis and he does nationwide. Recently, an anonymous donor McNeill Smith. Prominent state legislators and gave $500,000 to Chowan College in eastern North attorneys from the state's two largest firms in Carolina for a gymnasium to be named after Helms. A Winston-Salem and Greensboro respectively, both Helms supporter has added a brick and mortar legacy Davis and Smith had developed a statewide to the messages that Helms has been sending to the reputation and network of supporters from having eastern counties-once rock-firm Democratic Party worked in various legal, consumer, and social welfare country-for a generation. groups. And each ran a vigorous campaign. Even so, Over the past decade, several other politicians have neither could mount a serious challenge to the achieved wide reputations and yet failed to sustain eventualwinner. themselves as careerists in state politics. In 1972, from In the general election, Ingram faced incumbent a small law firm in Boone, Jim Holshouser tapped the Jesse Helms in a knock-down affair that attracted area's Republican taproot, which reached back to the national attention. The state Democratic Party rank- Lincoln era. Holshouser had Richard Nixon's and-file, exhausted and divided after the primary, coattails to ride. But what finally pushed him into the never cranked into high gear. Meanwhile, Republican governor' s mansion as the first Republican chief strategist Tom Ellis managed the Helms campaign executive since the 19th century may have been the with a budget of $7.5 million ($12.05 per vote), much media-oriented campaign of the Democratic of it from national contributors, and 100 full-time candidate, banker Skipper Bowles. After a hotly salaried employees. Ingram had $265,000 ($.26 per contested primary, in which he narrowly defeated Pat vote) and the loyal, but difficult to identify, "populist" Taylor, Bowles ran a big-budget electronic media base that had carried him to victory in the primary. campaign instead of a traditional nuts-and-bolts The financial disparity, the difficulty in unseating an county-based race. But the strategy seemed to incumbent, and the increased willingness of North backfire and the Republicans won, H olshouser as well Carolinians from rural and urban areas to vote as Helms. Holshouser and his mountain-wing Reblican proved too many obstacles to an Ingram Republicans set up a vigorous administration, but victory. they never really gained control of the party. Helms' Since winning his Senate seat, Jesse Helms has not popularity remained too strong among Republicans let his national contributors down. He has led such as well as many lifelong Democrats, especially those in conservative causes as "saving" the Panama Canal the eastern counties where his broadcasts had built and has established a group of right-wing, tax-exempt him an ideological base. organizations, the American Family Institute, the Throughout the last 20 years, race has continuously Center for a Free Society, and others. At the same been a distinctive but sometimes subtle theme in time, Helms seems as established in North Carolina as North Carolina politics. Bass and DeVries took a 22 N.C. INSIGHT close look at voting patterns in such bitterly fought Carolina's federal courts than in any other Southern racial campaigns as the Lake gubernatorial race in state (3 percent of the personnel). And only 4 percent 1964, the George Wallace 1968 presidential primary, of the professionals employed in the state's federal the 1972 Helms campaign, and the Goldwater and courts are female. Nixon races. The counties giving these candidates the The historical influence of racism is perhaps most highest vote were located in the coastal plain, dramatically reflected in the criminal justice system, stretching from Pender and Duplin through Wilson, specifically the prisons. In 1977, North Carolina was Nash, Wake and Person. Bass and DeVries found that 23 percent black but 57 percent of the prison this pattern did not result from party orientation (the population was black. Discrimination in education races involved Republicans, Democrats and an and employment no doubt contributed to such Independent), economic ideologies (some were statistics. "Discrimination exists in every stage of economic conservatives, others populists), or ruralism the criminal justice system," says Pauline Frazier, a (Raleigh and Durham followed the patterns). "Race is member of a N.C. Department of Correction the key," they wrote. "The fact is that the black official advisory board and director of Offender Aid population is concentrated in those areas.. .and the and Restoration. One of every 20 minority men in the reaction of the white voter in those areas has been state is either imprisoned, on probation, or on parole. distinctly racist." The figures for white males are five times lower. Race, as well as sex, has seemed to be a major factor Discrimination has contributed to a large prison not only in presidential voting patterns but also in the population for the state, 310 per 100,000 people, judicial election process. In North Carolina, as in the number seven in the country. These figures also result rest of the South, white males have dominated the from other interrelated factors: uneven sentencing judiciary either by appointing political allies to fill within counties, the lack of good lawyers for the poor, vacancies or by pushing forward particular candidates and the Department of Correction's determination to through the leadership of local bar associations. build more prisons (the state has appropriated over While judges of wisdom and fairness have certainly $80 million in recent years for prison construction). emerged, a pluralistic selection process has not. Once a judge has been seated, rarely does he (or an The Highest Expectation-Pride occasional she) lose at the polls. Moreover, public scrutiny of judges remains minimal compared to the public's assessment of administration officials. It seems clear that V.O. Key's "progressive Consequently, the numbers of black and women state The plutocracy"paradoxes isin as North outdated Carolina as the range Dixiecrat wide. judges remain very small. era during which he wrote and that the The federal courts reflect similar patterns.