Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Pagel FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY

Volume 24 Number 1, May 1996 SN 0736-9182

Cover design: Hobart Jackson, University of Kansas School of Architecture

AUTHOR TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE

Colleea R. McuugbllD. Juvellile Drug Tramcken: Characterization ud 03 Beajambl W. Smith, Substuce Use Patterns Scott M. ReiDer, Dellllls E. Waite, a A. Wayde Glover

Jolm J. Potterat, CbroD.lde of a Gog STD Outbreak Foretold 11 Stephea Q. Muth, a R. Perry Bethea

G. Edward Codiaa, Readiaess for Treatmeat: Predidon of Drug Abuse 17 Charlie D. Kaplaa, llelp-Seeldag iD Mencu Alllerlcaa, Afrlcu Zeaong YID, Alberto Alllerlcu ud WbJte Su Aatonio Arrestees G. Mata, a Avelardo Valdez

Pamela C. Regu The Search For Family: AdolesceDt Males' Motives 2S For JoiDiDg Gop

Rudy Ray Seward, Fatben' Cbuglag Performuce of Housework: A 28 Dale E. Yeatts, a Bigger Sllve of a Smaller Pie l..esHe Stuley-Steveas

DeADD K. Gautbler, Womea's Employmellt ud Structures of Familial 37 Craig J. Fonyth, a Authority Among Familles of otrsbore Ollworken WUHam B. Bukston

Felix 0. Chima Trusradal Adoption Revisited: Afrlcu Alllerlcu 4l Collep Studeats' Penpective

CarlL Bukston m Vietaamese Alllerlcu 111gb School Dropout Rates: ~1 Etbll.ldty as IDsulation

Neale R. Cbumbler a Surgical Specialization iD a Limited Health Care S9 James W. Grimm Profession: Coaatervaillng Ii'orces Sbaplag Health Care Delivery

Jeffrey R. Breese a Role Ent From Home To Homeless 67 Katbrya M. Feltey

Earl Smith a Problems Real ud Imposed iD the Dlsdpliae of 77 Bonate Berry Sociology

DiuaeSykes Fiad.iDg Ounelves Ia Each Other: Baraey aad the 85 Other-Directed CbUd

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© 1996 Oklahoma State University Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. I, May 1996 Page3 JUVENILE DRUG TRAFFICKERS: CHARACTERIZATION AND SUBSTANCE USE PATTERNS Colleen R. McLaughlin, Commonwealth of Virginia Department of Juvenile Justice & Virginia Commonwealth University; Benjamin W. Smith and Scott M. Reiner, Commonwealth of Virginia Department of Juvenile Justice; Dennis E. Waite, Commonwealth of VIrginia Department of Juvenile Justice & Insti­ tute for Substance Abuse Studies and A. Wayde Glover, Commonwealth of VIrginia Department of Juvenile Justice

ABSTRACT Drug trafficking has become one of the dominant issues facing the criminal justice system. Juveniles involved in drug trafficking have been reported to be far more likely to be seriously Immersed in substance abuse and delinquent behavior than nonsellers. The primary aim of the present study was to examine the substance use patterns of juveniles incarcerated for drug trafficking offenses in the Commonwealth of Virginia (N = 240). A second goal ofthestudywas to characterize juvenile drug traffickers based upon additional information pertaining to their delinquent, social, psychological, educational and medical histories. For this purpose, a demographic comparison grouP. was generated (N = 433). The results indicated that the most frequently sold substance was cocaine (93%), either powdered or crack, while alcohol and marijuana were the drugs most often used by the juvenile drug traffickers. Thejuveniledrugtrafflckerswereassociatedwith lowerlevelsofaggressivity, violence and delinquency when compared to other incarcerated juveniles from their community. In addition, tlie juvenile drug traffickers were characterized by higher ratings in several areas which included social and psychological functioning.Areasthatdidnotcorrelatewellwithdrugtrafflckingwerephysicalhealth, intellectual functioning and academicachievement.Theresultsofthisstudyindicatedthatjuveniled~trafflckerstendnottousethedrugs thattheyseH,andgeneraHypresentashigherfunctioningandbetteradjustedmalmosteveryareaevaluated,when compared to their incarcerated delinquent peers. INTRODUCTION likely to report having assaulted someone with Over the past 8-1 0 years, drug traffick­ the intent of serious injury or murder than ing has become one of the foremost issues those juveniles who were not involved in co­ facing the criminal justice system. Drug selling caine distribution (Dembo et al1990). poses a serious threat to society, both in terms The national trends outlined above are of the distribution of illegal drugs, as well as the reflected in Virginia's juvenile offender popula­ ancillary criminal activity and violence associ­ tion. During fiscal years 1993 and 1994, 268 ated with the illegal drug market (Goldstein juveniles were committed to the Virginia De­ 1985). Juveniles involved in drug trafficking partment of Juvenile Justice juvenile correc­ have been reported to be far more likely to be tional centers for drug trafficking offenses; seriously immersed in substance abuse and representing 9 percent of the total commit­ delinquent behavior than nonsellers (Chaiken, ments during this time period. Information Johnson 1988; Dembo, Williams, Wothke, permitting the characterization of juveniles Schmeid-ler, Getreu, Berry, Wish, Christensen involved in the sale and distribution of illegal 1990; lnciardi, Pottieger 1991; Johnson, Nata­ drugs would significantly facilitate the devel­ rajan, Dunlap, Elmoghazy 1994; Li, Feigel­ opment of meaningful and effective treatment man 1994; Stanton, Galbraith 1994; van programs. Therefore, the primary aim of the Kamman, Loeber 1994), while the relationship present study was to examine the substance between violence and the "crack business· use patterns of juveniles incarcerated for drug has received particular notoriety (Goldstein trafficking offenses in the Commonwealth of 1985; Goldstein, Brownstein, Ryan, Bellucci Virginia, particularly as they relate to the sub­ 1989; Hamid 1991).1n their characterization of stances sold. A second goal of the study was drug-involved adolescent offenders, Chaiken to characterize these juvenile offenders based and Johnson (1988) portray adolescents who upon information gathered pertaining to their frequently sell drugs as moderate to heavy, or delinquent, social, psychological, educational even daily substance users; using multiple and medical histories. For this purpose, an drugs, including cocaine. They further demon­ incarcerated, dem()graphic comparison group strated that these juveniles are involved in a was generated. Finally, a composite variable variety of associated criminal activities includ­ rating the level of violence present in their ing assaults and property crimes. An addi­ offense histories was generated. This permit­ tional report indicated that juvenile detainees ted an analysis of the relationship between involved in the trafficking of cocaine were more drug trafficking and violence. Page 4 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

METHODS frequently based on a composite rating which Subjects included multiple converging data sources Juveniles adjudicated for drug traffick­ such as the results of the objective data, test ing offenses in the Commonwealth of Virginia results and clinical impressions compiled dur­ during fiscal years 1993 and 1994 (1 July 1992 ing the assessment process. It is important to - 30 June 1994) comprised the juvenile drug note, however, that at every level of assess­ traffickers group. The drug trafficking offenses ment the evaluators were familiar with the included "possession [of controlled sub­ juvenile's offense history. On one hand, the stances] with intent to sell or distribute;" and data were interpreted cautiously, especially offenses pertaining to the sale, distribution, or with information that was based upon a rela­ manufacture of controlled substances. (The tively subjective decision process. On the specific offense codes used to construct the other hand, many of these "subjective" deci­ drug traffi~er group are available upon re­ sions were made at the staffing meeting by the quest.) The so-called "simple possession [of entire assessment team. Therefore, it was controlled substances]" offenses were not in­ hoped that this diverse input and consensus cluded, as those offenses are presumed to be ratings may have diminished any potential related to possession for personal use, from a individual bias. legal standpoint A demographic comparison Data pertaining to the specific drugs group matched for gender, race, age and geo­ sold were collected from the specific com­ graphic location was generated. mitting offense(s) information detailed in the court documents. Specific substance use data Instruments and procedures were compiled from several sources including A retrospective chart review was con­ self-report information collected during the ducted. Briefly, the official records for juvenile social, psychological and medical histories; offenders committed to the Commonwealth of and the physical examination. In addition, Virginia juvenile correctional centers during documented urinalysis results obtained from two fiscal years (1 July 1992- 30 June 1994) the courts and detention centers also were were reviewed (n=2916). The records included employed in an effort to determine specific information regarding current, prior and pend­ substance use. However, the urinalysis results ing criminal offenses; a psychological assess­ were not available for every subject and the ment; social and medical histories; a complete data pertaining to specific substance use in­ physical examination; and measures oflntellec> cluded reports of single use and/or "experi­ tual functioning and academic achievement. mentation" during the juvenile's lifetime. Con­ The psychological evaluation was perfonned sequently, these data are not meant to imply by a masters- or doctoral-level psychologist abuse or addiction, rather they were employed and included a standardized test of intellectual as a qualitative measure of the substances functioning (Wechsler 1991, 1974), a mental used by these offenders. status interview and projective testing, as de­ Finally, a composite "violence" variable termined by the clinical judgment of the evalu­ (high, moderate,low) was created based upon ator and the individual needs of the juvenile. the juvenile's offense history. Briefly, to be The social history was obtained by a case included in the "high-violent" offender group, manager. The medical history and physical a juvenile must have been adjudicated for at were completed by a trained nurse and physi­ least one "high-violenr offense (e.g., murder, cian, respectively. Educational information was arson of an occupied dwelling), or multiple obtained by an educational specialist. All evalu­ felonious assaults. These decision rules (avail­ ators received extensive and continued train­ able upon request) were deliberately conser­ ing with regard to issues of juvenile delin- vative, and are based on the Office of Juvenile quency. 1 Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) Following completion ofthe intake evalu­ working definition of violent juvenile offenders ation, all of the evaluators involved in the (OJJDP 1993). Preliminary analysis with our assessment process were convened. At this sample indicated that the "high-violent" rating time, the assessment team developed con­ correlates highly with several other indices of sensus ratings concerning the juvenile across violence contained within the juvenile's history a broad spectrum of functional areas including (unpublished results), as well as the existing affective, cognitive, behavioral, familial and literature on violent delinquents (Huizinga, social functioning. These appraisals were Loeber, Thronberry 1994; Mathias, DeMuro, Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No.1, May 1996 Page5

Flpre I Frequency distribution of drugs sold. Imitation substances were sold as "cocaine" or "marijuana." Total drug sales 1000/o are greater than I00% due to the sale of multiple substances (N=2-40).

80%

60%

40%

20%

0% Cocaine Marijuana Heroin Imitation Substances

Allison 1984). Virginia's juvenile correctional centers for that period. The drug trafficker group was 96 Statistics percent African American and 98 percent male. The statistical approach was conser­ Preliminary analysis of the entire data set for vative as this study consisted of a retrospective all offenders during fiscal years 1993 and 1994 chart review with substantial subjective and (n=2916), with respect to the variables of inter­ self-report data. The hypotheses being tested est (e.g., substance use, violence, aggres­ in the present study, therefore, pertained to the sivity), indicated that females, non-African relationships and relative level of association Americans and sex offenders were sufficiently between the variables and a designation of different as to prohibit their inclusion in the "juvenile drug trafficker." Correlational analy­ drug traffickers group. Additional compari­ ses were deemed most appropriate for the sons with these subjects were not possible present study as there were no explicit experi­ because the sample sizes of these subgroups mental manipulations. In addition, the sub­ were also prohibitively small and frequently jects were not randomly assigned to the vari­ overlapped. Therefore, to increase the homoge­ ous groups, thereby violating the assumption neity of the sample, females, non-African " ofindependenceofobservations(Howell1992). Americans and sex offenders were excluded The incarcerated delinquent comparison group from the final analyses. Therefore, of the 268 was compared directly to the drug traffickers juvenile offenders incarcerated for drug traf­ on the different measures by serving as the ficking offenses during fiscal years 1993 and "non-drug trafficker group" in each correlation. 1994, the records of 240 of these were in­ cluded in the final analysis (90%). RESULTS There were 433 incarcerated juvenile A total of268 juveniles were adjudicated offenders in the demographic comparison for drug trafficking offenses during fiscal years group. The comparison group was somewhat 1993-1994. This represented 9 percent of the larger than the sample of juvenile drug traffick­ total commitments to the Commonwealth of ers as it included a larger range of offending, Page 6 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Flpre2 Frequency distribution of lifetime drug use. These data include self-report information and urinalysis results. They also include reports of single use and are not intended to imply abuse or dependence. The total percentage is greater than I 00% due to polydrug use; "other" includes PCP, inhalents and Valium (N=240). 100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0% No Use Alcohol Marijuana Cocaine Heroin Other while drug selling offenses represent only 9 frequently-cited drugs, although there was percent of the total commitments (n = 268 and evidence (self-report data and/or positive drug 2916 for drug trafficking and total commit­ screen results) that several of the juveniles ments, respectively). were using additional substances. It was inter­ esting to note that commentary in the files Demographics pertaining to positive cocaine drug screen All of the subjects in the present study results frequently indicated that the juvenile were African American males. The results denied use of the drug, falsely daiming that the indicated that the average age of the juvenile test merely reflected the fad that the he had drug traffickers was 16 years (range = 12-18 been handling cocaine recently. years), and that 74 percent were in the 16-17 year-old cohort. Delinquency Assessment Thirty-seven of the drug traffickers had Substance Use been previously committed for drug trafficking The drugs sold by the juvenile drug offenses. Analysis ofthe "violence" composite traffickers are illustrated in Figure 1. As can be variable suggested that the juvenile drug traf­ observed, the overwhelming majority were fickers tended to have less violent offense committed for drug trafficking offenses involv­ histories than the demographic comparison ing the distribution of cocaine, both "crack" group (r = .2364, p<.01 ). Only 7 percent of the and powdered. It should be noted that 7 per­ drug traffickers were rated as "high-violenr cent of the juvenile drug traffickers were con­ while 21 percent ofthe demographic compari­ vided for the sale of more than one substance, son group had "high-violenr offense histories. hence the total percentage exceeds 100 per­ Additional information pertaining to violence, cent. aggressivity and delinquency are presented in Figure 2 depids the reported substance Table 1. The age of first adjudication was use in the juvenile drug trafficker group. As can negatively correlated with the juvenile drug be seen, alcohol and marijuana were the most traffickers, suggesting that they were older at Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 7

Table I: Nonparametric Correlations Between the JuvenHe Druc Traflickers and the Democnphk: Comparison Group for Violence. Agresslvity, and Delinquency Measures" Measure Druc Traflickers: Democnphlc Comparison Group Total Number of Offenses -.2351 Age at Rrst Adjudication .I 087 History of Possessing or Brandishing a Weapon -.1317 History of Assault on Peers -.1662 History of Assault on Authority Rgures -.1205 History of Unprovoked Assault on Others -.1-412 History of Assault Resulting in Injury -.0982 History of Assault Using a Weapon or Object -.1 068 Poor Anger Control -.1629 History of Verbal Aggression (in school) -.1998 History of Physical Aggression (in school) -.1565 N= 2-42 for the juvenile drug trafficker; N=-433 for the demographic comparison group, respectively. Spearman's rho (p<.O I, unless otherwise indicated). *Not all measures are included.

Table l: Nonparametric Correlations Between the Juvenile Druc Traffickers, and the Democnphlc and Hlp-VIolent Comparison Groups for Psycholoclcal Functlonlnc Measures• Measure Druc Traffickers: Dernocnphlc Comparison Group Affective Functlonlnc Easily angered -.121 0 Poor impulse control -.1501 Significantly depressed or anxious -.127-4 Effective affective control .1519 Overall emotionaUcognitive functioning .20 I 0 Documented and Self-Reported Self-Destructive Behavior History of self-destructive behavior -.1736 Documented history of suiddal ideation -.1629 Youth's report of suiddal gestures -.112-4 Documented history of suiddal gestures -.1 050 N=2-42 for the juvenile drug traffickers; N=-433 for the demographic comparison groups. Spearman's rho (p<.O I, unless otherwise indicated). *Not all measures are included.

the time of their first adjudication. The total these measures indicated that the drug traf­ number of offenses also tended to be lower for ficker group tended to be less impulsive, had the drug traffickers than for the comparison better self control and was less prone to group. The drug traffickers presented with an aggressivity than the comparison grqup. It average of 5.5 (SEM = 0.2) offenses, while the was also interesting to note that inclusion in demographic comparison group presented with the drug traffickers groups was also reliably an average of7.5 (SEM = 0.2) offenses. Analy­ correlated with a lower level of suicidal thoughts sis of the other measures of violence, or and behaviors; again suggestive of better psy­ aggressive behavior (Table 1) suggested that chological health. the juvenile drug traffickers tended to be less In sum, the juvenile drug traffickers were violent and aggressive than the juvenile of­ correlated with a higher level of overall emo­ fenders in the comparison group. tional and cognitive functioning; a composite assessment which also included indices re­ ·Psychological Assessment flecting generalized aggressivity and/or anger Table 2 contains the correlations of note management. Specifically, 12 percent of the which pertain to the juvenile's rated level of drug traffickers were rated as functioning at

psychological functioning. Examination of an adequate or minimally dysfunctional c Page 8 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Table 3: Nonparametric Correlationl Between comparison group. The family relationships the Juvenile 0ru1 Traftlcken and the and environment also tended to be slightly Demoaraphlc Comparison Group for Social more positive for the drug traffickers (Table 3). Funcdonlna Meuures* The family relationships tended to be dysfunc­ Drua tional for both groups, however, with the cur­ Traffickers: rent family being rated as somewhat better Measure Demoaraphlc than the family of origin. The percentage of Comparison current families rated as severely dysfunction­ Group al for both groups were 22 and 28 percent for General the drug traffickers and comparison group, Exploits others -.1384 respectively. The ratings of severe dysfunction No empathy NS for the family of origin were 43 and 56 percent Social/interpersonal functioning .I I 56 for the drug traffickers and comparison group, respectively. lndusion in the juvenile drug traf­ School adjustment .1755 fickers group was correlated with a higher level Social Functlonlna With Peen of functioning in the family of origin. The juve­ Provokes others -.1188 nile drug traffickers were less likely to have Exciable -.1 5-40 been physically victimized when compared to Agressive -.1821 the demographic comparison group (r=--1153, Conflict with dassmates -.1916 p<.05). Mistrustful/guarded -.1305 No measures of intellectual functioning Socially appropriate NS oracademicachievementwerecorrelated with Social Funcdonlnl With Adults indusion in the drug traffickers group, and Provokes Others NS nothing in the medical record correlated with Excitable -.1-427 indusion in the drug traffickers group. Aggressive -.1265 DISCUSSION Conflict with .school authorities -.109-4 The goal of the present study was to Mistrustful/guarded NS describe and characterize incarcerated juvenile Socially appropriate NS drug traffickers with regard to their substance Family Reladonshlps use patterns, as well as several other mea­ Current family NS sures pertaining to their social, psychological Family of origin .1258 and intellectual functioning, academic achieve­ N=2-42 for the juvenile drug traffickers; N=-433 for ment, level of delinquency and violence, and the demographic comparison group. Spearman's physical health. In general, where significant correlations existed, the juvenile drug traffick­ mo (p<.OI, unless otherwise indicated). NS, ers were consistently rated as functioning at a nonsignificant correlation. higher level than the comparison group. "'Not all measures are. induded. A large number of the drug traffickers in the present study (73%) indicated that they emotional and cognitive level, while only 5 had used alcohol or other drugs at least once percent of the demographic group was judged in their lifetime, however the data from the as adequate or minimally dysfunctional. It present study indicated that incarcerated juve­ should be noted, however, that a large per­ nile drug traffickers tend not to use the sub­ centage of the juvenile drug traffickers (22%) stances that they are selling. Most of the juve­ were rated as severely dysfunctional in this nile drug traffickers reported using alcohol and domain. Again, though, 40 percent of the marijuana, substance use characteristic of comparison group was rated as severely dys­ adolescents (Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman functional by the staffing team. 1993). Though some juvenil~s admitted to the use of additional drugs, commentary in the file Social History- often indicated that use of drugs other than Social functioning for the juvenile drug alcohol or marijuana reflected experimenta­ traffickers was generally rated higher (Table tion rather than regular or problematic use. 3)- Forexample, thedrugtraffickerswererated This finding is consistent with the suggestion as being less likely to exploit others, and that successful drug traffickers tend to avoid possessing better interpersonal skills than the substance abuse and dependence as it Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page9 interferes with ability to "conduct business" prosecuted for all of the crimes that they and diminishes their profit margin (Chaiken, commit, nonadjudicated drug trafficking and/ Johnson 1988; Goldstein et al1989). or violent offenses pe~JM~trated by the juvenile Although it is possible that some of the offenders in the present study would not have juvenile offenders in the present study may been included in the analysis. This could po­ have been selling drugs in an effort to supple­ tentially resuH in two additional samples em­ ment their personal use, economic incentives bedded within the groups: the so-called "hid­ (Whitehead, Peterson, Kaljee 1994) or the den" drug traffickers and violent offenders. status associated with drug dealing in some AHematively, it has been suggested that in communities (Dembo et al1990; Whitehead et many cases drug-related violence is actually al1994) may have been the motivating influ­ perpetrated by a paid "enforcer" or "shooter" ences for their involvement in drug selling. (Goldstein et al 1989). Again, the available This may be especially true for inner-city Afri­ data do not address this possibility. Finally, it can American males, similar to the present is also important to note that the drug traffick­ sample, who have limited access to economic ers were not without violence; 7 percent were and vocational resources (Whitehead et al classified as "high-violenf offenders, and many 1994). The allure of the money, power and more of the juvenile drug sellers had histories prestige associated with the drug-selling life­ of some violent offending in their record. style may represent a significant impetus for We had postulated that drug trafficking this group to engage in drug-selling. This is not involved skills in the area of finance, cost/ to preclude the possibility that these juveniles benefit analyses, and possibly even rudimen­ may not be at higher risk for future substance tary pharmacology as the drugs are frequently abuse and dependence. In fact it has been re­ cut in an effort to increase the profit margin ported that as juvenile drug traffickers become while retaining or even maximizing ·potency. more enmeshed in the drug selling lifestyle, Educational data were analyzed to assess their use concomitantly increases (lnciardi, how juvenile drug traffickers performed in an Pottieger1991).Aithoughthedatainthepresent academic setting, however the resuHs indi­ study do not address the level of involvement cated no significant correlation between the in the drug and trafficking cultures, adoles­ measure of intellectual functioning (WISC-111) cents are generally involved in the lower levels and involvement in drug selling. It is important of the drug distribution network; the so-called to note, though, that the subjects in the present entry-level positions (AH-schuler, Brounstein study were adjudicated juvenile offenders com­ 1991). mitted to the CommonweaHh of Virginia's Earlier reports in the literature indicate juvenile correctional centers. Consequently, that adolescent drug selling is associated with the sample may be comprised of the "unsuc­ violence (Chaiken, Johnson 1988; lnciardi, cessful" juvenile drug traffickers insofar as Pottieger 1991 ). We have found that the incar­ they had been caught. In addition, reports in cerated juvenile drug traffickers in the present the literature suggest that standardized tests study, however, were correlated with a lower of intellectual functioning and academic per­ incidence of aggressivity, violence and delin­ formance may be cuHurally-biased (Hartlage, quency when compared to other age-, race­ Lucas, Godwin 1976; Mackler, Holman 1976; and gender-matched incarcerated juvenile of­ Smith, Hays, Solway 1977), possibly render­ fenders from their community. These resuHs ing this instrument invalid for use with ethnic are consistent with a recent study which indi­ minority populations. This would be an espe­ cates that violence is not significantly associ­ cially critical point as our sample was exclu­ ated with drug selling (Lockwood, lnciardi sively African American. FurthermOre, many 1993). It is importantto note, however, that the of the juveniles in the present study came from juvenile drug traffickers with violent offense economically disadvantaged localities; another histories may have been selectively trans­ variable which has been linked to poor perfor­ ferred for prosecution as aduHs rather than manceon standardized tests (Mackler, Holman juveniles (Butts 1994; Poulos, Orchowsky 1976). Finally, no correlative relationships 1994); the present data set would not address emerged from the medical history or data per­ this potential confound. Moreover, because taining to juveniles' physical heaHh. There the committing offense does not necessarily was, however, a high prevalence of sexually reflect the total pattern of delinquency and transmitted diseases, and fathering of children offenders are not always arrested or for both groups; positive evidence of Page 10 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

unprotected sexual activity. In addition, an Goldstein PJ 1985 The drugs/violence nexus J Drug extremely high prevalence of firearm injuries Issues 15493-506 Goldstein PJ, HH Brownstein, PJ Ryan, PA Bellucci (13%) was noted in both groups (Mclaughlin, 1989 Crack and homicide in New York City, 1988 Reiner, Smith, Waite, Reams, Joost, Garvin Contemp Drug Problems 16 651-658 1996). These findings may be reflective of a Hamid A 1991 Crack: newdirectionsindrugresearch. generalized pattern of high risk behavior or Part2. Factorsdeterminingthecurrentfunctioning ofthecrackeconomy-aprogramforethnographic thrill seeking often attributed to delinquent research lntemat J Addictions 26 913-922 populations (Farrow 1991). HartJageC,11.Lucas,AGodwin 1976Culturallyblased In summary, the incarcerated juvenile riculture-fairtests correlated with school perfor­ drug traffickers were found to differ from the mance in cultura~isadvantage children J Clin Psycho/ogy32 6 incarcerated delinquent comparison group in HoweO DC 1992 Statistical Methods for Psychology several areas. They tended to be rated as high­ third edition BeHrnont, CA: Duxbury Press er functioning by the assessment team, and Huizinga D, R Loeber, TP Thornberry 1994 Urban basically presented as being better adjusted in Delinquency and Substance Abuse: Initial Find­ ings Roc:kvile, MD: Juvenile Justice Clearinghouse almost every area evaluated. The broader im­ lnciardi JA,AE PottieQer 1991 Kids, crack, and crime plications of the present study suggest that J Drug Issues 21 257-270 drug trafficking may differ fundamentally from Johnson 80, M Natarajan, E Dunlap, E Elmoghazy the other types of criminal offending which 1994 Crack abusers and noncrackabusers J Drug lssues24117-141 characterized the comparison group. In com­ Johnston LD, PM O'Malley, JG Bachman 1993 Na­ munities with staggering unemployment rates tional Survey Results on Drug Use from the Moni­ and youth poverty, drug trafficking may be per­ toring the Future Study, 1975-1992, Voi.//Rockville, ceived as a viable "vocationar choice; the MD: National Institute on Drug Abuse U X, S Feigelman 1994 Recent & intended drug traf­ money, power and prestige associated with ficking among male & female urban African-Ameri­ the drug trafficking lifestyle presenting signifi­ can early adolescents Pediatrics93 1044-1049 cant incentives to juveniles with limited eco­ Lockwood D, JA lnciardi 1993Crinlnalviolenc:e among nomic opportunities. The results from the pres­ seriouslydelinquentyouths.NIDAConferenceon Drug Abuse Research Pradice: An Alliance for the ent study also have implications for interven­ 21 stCentury tions within the correctional setting as of­ Mackler B, D Holman 1976 Assessing, packaging, & fenders seeking to earn money may bring delivery YoungChildten31 351-354 additional motivation and abilities to reha­ Mathias RA, P DeMuro, RS Allison 1984 Violent Ju­ venile Offenders: An Anthology San Francisco, bilitation. It also suggests that these offenders CA: National Council On Crime and Delinquency have career expectations that exceed the Mclaughlin CR. SM Reiner, BWSmith, DE Waite, PN menial skills frequently offered in the cor­ Reams, TF Joost, AS Gervin 1996 Firearm injuries rectional setting, and, unfortunately, may have among juvenile drug traffickers (Letter). Amer J PublicHealth86 751-752 significant incentive to return to drug selling Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention upon release from incarceration. 1993 Comprehenalve Strategy for Serious, Vio­ lent, and Chronic Juvenile C5ffenders Rockville, REFERENCES MD: Juvenile Justice Clearinghouse Altschuler OM, PJ Brounstein 1991 Pattemsofdrug Poulos TM, S Orchowsky 1994 Serious juvenile of­ use, drug tratlicking, and other delinquency among fenders Crime & Delinquency 40 3-17 inner=adolescent males in Washington, DC Smith AL, JR Hays, KS Solway 19n Comparison of Crim" 29589-Q2 the WISC-R & culture fair intelligence test in a ButtsJA 1994 ndersinJuvenileCourt, 1992.U.S. juvenile delinquent population J Psychology 97 Department ofJustice, Juvenile Justice Bulletin 179-182 Chaiken MR, BD Johnson 1988 Ch817!tCteristics of Stanton B, J Galbraith 1994 Drug traffickin!il among Different Types of Drug-Involved Offenders Na­ African-American early adolescents Pedtatrics93 tional Institute of Justice 1039-1043 Dembo R, L Williams, WWothke, J Schmeidler, A van Kammen WB, R Loeber 1994 Are fluctuations in Getreu, E Berry, ED Wish, C Christensen 1990 delinquent activities related to the onset and offset The relationship between cocaine use, dru~ sales, in juvenile illegal drug use and drug dealing? J Drug and other delinquency among a cohort ofh~gh-risk Issues 24 9-24 youths over time. 112-135 In M De La Rosa, EY Wechsler D 1991 Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Lambert, B Gropper ads Drugs and Violence: Children 3rd Ed NY: Psychological Corporation causes, Correlates, and Consequences NIDA Whitehead 11., J Peterson, L Kaljee 1994 The "Hustle" Research Mon~raph 103 Pediatrics931 050-1 054 Farrow KF 1991 Health issues among juvenile delin­ quents. 21-331n LS Thompson ad The Folpotten ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Children In Health Cate: Children in the Juvenile This work was supported by the National Institute on Justice System Washington, DC: National Center Drug Abuse at the National Institutes of Health for Education in Maternal and Child Health (DA10000). Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. I, May I996 Page II CHRONICLE OF A GANG STD OUTBREAK FORETOLD John J Potterat and Stephen Q Muth, Health Department, Colorado Springs, R Perry Bethea, Colorado Department of Health, Denver

ABSTRACT An intense outbreak of sexually transmissible diseases occurred during 1990-19911nthe socio-sexual networtts of street gangs associated with the crack cocaine trade in Colorado Springs, Colorado. Described are the social science tools -street ethnography and social networtt analysis- applied to understand and control epidemic spread.

"He who desires but acts not, breeds Darrow, Muth, Reynolds 1993), servicemen pestilence.· -Blake (Woodhouse, Potterat, Muth, Pratts, Rothen­ berg, Fogle 1985) and injecting drug users INTRODUCTION (Woodhouse, Rothenberg, Potterat, Darrow, The year started with a bang. Two con­ Muth, Klovdahl et al 1994). Such populations nected cases of PPNG (penicillin-resistant are monitored not to point public health fingers gonorrhea) were diagnosed in our clinic on the at them, but to shake hands with them. The first wor1ting day of 1990-an event that proved efficient allocation of meager STD control pregnant with fate. For the ensuing fifteen resources depends on interrupting chains of months, we of the STD (sexually transmissible transmission in groups associated with in­ diseases) section of the health department in tense transmission. These groups are compo­ Colorado Springs (1990 SMA population: nents of specific socio-sexual networ1ts; it is 397,104) were involved in recognizing and these that account for the perpetuation of STD taming an intense outbreak of STD affecting in society. Indeed, because networ1ts, rather groups new to us: street gangs. than individuals, are the true ecological niche Penicillinase-Producing Neisseria for STD, we begin with an explanation of STD Gonorrhoeae (PPNG)were discovered in 1976. ecology. This relatively new paradigm reveals Until 1990, local PPNG cases (0.5% of all the silent assumptions that guide our STD gonorrhea cases) were typically acquired else­ intervention approaches. where, with subsequent local transmission a rare event. By April 1990 evidence was accu­ THE COMMUNITY FORM OF STD mulating that endogenous transmission of During the last two decades, a coherent PPNG was occurring, along with other STD. in theory of STD transmission has emerged the socio-sexual networ1ts of gangs associ­ (Potterat 1992).1n brief, STD survive in society ated with the crack-cocaine trade. What fol­ by finding networ1ts of people whose sexual lows chronicles our efforts to control this out­ and health behaviors are such that microbes break. We first summarize our current un­ find sufficient opportunity for sustained trans­ derstanding of the community form of STD mission. Originally termed •core groups• and then describe the social science tools - (Yor1te, Hethcote, Nold 1978), these ecologi­ street ethnography and social networ1t analy­ cal niches are probably more accurately de­ sis - we used to understand and control trans­ scribed as •core networ1ts" (Potterat, Muth mission in local street gangs. We conclude 1996). Core networ1ts, though small, can be that the forging of a public health partnership shown to account for community STD per­ between health wor1ters and persons affiliated petuation; they are also the ultimate fountain­ with street gangs is attainable; in this instance, head of society's non-core cases. The corol­ joint collaboration contributed not only to out­ lary is that if core .transmitters could be kept break control but also to prevention of long­ from Infection, STD could not be maintained in term recurrence. the community. We are field ("shoe-leather") epidemi­ Core networ1t members usually report ologists. Our section's traditional forte has early sexual debut, high-risk and high volume been outreach to populations empirically as­ sexual practices, and partner homophily (like sessed as being at high STD risk, such as chooses like). They frequently fail to recognize street prostitutes (Potterat, Woodhouse, Muth, symptoms, delay seeking medical attention, Muth 1990), men who have sex with men fail to notify partners, fail to comply with (Potterat, Woodhouse, Rothenberg, Muth, treatment recommendations and fail to use Page 12 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology barrier methods to minimize STD risk. Many Only since the mid-1980s have these twins lack an internal locus of control. These at­ been reunited (Kiovdahl 1985). tributes are facilitating fadors for STD per­ A network consists of a set of 'nodes' petuation. (individuals or groups) that are conneded by Core networks tend to occupy discreet 'edges' (relationships). A personal network social and spatial boundaries. This is because consists of a node with its conneded edges people who share common values tend to and nodes, while the social network is an socialize and live together. This preference aggregate of personal networks. Conneded (homophily) leads to restricted sexual and network regions are 'components'. Network drug partner selection, and to focal patterns of conformation and its properties, such as den­ residence and sites of association, usually sity, reachabllity, and prominence, can be based on age, sexual behaviors, patterns of defined mathematically (Wasserman, Faust drug use and social dass. Hence, when STD 1994); personal-computer programs are avail­ are Introduced, they propagate within sociaHy able to assist with analyses (Borgatti, Everett, and spatially focused networks ('soclo-geo­ Freeman 1992). While useful, social network graphlc space', or 'risk space' for short). R• information is only one map. Qualitative infor­ ltrided partner selection is what "bends• risk mation obtained from ethnographic observa­ space Into discrete social strudlKes. tions refines the map detail, thereby providing VVhether an STD survives or not in a a better view of the territory. As Rothenberg specific social network depends on its re­ and Nanamore point out: productive rate (May, Anderson 1987). A mi­ crobe has to lnfed ·at least one new host (in The result is that these approaches- network case the original host loses the microbe or ascertainment and ethnography - are com­ dies) simply to maintain its genetic presence. plementary, togetherthey have the potential to Thus the STD equilibrium point is a mean describe a social process, such as the trans­ replacement rate of 1. This view predids that mission of disease, and to c:ontrl)utetodiaease a rate less than unity threatens ecologic sur­ control and program evaluation. (1996) vival, while anything greater fuels epidemic spread. Mathematically, this idea is expressed In sum, we view social networks as the as 'architedure' of infectious disease risk space. Just as physical space has strudure, with R=BxCxD gravity its chief archited, and just as its con­ tent(matter-energy)obeystheformulaE=mc2, where R is the Reproductive Rate, B (Beta, or so does risk space's strudure (network confor­ weight) is the microbe's transmission efliclency, mation) inftuence disease propagation by obey­ C Is the rate of partner change (Contad), and ing the formula R= BxCxD. D (Duration) Is the period of host Infectious­ ness. Core networks are structures that main­ THE CONTACT TRACING PROCESS tain STD raproductive rates> 1. Field epidemi­ Contadtracing is the practice of seeking ologists strive to induce reproductive rates persons exposed to serious STD; its objec­ below unity by reducing parameter values. tives are to interrupt chains of transmission, to Encouraging safer sex and implementing~ prevent disease complications, and to encour­ finding (ascertaining and treating lnfeded cases age safer practices (Potterat, Meheus, Gallwey and their exposed partners) are two major 1991). It consists of the extraordinary ad of methods. asking infeded persons the most intimate secrets oftheir lives: with whom they have sex, THESOC~LNEnNORKPARA~GM in what ways, and how often, and of confiden­ The STD contad tracing (see below) tially notifying exposed partners. Health work­ and social network paradigms can be viewed ers don't reveal the identity of informants. as fraternal twins: both depend on connections If a special STD is spreading rapidly in a to make sense. Although these twin disciplines population, infected dients are usually asked were born at the same time (early 1930s) they to reveal the identity not only of their partners were raised apart, the former In the field and (contads) but also of their partners' other the latter in academia. Conceptually, they partners (dusters). So-called 'duster inter­ developed in parallel but used different meth­ viewing' not only permits more Immediate ods and jargon (Rothenberg, Nanamore 1996). access to second generation partners but, like Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 13

purposive snowball sampling, provides cues had to be mediated by gang-associated STD about the larger milieu (i.e., social network) in clients. Although gang-associated men facili­ which sm is currently spreading. tated entry, it was their women who initially supplied the most important information to OUTBREAK FORETOLD AND identify the five different gangs and their sets; ACTUAUZED their members and respective hierarchical Although public health authorities had standing; and their sexual and business deal­ issued warnings about crack cocaine use and ings. It is RPB's view that STD infection in its potential to fuel STD outbreaks - because gang- affiliated women amplified pre-existing crack appeared to "stimulate pathologieallev­ anger these women felt vis-A-vis their male els of sexual activity"(Kerr 1989) -we were partners. Talking with RPB was one way to get unaware that a crack subculture or its distribu­ back at their men for infecting them. (STD tion system (street gangs) existed locally. By patient psychology is predictable: patients April of 1990, as a result of information ob­ seldom think of people they might have in­ tained during STD duster interviewing, both fected; they usually angrily focus on those the presence of local gangs and of rapid STD whom they perceive to have infected them.) transmission within their social networks, be­ carne evident. By the end of the outbreak in the IN THE CUNIC: 'Name Dropping' spring of 1991 , our health workers had identi­ Initially armed with a partial saipt (gang fied more than 400 gang-associated persons, structure and activities) and with identifying of whom 300 were medically assessed, yield­ information on some actors, RPB was able to ing 390 STD diagnoses (for an astonishing probe new STD clinic clients about gang asso­ rate of 130,000 STD cases per 100,000 popu­ ciation. Querying those who had characteris­ lation, probably the highest attack-rate ever tics suggestive of gang association - such as reported)(Bethea, Muth, Potterat, Woodhouse, age, ethnicity, mode of dress, or presence of Muth, Spencer et al1993). electronic beeper-was important in ascertain­ It was one of us (RPB) who initially ing network membership. Willingness to re­ recognized the outbreak. Cluster interviewing veal such association was greatly facilitated and ethnographic information revealed that by the interviewer's non-pejorative mention of not only were local PPNG cases connected but gang names, gang leaders, or gang activities that, importantly, many other STD cases (prin­ at opportune moments during the interview. cipally non-resistant gonorrhea and chlamy­ Few gang-associated clients were voluble; dia) seemed to be simultaneously occurring in although they commonly responded to our the same social circles. Because identifying invasive questions, few volunteered infor­ information on contacts and dusters was often mation without prompting. Especially impor­ marginal, consisting of nicknames and gang tant were the moments after formal interview hangouts, street ethnography became a cen­ (when the interviewer's paper and pencil were tral feature of our control efforts. Street eth­ put away) and the conversation turned casual nography consists of two parts: 'See and Be (e.g., "Oh, by the way, whafs happening with Seen'. The 'See' part occasions observations Ratso?"). that lead to asking the right questions; the 'Be Gang clients were seldom intimidated Seen' part builds trust. Although four of us by the possibility of acquiring HIV infection by performed the STD interviews and contact their sexual adventurism. Not until six months tracing, RPB was the principal street pres­ after the outbreak's end did HIV susceptibility ence. His prior public health experience (1989, become more real (becauseofMagicJohnson's in Denver) with street gangs gave him the revelation in the late Fall of 1991). In their confidence, the vocabulary and, above all, the minds, HIV risk was connected to homosexu­ interest to work with our local gangs. als and injecting drug users - two groups for During the late 1980s, local gangs had whom most gang kids had undisguised con­ staked out several places for social aggre­ tempt. It was only RPB'~ relentiess pressure gation - specific movie theaters, hamburger that led many to acceptance ofHIV counseling stands, shopping malls, bars, public parks and and testing. Whattheyfearedwas PPNG. The apartments (for sex and to deal drugs). Be­ idea of a monstrous strain of gonorrhea suf­ cause RPB, a 30-year old long-haired white ficed to scare many into periodic examination male, looked like an undercover policeman, at our clinic. safe entry into these socio-geographic spaces In the STD Clinic, gang associates were Page 14 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology treated as VIP, personally attended by RPB, suggested increased condom use over time, and afforded speedier service than non-gang these reports were not often confirmed by the clients. They were especially targeted for free women. Because control of both focal and condom demonstration and distribution. The community-wide STD outbreaks have been clinic's receptive atmosphere promoted much associated with vigorous contact tracing goodwill in gang networks. Word of mouth (Potterat et al 1991), we suspect that such referral in gang circles was a common event. efforts account for much of the outbreak's abatement. Both the duration of infectious­ IN THE FIELD: 'Watch Your Norma' ness (D) and contact rate (C) parameters are STD workers are trained to take notes strongly influenced by successful contact trac­ unobtrusively in the field. Even someone per­ ing (Rothenberg, Potterat 1987). ceived as non-threatening, such as a health department STD worker, may be viewed with SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS suspicion If notes are taken publicly. Notes We used the tools of social network were generally recorded immediately after analysis to retrospectively detect unapparent completion of the field visit and away from sexual connections, to examine network re­ gang spaces. Occasionally, gang-associated gions ('components') of intense transmission, cars would tail RPB's car, presumably to and to identify central actors. All Program STD assess RPB's destination as friendly or hos­ contact interview records (not simply those tile. Once, during the initial period of street perceived to be outbreak connected) for the ethnography, a gang leader purposely invited outbreak period were manually reviewed for RPB into an apartment loaded with dangerous evidence of gang association in the client or material ra mountain of cocaine, an arsenal their named contacts or clusters. Eligibles of weapons, and explosivesj presumably to were uniquely identified to prevent multiple test his avowed neutrality. counting; their sexual connections were exam­ Since socio-sexual networks are the fun­ ined using GRADAP and SAS routines. damental structures sustaining STD transmis-­ The final data set comprised 410 (218 sion we view them, rather than individuals, as men, 192 women) sexually connected per­ fundamental units of intervention. And be­ sons. Mean age for men was 21.5; seven­ cause network norms are predictive of behav­ eighths were black; and 35.6 percent had ior, we focused on influencing control and known gang affiliations. The women were prevention outcomes by influencing norms. ethnicallydiverse(53%black,31%white,14% Assuming that gang leaders and opinion lead­ Hispanic) with a mean age of 19.7, and 40.6 ers were synonyms, RPB made special efforts percent had known gang affiliations (Potterat, to enlist the aid of top gang leaders (of whom Bethea, Muth, Woodhouse, Muth 1992). Of there were about a dozen). Because such the 248 who ever received an STD diagnosis, leaders can track down virtually any network 200 were interviewed, naming 558 contacts member and, importantly, because they had and 571 clusters (X= 5.6 names per client). the time, they proved invaluable in helping us This core network of 41 0 persons, represent­ locate clients with fluid domiciles. ing 0.1 percent of our SMA's 18-44 year olds, Tt1e norms we were most interested in accounted for a disproportionate 22 percent of influencing were those that could induce the all reported gonormea cases locally during the network's STD reproductive rate to levels be­ period of observation. As predicted (Rothen­ low unity. We hypothesized that either a quan­ berg 1983), community STD case distribution tum reduction in the rate of sexual partner was strongly focal geographically and exhib­ acquisition (Dan 1988) or even a modest level ited a fractal pattern (Potterat 1992; ZenUman, of condom use (Kiovdahl, Potterat, Wood­ Bonner, Sharp, Rabb, Alexander 1988). Nearly house, Muth, Muth, Darrow 1992; Potterat half (43%) of the 300 persons examined con­ 1993) could help metamorphosize STD trans­ sented to HIV testing; one, a 31 year old white mission from sustained to sporadic. Although injecting drug user, was HIV-infected (Potterat it appeared to RPB that the intensity of sexual et al1992). activity diminished during the course of the Analysis of the structure of sexual con­ outbreak, surrogate markers (numbers of con­ nections (Stepwise Graph Reduction) revealed tacts named over time) do not support this that 107 persons were located within network impression. And although anecdotal informa­ regions forming a dense (cyclic) scaffold and tion obtained from men during the outbreak that 303 persons were in linear (non-cyclic or Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 15 branched) regions. The 107 were much more memorably remarked: "Gang members may likely than the 303 to be gang-affiliated (72.6% be alienated, but they're not aliens". The re­ vs. 26%; p<0.001); to be very young (X=19.4 markable degree of trust and cooperation we years vs. 21.1; p=0.002); to be STD infected enjoyed is emphasized by the extraordinarily (X= 90% vs. 80%; p=0.03); and to name more high number of contacts and clusters they sexual partners (X=3.9 vs 1.9; p<0.001) identified and helped refer to medical atten­ (Potterat et al1992). (The latter datum served tion. It would be foolish to underestimate such as empirical support for the hypothesis that a clients' willingness, if proper1y approached, to strong motivation for young males to join collaborate in STD control endeavors. gangs is enhanced sexual access to females [Palmer, Tilley 1995]). REFERENCES Social network analyses confirmed our Bethea RP, SQ Muth, JJ Potterat, DE Woodhouse, J8 Muth, NE Spencer et al1993 Gang-related out­ impression that the outbreak was driven by break of Penicillinase-Producing Neisseria gang members; they provided strong support Gonorrhoeae and other sexually transmitted dis­ for the STD core networks paradigm Cf orke et eases- Colorado Springs, 1989-1991 Morb Mortal al 1978); and they served to validate ethno­ Weekly Rep (MMWR) 42 2 25-28 Borgatti SP, MG Everett, LC Freeman 1992 UCINET graphic impressions. For example, RPB was IV network analysis software Connections 15 12- shown a list of the 107 cyclically connected 15 persons and asked to select the 10 he would Dan BB 1986 Sex and the singles' whirl: the quantum consider as most important to reach; there dynamics of hepatitis B JAMA 256 1344 Kerr P 1989 Crack and resurgence of syphilis spread­ was 70 percent concordance between RPB's ing AIDS among the poor NY Times 20 Aug and the computer's picks (based on Freeman's Klovdahl AS 1985 Social networks and the spread of 'Betweenness' measure ofnetwork prominence infectious diseases: the AIDS example Social Sci [Wasserman, Faust 1994]). Med211203-1216 Klovdahl AS, J Potterat, D Woodhouse, J Muth, S Muth, 'WN Darrow 1992 HIV infection in an urban AFTERMATH AND SUMMARY social network: a p~ress report Bulletin de The gang-associated outbreak was prin­ Methodologie Sociologique 36 24-33 cipally concentrated during the 16 months MayRM,RMAnderson1987Transmissiondynamics ofHIVinfection Natura326137-142 separating December 1989 and March 1991. Palmer CT, CF Tilley 1995 Sexual access to females After a two month hiatus, a short-lived and as a motivation for joining gangs: an evolutionary much less intense resurgence occurred, last­ approach J Sex Res 32 213-217 ing from July through October 1991. Knowl­ PotteratJJ 1992 'Socio-geographicspac:e' and sexu­ ally transmissible diseases in the 1990s Today's edge gleaned from field experience and social Life Sci 41216-22 & 31 network analysis helped us intervene quickly 1993 'Socio-geographic space' and focal and put out the renascent fire. Mini-outbreaks -co=nd'T.om use? in Wcafes Jr, AA Campbell eds have episodically occurred since and have Behavioral Researoh on the Role of Condoms in Reproductive Health Bethesda MD: Center For been quickly addressed to prevent STD en­ Population Research NationallnstofHealth trenchment in these core networks. Eternal PotteratJJ,PBethea,SMuth,DWoodhouse,JMuth vigilance comes with our territory. 1992 A network-informed strategy for preventing Of all the epidemiologically important HIV among streetgangmembers~lnAbstracts VUI lnt Conference on AIDS/Ill STD World Congress groups with which we've dealt during the last Amsterdam NE (#ThC 1516) quarter century, none seemed as potel')tially Potterat JJ, A Meheus, J Gallwey 1991 Partner noti­ dangerous as the crack cocaine-associated fication: operational considerations lntematJ STD street gangs we describe. Although RPB re­ &AIDS2 411-415 Potterat JJ, JB Muth 1996 Core groups by any other calls only one scary instance during field work name? Sex TransmDisease23164-165 (a 14 year-old 'wannabe' pulled a gun on him; Potterat JJ, DE Woodhouse, JB Muth, SQ Muth 1990 RPB defused the situation by admiring the Estimating the prevalence and career longevity of gun!), we wish to urge caution. As this anec­ prostitute women J Sex Res 27 233-243 Potterat JJ, DE Woodhouse, RB Rothenberg, SQ dote suggests, sang froid may be the crucial Muth, 'WN Darrow, JB Muth, JU Reynolds 1993 attribute of a street-gang ethnographer; gang­ AIDS in Colorado Springs: is there an epidemic? sters easily sense and exploitfear.lt is also our AIOS71517-1521 impression that women ethnographers would Rothenberg R 1983 The geography of gonorrhea: empirical demonstration of core group transmis­ be at special risk owing to their gender. sion Amer J Epidemio/ 117 688-694 And yet our experience was over­ Rothenberg R, J Narramore 1996 The relevance of whelmingly positive. As Centers For Disease social network concepts to sexually transmitted Control and Prevention sociologist WI/I/ Darrow disease control Sex Trensm Disease 23 24-29 Page 16 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Rothenberg R, JJ Potterat 1987 Social and temporal Zenilman JM, M Bonner, KL Sharp, JA Rabb, ER aspects of gonorrhea transmission: the force of Alexander 1988 Penicillin-Producing Neisseria infectivity S.x Transm Disease 15 88-92 gonorrhoeae in Dade County, Florida: evidence of Wasserman S, KFaust 1994 SociBINetworlcAnalysis: CO!!ilrDUP transmitters and the impad of illicit Methods 811dApp//cationsCambridge u antibiOtics S.x Transm Disease 15 45-50 Woodhouse DE, JJ Potterat, JB Muth, Cl Pratts, R Rothenberg,JSFogle1985Ac:lviJian-mllitpart­ ACKNOWLEDGMENT nerahip for the reduction of gononhea incidence ToourSTDcllents, whose trust and cooperation made Public HesJth Reo 100 61-65 our joint succ:esaespossible; to Drs WN Darrow, AS Woodhouse DE, RB Rothenberg, JJ Potterat, WN KkNdahl, RBRolhei!D8!P, RWalace, &DE Woodhouse Darrow, SQ Muth, AS Klovdahlet al1994 Mapping whole conceptualizatiOns grace thla presentation a social network of heterosexuals at high risk for throughout; and to Gabriel Garcia-Marquez and Peter HIV infection AIDS 8 1331-1336 Mayle-whosework inspired the title and first sentence Yortte JA, HW Hethcote; A Nold 1978 Dynamics and respectively. conlrolofthetrwltiTiissionofgo~IOn'hea Sex Tnmm DiseaseS 51-56

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAl. OF• SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY

MANUSCRIPTS lhould be IUbmllted in duplicate and in acceptable torm. REFERENCES and FOOTNOTES should be according to the FORMAT Ul8d in AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW. Style·inalruc· lion for guidance in preparing manuec:ripls will be provided upon re­ quellto the EDITOR. PROCESSING FEE ol $25.00 1111111 accompany aadl paper eubmilled ellleriO INTERNATIONAL REVEW OF MODERN SOCIOLOGY or IN­ TERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY. The menUICripta not a~ by the fee will not be procesaed until the fee is received by the EDITOR.

EDITORIAL OFFICE: Addr.a coneepondence on manUIICripta, news and announcemenlll, Mail to: Editor; Dr ManS Dall; Sociology Depertment; Northern Illinois Univeraity; Del

ABSTRACT This research explores the relationship between sociodemographiccharacteristics, drug use, drug related activities, high risk behavior and feelings ofsubstance dependency with readinessfortreatmentamong Mexican American,AfricanAmericanandwhltearrestees. Thesample(N=688)wasdrawnfromthe0rugUseForecasting (DUF) arrestees in San Antonio, Texas who tested positive for heroin or cocaine and admitted using these drugs sometime in their life. Analysis based on a series of step-wise forward regressions identified the most significant predictors and odds ratios for wanting treatment for each ethnic group. The results indicate that each ethnic group presented a distinctpattem predicting help-seeking behaviorrangingfrom a highly complicated one for Mexican Americans toalesscomplicatedmoclelforAfricanArnericans. ThestrongestpredictonsforMexicanAmericansarefeelings dependent on heroin and on marijuana (more than doubling the odds). Being divorced, injecting cocaine and faeling dependentonalcoholandhavingUiegalincomeandspendin~$200ormoreondrugsaweekalsoincreasedthe odds of seeking treatment For African Americans using hero1n everyday tripled the odds, while money spent on drups and not flaving full-time employment were also strong predictors of readiness for treatment. For whites feelingdependentonalcoholtripledtheoddsofhelpseeking,whileuslngheroineveryday,injectingcocaineand money spent on drugs doubled the odds of readiness for treatment. The implications are that a more creative attentiontothespecificcomplexesofsoclologicaland social psychological variables associatedwithethnicgroups would lead to progress both in scientifiC theory construction and the planning of prevention interventions in these groups.

INTRODUCTION maintains that help-seeking is both cognitive In the field of drug abuse treatment, the and behavioral. Some of the behavioral fac­ determinants for seeking help are far less dear tors distinguishing non-help seekers from help­ than in other areas of medical sociology. The seekers indicates that non-help seekers spent defining of symptoms related to drug abuse is a lower proportion of their income on drugs, also less dear (Padgett, Struening, Andrews tended to work, either legally or through drug 1990). Illness behavior occurs when a person dealing (compared to Social Security Insur­ defines a problem needing medical attention ance or petty theft) and experienced less dis­ and seeks care for that problem (Mechanic sonance with peers or partners (Hartnoll, Power 1978). It is generally recognized in medical 1989}. This study, conduded in London, con­ sociology theory that there are multiple deter­ dudes that it was not the extent of drug use minants for illness behavior ranging from per­ itself that determined who sought treatment, ception and recognition of symptoms (Me­ but rather the consequences of the drug use. chanic 1980; Zola 1973), the extent of disrup­ In other words, those reporting similar drug tion in family and work life (Kessler, Price, use, but not seeking treatment were able to Wortman 1985; Pear1in 1983), to the availabil­ better "control" the negative consequences. ity of treatment resources (McKinlay 1974}. In the London study, drug users seeking While a few studies exist about drug use and treatment also report difficulties in other areas help-seeking, these studies explore youth who of their lives induding financial and legal prob­ use drugs and who they would talk to and seek lems (Hartnoll, Power 1989}. These findings help from (Mata, Castillo 1986}. These studies have been supported and extended by re­ generally address student's communication search in the United States. Rounsaville and channels and sources for help-seeking (Mata, Kleber's (1985) psychiatric study of the differ­ Andrew, Rouse 1993; Mata, Magana 1995; ences between treated and untreated opiate Windle, Miller-Tutzauer, Barnes, Welte 1991}. addids condudes that addids not seeking While they explore patterns of drug-use among treatment are no less severely drug dependent youth, they do not focus on youths' acutal drug then their matched treatment seekers. They abuse help-seeking efforts. do, however, have a more adequate level of Hartnoll (1992) in his review of help­ social functioning and fewer drug-related so­ seeking behavior in the field of drug abuse cial problems. Studies of injecting drug users Page 18 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology have shown across a variety of sites that IDUs need for treatment in a sample of arrestees. not in treatment, compared to those in treat­ The guiding hypothesis for this study is thatthe ment, are younger, have less education and subjective factor will be influenced by differ­ are more likely to be unemployed (Aicabes, ences in the social position and culture repre­ Vlahov, Anthony 1992; Chitwood, McCoy 1990; sented by ethnic group membership. This McCusker, Koblin, Lewis, Sullivan 1990). To hypothesis has received support from studies the contrary, O'Donnell, Voss, Clayton, Slatin of the Drug Use Forecasting (DUF) program in and Room (1976) found that those not being Los Angeles where controlling for gender, age treated for heroin showed less impairment. and heroin use, Hispanics were significantly Most studies comparing drug abusers less likely than whites to perceive a need for who seek treatment with those who do not tend treatment (Longshore, Hsieh, Anglin 1993). to be restricted to largely objective 'factors The study concludes that the success of treat­ (Timms, Timms 1977). They involve research ment strategies probably depend on how is­ designs that retrospectively look at persons suesofdenialversus competence are handled. already in treatment and compare them to a This hypothesis is also congruent with Hartnoll's matched sample of out-of-treatment persons (1992) reference that in future research new (Mclellan, Luborsky, Woody, O'Brian, Druley priorities focus on ethnic minority drug abus­ 1983). Previous research tends to ignore the ers' help-seeking behaviors. He specifically prospective, dynamic process that constitutes saw a need to explore differences among treatment-seeking behavior. these ethnic minority groups "in terms of their Prochaska, DiCiementi and Norcross different needs ... and the prevalence of drug (1992) have developed a theory of stages of use and risk behaviors among those groups" behavioral change for health problems. If fol­ (Hartnoll 1992). The study reported in this lows a person who moves from a phase of paper directly contributes to this research denial of a problem, to taking a decision to priority. change, to actually taking action to change, that is, to seek treatment. Their research em­ METHODOLOGY phasizes that help-seeking is not simply a Data for the analysis were obtained from response to an objective situation, but rather the Drug Use Forecasting (DUF) program, a involves mediating, cognitive, decision-mak­ national monitoring system developed by the ing and denial factors. Department of Justice. The DUF program In terms of treatment seeking and tenure administers urine tests and interviews of adult (length in treatment), Deleon and Jainchill arrestees in local jails on a quarterty basis in (1986) argue that the essential differences to twenty-three large and small U.S. cities. The be studied are not who the clients in treatment purpose of the DUF program is to provide each are, but •how they perceive themselves, their city with estimates ofdrug use among arrestees circumstances and their life options at the time and Information for detecting changes in drug of treatment involvement." They distinguish use trends. The DUF interview focuses on drug four factors that define how the person will use and criminal history, demographic back­ perceive treatment options: 1) circumstances ground, and other variables (U.S. Department (extrinsic pressures), 2) motivation (intrinsic of Justice 1990; Wish, Gropper 1990). The pressures), 3) readiness· and 4) suitability. validity of drug test data of arrestees has been Much attention has been given to the role of demonstrated in numerous studies (Balenko, pressure in treatment seeking with research, Fagan, Chin 1991; Goldkamp, Gottfredson, for example, on compulsory treatment. There Weiland 1990; Smith, Ploesnber 1992). The is also a growing literature on suitability; the limitations of the DUF methodology have also issue of matching a client to the appropriate been recognized and include problems of non­ service available. Far less attention has been representative of the criminal population and placed on the factor of readiness for treatment. data adequacy and completeness (Goldstein, Deleon and Jainchill (1986) define awatrnent Henry, Brownstein, Patrick 1992). readiness• as "the individual's perceived need for any treatment to assist in personal change, Procedures compared with alternative options." Enrollment in the DUF sample occurs In this paper, the readiness for treatment during booking when arresteesare approached problem is addressed by attempting to identify about participating in the study. Data are the predictors that are related to the perceived collected in central booking stations in the 23 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 19

Table I: Characteristics of Drug Related Variables for Mexican Americans, African Americans and Whites African Mexican Whites Drug Related Variable Category Americans Americans p (n•l62) (n..,4) (n&432) Drug Related Activities illegal Income yes 23 23 27 .520 no 77 77 73 charged with felony yes 36 35 35 .960 no 64 65 65 charged theft/larceny yes 52 35 40 .010 no 48 65 60 money spent on drugs more than $200 27 33 39 .120 $200 or less 73 67 61 High Risk Behavior method of cocaine use prefer injea 20 48 54 .000 prefer other methods 80 52 46 share needles yes 7 22 19 .00-4 no/do not use 93 78 81 number drugs tested positive one drug 51 65 n .003 two or more -49 35 28 sex partners last year 3 or less 80 80 76 ,600 -4 or more 20 20 2-4 Drug Use Last Month use of tobacoo every day 75 63 83 .000 less than every day 25 37 37 use of alcohol I 0 times or more -43 34 39 .200 9 times or less 57 66 61 use of marijuana 10 or more times 22 20 20 .840 9 times or less 78 80 80 use of cocaine I 0 or more times 1-4 26 28 .030 9 or less times 86 7-4 n use of heroin every day IS 32 23 .000 less than eve!! dal 85 68 77 cities for approximately 7 days each quarter. The response rate in DUF samples is Local staff obtain voluntary and anonymous high with over 90 percent of those arrestees urine specimens and interviews from the approached agreeing to be interviewed and arrestees.ln each siteapproximately225 males over 80 percent of these providing urine and 100 females are sampled. DUF samples samples. Urine specimens are analyzed for 10 are also controlled so as to limit the number of drugs: cocaine, opiates, marijuana, PCP, persons charged with petty offenses or other methadone, benzodiazepines (Valium), metha- drug offenses. Persons charged with traffic qualone, propoxyphene (Darvon), barbiturates offenses or vagrancy are excluded. Where and amphetamines. The urine test can detect there is a choite of arrestees, persons are se- use of most drugs up to 3 days before testing, lected by arrest charge in the following order: and marijuana and PCP use can be detected nondrug felony, nondrug misdemeanor, drug up to several weeks before testing. felony, and drug misdemeanor. Because of their small numbers in most jurisdictions, all Sample female arrestees are approached, regardless This study sample consists of those of charge. In practice, most persons in the DUF arrestees in San Antonio, Texas during DUF samples are charged with nondrug felony 1992, 1993 and 1994 who tested positive for offenses. cocaine ol' heroin and admitted to having used Page 20 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology these drugs sometime in their life.' Of the!>8 ethnic group with the higher percentages re­ 715 arrestees, 688 had complete data. Sixty­ ported by whites (28%} and Mexican Ameri­ four percent ofthem are Mexican American, 20 cans (26%} compared to African Americans percent white, and 14 percent African Ameri­ (14%}. The ethnic variations on drug depend­ can. The sample is relatively young and unedu­ ence followed drug use patterns. A lower per­ cated with the average age of30 years old and centage of Mexican Americans felt dependent median educational level of 10 years. Only 40 on tobacco (42%} compared to African Ameri­ percent were employed full-time, with a me­ cans (55%} or whites (67%}. However, a higher dian income of$400 a month, while 45 percent percentage of Mexican Americans felt de­ were single. A little over half of the sample pendent on heroin (36%} compared to whites (53%} stated that they wanted treatment. (28%} or African Americans (18%}. A very low The demographic profiles ofthe popula­ percentage of African Americans (3%} report­ tion varied by ethnic group. The white popula­ ed feeling dependent on cocaine, while be­ tion has the highest income (60% above the tween 17-20 percent of Mexican Americans median}, the highest percentage of full-time and whites reported feeling dependent on this employment (40%}, the highest percentage drug. divorced (47%} with about ar1 average educa­ tion level (58% above 10 years} and a slightly Measures higher percentage of persons over 30 years of The predictor variables in this study are age (59%}. The African American sample had grouped into five broad classes: demographic the highest educational attainment (83% per­ variables, drug related activities, high risk be­ cent over 10 years of education}, compounded havior, use of drug in last month and depend­ by the lowest full-time employment (25%}, the ence on drugs. The continuous demographic lowest legal income (45% below the median}, variables were collapsed into two categories the highest percent single (43%} and the high­ based on the sample median. The median age est percent above age 30 (68%}. The Mexican was 30 years of age, the education median American sample was more similar to the Afri­ was at 10 years of schooling, while the median can Americans in the percent employed full­ income was $400 a month. "Employmenr time (29%}, but had the highest percent mar­ was collapsed into 'employed full-time' and ried (31%}, were the youngest (58% percent 'not employed full-time,' while marital status below age 30}, and the lowest education (61% was grouped into 'single,' 'married' and 'di­ below the group median of 10 years}. vorced or separated.' A higher percentage of African Ameri­ The drug related behaviors include "ille­ cans (52%} were charged with theft or larceny gal income," "charged with a felony," "charged than whites (40%} or Mexican Americans (35%} with theft or larceny" and "amount of money (Table 1}. There were significant differences in spent of drugs.· The illegal income variable the high risk behavior by ethnic group. African was recoded into either 'reported illegal in­ Americans reported a much lower percentage come' or 'no reported illegal income,' while the preferring injecting cocaine (20%} than Mexi­ money spent on drugs was split along the can Americans (48%} or whites (54%}. A lower median (of those reporting spending money percentage ofAfrican Americans also reported on drugs} of $200 per week. sharing needles (7%} than the other two ethnic ·use of drugs in last 30 days" was based groups (around 20%}. However African Ameri­ on arrestees' responses to "how many days can had a higher percentage testing positive they had u~ a particular substance in the last for two or more drugs (49%} compared to 30 days." The responses for each of the five Mexican Americans (35%} and whites (28%}. substances (tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, co­ The patterns of drug use in the past 30 caine and heroin} were separated based on the days for Mexican Americans, African Ameri­ median of those having used the substance cans and whites varied significantly for to­ within the last 30 days. For cocaine the median bacco, cocaine and heroin. Mexican Ameri­ was using six times in the last month,.while for cans had the lowest percentage using tobacco alcohol and cocaine the median was using ten every day (63%} compared to African Ameri­ days out ofthe last 30 clays. The use oftobacco cans (75%} and whites (83%}, but had the and heroin was much higher and therefore highest percentage using heroin everyday these variables were grouped by daily use and (32%} compared to whites (23%} and African less that daily use. Americans (15%). Cocaine use also varied by The items considered related to high risk Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 21

Table 2: Logistic Regresion Adjusted Odds Rados (AOR) for Readiness for Treatment by Selected Demographic, Drug-Related Activities, High Risk Behavior, Drug Use, Drug Dependency Categories by Ethnic Group Adjusted Odds Ratio Predictor Predictor Category African American Mexican American White (n-87) (n-.c03) (n•162) Demographic employment not full-time 1.86* ns marital status divorced 1.84** Drug Related Activities illegal income yes ns 1.59* 2.01* money spent on drugs $200 or more a week 2.02* l..f2* High Risk Behavior injecting cocaine yes 1.71- Drug Use use of heroin everyday 3.M* 2.23* Drug Dependency on alcohol yes 1.66* 3.13** on marijuana yes 2.16** on heroin yes 2.29- ns *p<.OS; **p<.O I; ***p<.OO I; ns - non-significant; -- • not included in final analyses behavior indude "preferred method of cocaine step-wise logistic regression analysis was first use" either 'injecting' or 'other preferred meth­ conducted to screen the relationships between ods,' "number of sexuai~J>artners in last 12 the readiness for treatment and each set of the months" dichotomized intb either '3 or less five dasses of treatment seeking variables partners' and '4 or more partners,' "the number separately across three ethnic groups (SPSS of drugs tested positive" 'one' or 'two or more,' 1986). Those variables that were significantly and "sharing of needles," 'shared needles' or related to readiness for treatment from the 'did not share needles.' screening analysis were then entered into a If the arrestees admitted to using a final forward step-wise logistic regression to particular substance, they were asked if they determine the adjusted odds ratios (AOR) for felt dependent on the substance. For tobacco, wanting treatment for each ethnic group. alcohol, marijuana, cocaine, or heroin the Listwise deletion of cases was applied to the variables were coded as either 'felt dependent' missing data. or 'did not feel dependent or did not use the substance.' RESULTS The "readiness of treatment" variable Table 2 presents the results of the lo­ was based on arrestees' response to the ques­ gistic regressions on readiness for treatment tion: "Do you feel that you could use treatment for Mexican Americans, African Americans for drug or alcohol use 7' The responses on the and whites. The predictors for readiness for questionnaire were coded as "1 =no, • "2=yfls, Mexican Americans showed the most complex drug only," "3=yes, alcohol only," "4=yes, pattern. The strongest predictors for this group drug and alcohol." Categories 2 and 4 were are "feeling dependent on heroin" (AOR=2.29, combined to indicate readiness for treatment. p<.001) and "feeling dependent on marijuana" Those that responded "yes, alcohol only" were (AOR=2.16, p<.01}, increasing the odds by not induded in the analysis (n=29). The result­ more than two times. "Being divorced" (AOR= ing variable represents a dichotomous re­ 1.83, p<.01}, "injecting cocaine" (AOR=1.71, sponse of either: "1 =want treatment" or p<.001 }, "feeling dependent on alcohol" (AOR= "O=does not want treatment. • 1.66, p<.05), "reporting illegal income" (AOR= 1.59, p<.05) and "spending $200 or more a Statistical Analysis week on drugs" (AOR=1.42, p<.05) also in­ The dependent variable in the analysis creased the odds of readiness of treatment for was the readiness for treatment. A forward this ethnic group. Page 22 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

For whites the strongest precndor for populations" from treatment services. The use readiness was "feeling dependent on alcohol" of the DUF data · (notwithstanding its own (AOR=3.13, p<.01). Interestingly, the AOR of methodological limitations) provides a fresh 3.13 was the highest found in this study and and new source of data that avoids some of the was not related to drug abuse per se, but to sampling problems associated with dinical alcohol dependency. Feeling dependent on and community survey samples. alcohol by whites increases the odds by more The specific complexity of the pattern of then three times of treatment readiness. "ln­ predidors for readiness for treatment for the jeding cocaine" (AOR=2.23, p<.001}, "daily Mexican American arrestees may help rein­ use of heroin" (AOR=2.23, p<.05) and "report­ force other research noting Mexican American ing illegal income" (AOR=2.01, p<.05) were low rates of help-seeking (Anderson, Lewis, also significant predidors that more than Giachello, Aday, Chiu 1981; Roberts, Lee doubled the odds for treatment readiness. 1980). Yet it is not dear whether this research The strongest predidorforwanting treat­ represents a special case related to drug ment for African Americans was using heroin abuse or a variant of mental health or physical every day (AOR=3.04, p<.05). The AOR of help-seeking behavior (Barrera, Reese 1993). 3.04 was the second highest for all groups. For a Mexican American drug abuser to Spending more than $200 a week on drugs be ready for treatment a number of fadors (AOR=2.02, p<.05) and not having full-time must all come together. Logically, the more employment(AOR=1.86, p<.05) also inaeased fadors that it takes, the greater the likelihood the odds for being ready for treatment for this that the population will not seek help. The group. specific impad of divorce on treatment readi­ ness for Mexican Americans and not the other Discussion ethnic groups may be refledive of the high The results of the logistic regression importance that the family plays for Mexican analysis indicate that there is a great het­ Americans. Overall, the results of this study erogeneity in the patterns of predidor vari­ indicate that the Mexican American who seeks ables for readiness for treatment defined by treatment will more likely be divorced, would ethnic group. There was no single predidor be involved with illegal income, be spending variable in our model that was robust across all more than $200 a week· on drugs, injed co­ ethnic groups. Each ethnic group presented a caine and be dependent on heroin, marijuana distinct pattern prediding help-seeking be­ and alcohol. havior ranging from a relatively simple model In contrast, the African Americans pre­ for African Americans to a highly complex one sent a less complicated pattern; they are more for Mexican Americans. While this sort of find­ likely to be using heroin everyday, spending ing is generally known in the medical sociology $200 or more per week on drugs and not be literature on illness behavior, it is largely ab­ employed full-time. This pattern fits the dassic sent from studies on help-seeking in the drug study results of Rounsaville and Kleber (1985) abuse field (National Center for Health Statis­ who found that a substantial barrier for seek­ tics 1984). While most ofthe published studies ing treatment was good current social func­ have collected these data, they have not adopt­ tioning. This finding held for both whites and ed a specific analytic strategy that would re­ nonwhites (almost entirely African American). veal these sorts of difference. The tendency is For the African Americans in San An­ to search for primarily psychological or medi­ tonio, using heroin everyday and spending a cal predidors and therefore not sufficiently lot of money on drugs for a week and not being control for ethnic variations. Often, the samples employed full-time are evidence of disruptions did not allow for cross ethnic comparison as of their social functioning. The social context of was possible in this analysis. Furthermore, African Americans also helps in explaining this many studies compare treatment samples pattern. Demographically, the African Ameri­ with community samples colleded with differ­ cans in the sample have relatively higher edu­ ent strategies. These methodological differ­ cation, while at the same time having higher ences in comparability of samples may espe­ rates of unemployment and being older. This cially bias the statistical results concerning specific complex of variables, rare in com­ ethnicity. Ethnic groups in general and the parison to other U.S. cities, helps to explain Mexican American group in particular have why being unemployed can have such a strong been recognized of being "hidden influence on wanting treatment for African Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page23

Americans, in comparison to the Mexican also include how cultural variations in illness Americans and whites. behavior and treatment seeking vary by differ­ The white arrestees showed an inter­ ent ethnic groups. mediary pattern compared to the African and In this study the social demographics Mexican Americans. Compared to the other played a significant role for the Mexican Ameri­ two groups, employment and social adjust­ cans and African Americans. Unemployment ment did not seem to play a role in treatment for African Americans and the situation of seeking behavior. By far the strongest predic­ divorce for the Mexican American drug abus­ tor for treatment seeking was feelings of de­ ers in the city seem to have a strong effect on pendence on alcohol. This together with using loosening the balance of social adjustment for heroin everyday, injecting cocaine and highly those heroin users. This is not the case for involved in illegal income (two times greater whites. These findings suggest that planning odds) predicted readiness for treatment in this and programming efforts need to attend to group. Treatment-seeking forth is group seems these influences as they design and imple­ strongly associated to a high risk criminal life­ ment substance abuse treatment and social style that is built upon heroin and upon alcohol. seNices. As one moves to outreach, educa­ In an earlier published study using the DUF tion and related inteNention efforts, these data in San Antonio, Valdez, Kaplan, Curtis, targeted efforts must take into account factors and Yin (1995) identified a strong asso-ciation that reinforce a client's readiness for treat­ of alcohol use with aggressive crime. The ment. Specific inteNentions targeting Mexi­ authors partially explained this finding in terms can Americans need to consider the impor­ of a specific alcohol subculture they referred to tance and significance of marital status and/or as "belligerent drinking." This subculture sup­ sexual partner. For whites, inteNention plan­ ports drinking as a normative response to ning and programming must take into account stress in life. It includes a fondness for country their self-awareness of alcohol dependency, and western music and a proclivity for aggres­ high risk and autoaggressive behaviors. Cer­ sive (both suicidal and homicidal) behavior tainly there is a need for more investigation to (Chalfant, Beckley 1977; Stack, Gundlach test the saliency of these influences across 1992). San Antonio provides a context where these ethnic groups and within ethnic groups. this subculture is widely present for whites Furthermore, there needs to be more research while at the same time presenting a large concerning regional and national differences. privately financed treatment system that is In all cases, a more creative attention to com­ utilized primarily by white population which plexes of sociological and social psychologi­ represents less then half of the city's popula­ cal variables would lead to progress both in tion. This specific context would also help to scientific theory construction and the planning explain why alcohol associated with high risk of prevention and inteNentions with this popu­ drug behavior and daily drug use can come lation. together to form a pattern of "social suicide" that would prepare a member of this group for ENDNOTES seeking seNices that are rather easily avail­ 1 Of those testing positive for cocaine or heroin, 36 able to those individuals that can afford a fee­ percentof398outofthe 1,113did not admit to using these drugs. As a result, they were not asked for-seNice arrangement. questions concerning their drug use patterns and The ethnic groups included in this study thus could not be included in this analyses. Most of reflect different social positions in the society the these (348) stated they did not feel that they with whites being the most privileged (income, need beatment. Future research needs to focus on this subpopulation of drug users that deny use of employment), African American being the most drugs and do not feel the need for drug treatment. excluded (blocked opportunity, higher educa­ tion, lower income and employment) and Mexi­ REFERENCES can Americans having the most hindered so­ Alcabes P, D Vlahov, JC Anthony 1992 Correlates of human immunodeficiency virus infection in intrave­ cial capital (lowered education, lower income, nous drug users: are treatment-program samples but average employment). Future research on misleading? British J Addiction 87 1 47-54 treatment-seeking should not only focus upon Anderson R, SZ Lewis, AL Giachello, LAday, G Chiu psychological variables, but upon the interac­ 1981 Access to medical care among the Hispanic population of the southwestern United States J tions between the social demographics that Health Social Behavior22 78-79 indicate the social position of drug abusers as citizens within society. This research should Page 24 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Balenko 5, J Fagan, K Chin 1991 Criminal justice National Center for Health Statistics 1984 Health lndi­ responses to crack J Res Crime Delinquency 28 catots for Hispanic, black and white Americans. 55-74 (Series 10. No. 148.)US Department of Health and BarreraM, FReese 1993Naturalsupportsystemsand Human Services Hisp~~nicsubstanceabuse.lnRSMayers,BLKail, O'Donnell JA, HL Voss, GT Clayton, R Slatin, GW TO Watts eels Hispanic Substance Abuse Spring­ Room 1976 Young Men and Drogs-A Nationwide field, IL: Charles C Thomas Survey. Research Monograph no. 5. Rockville, Chalfant P, R Beckley 19n Beguiling and betraying: MD: National Institute on Drug Abuse the image of alcohol use in countrymusicJ Studies Padgett D. ELStruenning, HAndrews 1990Factors Alcohol381428-33 afr8dingtheuseofmedical,mentalhealth,alcohol, Chitwood DO, CB McCoy 1990 Comparison of street and drug treatment services by homeless adults and treatment IVDUs NADR Network 2 1A 1 3-4 Medical Cal8 28 805-821 De LeonG, NJalnchiii1986Circumstance, motivation, Pearlin Ll 1983 Role strains and personal stress: readiness and suitability as correlates of treatment trends in theory and research. In HB Kaplan ed tenure J PsYGhollctive Drugs 18 3 203-8 PsychosociaJ Stl8ss: Tl8nds in Theory and Re­ Goldkamp JS, MR Gottfredson, D Weiland 1990 Pre­ search NY: Academic Press trial drug testing and defandantrlskJ Criminal LBw Prochaska JO, CC DiCiementi, JC Norcross 1992 In Criminology81 3 585-652 search of how people change: applications to ad­ Goldstein PJ,JHenry, HB Brownstein, J Patrick 1992 dlctivebehaviorsAmerPsychol4791102-1114 Drug-relalled homicide in NewYOI1t: 1984 and 1988 Roberts RE, ES Lee 1980 Medical care by Mexican­ Crime and Delinquency 38 4 459-76 Americans: evidence from the human population Hartnoll RL 1992 Research and the helD-seeking pro­ laboratory studies Medical Care43 266-281 cess British J Addiction 87 429-437 Rounsaville BJ, HA Kleber 1985 Untreated opiate Hartnoll RL, R Power 1989Why most of Britain's drug addicts: how do they differ from those seeking users are not looking for help Druglinlc 4 8-9 treatment? Archives Genel8l Psychiatry421 072- Kessler RC, RH Price, CB Wortman 1985 Social 10n factors in psychology: stress, social support, and SPSS Inc 1986 SPSS User's Guide Edition 2 NY: coping processes Ann Rev Psychology 38 531- McGraw-Hin 572 Smith DA, C Ploesnber 1992 Specifying the rela­ Longshore 0, S Hsieh, MD Anglin 1993 Ethnic and tionship between arrestee drug test results andre­ gender differences in drug users' perceived need cidivism J Criminal LllwCriminology 83 3 293-303 for treatment lntemat J Addictions 28 6 539-558 StackS, J Gundlach 1992Theeffect0fcountrymuslc MataAG, SRAndrew, B Rouse19931nhatantabuse on suicide Social Fon::es71 211-18 among Mexican Americans. In RS Mayers, BL Kal, Tmms N, RTnvns 19n Perspectives in SociBIWorlc TO Wattseds Hispanic Substance Abuse Spring­ London: Kegan Paul Routledge field, IL: Charles C Thomas US Department of Justice 1990 Unifotm Crime Re­ Mata AG, V Castillo 1986 Rural female adolescent ports 1989Washington, DC: USGPO dissatisfaction, support and helpseeking Free lnq Valdez A, CD Kaplan, Rl Curtis, ZYin 1995111egal drug in Ct&at Soclol14 2 135-138 use, alcohol and aggressiveaimeamong Mexican­ MataAG, RMagana 19951nhalantuse, social support American and white malearrestees in San Antonio and help-seeking behaviors among rural SOuth J PsychoactJve Drugs 27 2 135-143 Texas community youth Free lnq Cteat Soc 23 2 Windle M, C Miller-Tutzauer, GM Barnes, J Welte 67-76 1991 Adolescent perceptions of help-seeking re­ McCusker J, B Koblln, BF Lewis, J Sullivan 1990 sources for substance abuse Child Development Demographic characteristics, risk behaviors, and 62179-189 HIVseroprevalenceamongintravenousdrugusers WISh ED, BA Gropper 1990 Drug testing be the by site of contact: results from a community-wide criminal justice system: methods, research, and HIV surveillance projectAmer J Public Health 80 9 application. In: M Trory, JQ Wilson eds Drugs and 1062-7 Crime Chicago: U Chicago Press McKinlay JB 1974Acaseforrefocuslng upstream: the Zola IK 1973 Pathways to the doctor: from person to political economy of illness. In P Conrad, R Kern patient Social Sciences Medicine 7 6n-689 eds Sociology of Health and INness: Critical Per­ spectMtsNY: St. Martin's Press ACKNOWLEDGMENT McleRanAT, LLuborsky, GEWoody, CPO'Brian, KA This research was supported in part by the National Druley 1983 Predicting re~nse to alcohol and Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) grants DA07234-02 drug abusetreatments Archtves General Psychia­ and R01 DAHD1 0415-01 to the Hispanic Research try 40 620-625 Center at The University of Texas at San Antonio. Mechanic D 1978 Medical Sociology 2nd ed NY: Free Press ______1980 The experience and reporting of com- mon physical complaints J Health Socia/ Behavior 21146-155 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page25 THE SEARCH FOR FAMILY: ADOLESCENT MALES' MOTIVES FOR JOINING GANGS Pamela C. Regan, California State University, Los Angeles

ABSTRACT

The maJority of research on adolescent gangs has focused on delineating the correlates of gang membership. lnis research provides importa~'=ht intowhojoinsgangs; however, itteUs us little about why adolescents join gangs. Thepresentendeavor · afreeresponsesurveytoinvestigatethemotivesorreasona that adolescent males have for initially entering a gang. Participants were recruited from a residential treatment facility for adolescent male wards ofthe state of Michigan. The reasons most cited for joining a gang Included 1) gain a second or surrogate family, 2) power, 3) acceptance, and4) excitement/fun. Contrary to expectations, few participants stated that peer pressure or influence played a role In their decision to join a gang; rather, a desire foraclose,familialrelationshiPandforaoceptancefromothers(specifically,othergangrnembers)seemedtobe the primary reasons these young men entered gangs.

INTRODUCTION for many youths. For example, Morales (1992) Increasing numbers of adolescents are writes that "the [male] gang member receives joining gangs and engaging in gang-related affection, understanding recognition, loyalty, activities, at the same time that the average and emotional and physical protection• from age of gang members is decreasing (Scheid­ his gang. We therefore expected that our linger 1994). Consequently, the media and participants would cite their desire to find a psychological community have devoted more surrogate family as an important reason for and more attention to this topic. The majority joining a gang. of research in this area has focused on delin­ eating the correlates of gang membership, METHOD AND RESULTS including such individual difference variables Ten adolescent males (average age= as teaming disabilities and alcohol abuse 16.2 years, 40% Caucasian, 40% African (Zagar, Arbit, Sylvies, Busch, Hughes 1990), American, 20% Hispanic) enrolled at Starr such demographic variables as socioeconomic Commonwealth School (a residential treat­ status and ethnicity (Calhoun, Jurgens, Chen ment facility for adolescent male wards of the 1993; Lyon, Henggeler, Hall 1992), and such state of Michigan) volunteered to participate in family environmental variables as single-par­ this study. All were gang members prior to ent families, domestic violence, and inadequate their entrance into Starr Commonwealth. Par­ parenting (Adler, Ovando, Hocevar 1984; ticipants were surveyed individually, assured Belitz, Valdez 1994). This research provides of confidentiality and anonymity, and asked to important insight into who joins gangs; how­ write down all of the reasons they joined their ever, it tells us little about why individuals join respective gangs when they were out in the gangs. community. The present endeavor utilized a free Two undergraduate raters who were response survey to investigate the motives or blind to hypotheses examined participants' reasons that adolescent males have for ini­ free responses and created a list of motives/ tially entering a gang. Adolescence has been reasons. Two additional raters, also blind to described as a developmental stage in which hypotheses, thenexaminedeachfree response youngsters crave peer acceptance (Esman for the presence/absence of the aforemen­ 1985; Rose, Edleson 1988) and seek out peers tioned motives. The reasons cited by partici­ as they explore and solidify their identities (for pants for joining a gang were: 1) To gain a discussion, see Moss 1992), and previous second or surrogate family (70cyo), 2) need for research indicates that peer pressure is asso­ power (60%), 3) to feel acceptance (40%), 4) ciated with adolescents' sexual decision mak­ to experience excitement/fun (40%), 5) to gain ing and use of drugs and alcohol (Cullari, the opportunity to commit criminal, violent, Mikus 1990; Kozicki 1986). Consequently, we and/or antisocial acts (e.g., drug use, robbery, expected that our participants would cite peer illegal weapons, murder) (40%), 6) because influence or pressure as an important reason other family members belonged to that for gang membership. In addition, some re­ particular gang (30%), 7) for protection and searchers have noted that the street gang may security (30%), 8) because of environmental function as a replacement or surrogate family factors (e.g., moved into a gang-controlled Page 26 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology neighborhood) (20%}, 9) for monetary rea­ block. So I talked to some people and they sons (20% ), 10) because of peer pressure and wanted me to join there gang. I had to get beat peer involvement in gangs (20%), and 11) for in by gang members. I got a nickname. When I revenge (20%). was In a gang people told me I was stupid and None of the participants gave only one some people said I was crazy but I wanted to be reason for his gang membership. For ex­ accepted and have friends. Another reason I ample, one 17 year-old male wrote the fol­ joined a gang because my family never was lowing rather poignant response to our ques­ theremymomworked alday. Mystepdadwould tion: be at a bar. So I joined a gang because I wanted to be accepted by someone and have people There are a lot of reasons I joined the gang. I did know me. [male, 16] it partly for acceptance, protection, aD my friends was in it. I think the biggest reason was cuz it I joined my gang when I was 11 years old and my goes with the territory. When you grow up in the dad was in it and I was suppose to carry out our hood its really messed up. I've seen two of my gang name ... I was safe and no one can mess friends get killed right in front of me and I can with me. I had everything lwanted-girtsmoney name at least ten more that have gotten killed guns.AndlhadpoMrandwhenmyownfamily (not In front of me). Ita like they'er there one wouldn'thelpmethegangcouldanditwaslike minute the next they're gone. I never even anotherfamilytomeandlhadalotoftroublewith thought I would live to be 17 but I did and thank people and my family gang help me. [male, 16] the lordeveryday.lts llkewhenyougrowupwith nothlnyoufeelyou are nothln. One ofmy friends Thereweremanyreasonswhy I joined the [gang that got killed In front of me was killed by a gang name]. One ofthe most important reasons is member so I joined the rival gang to get revenge. that I lived alone with myfatherandourrelation­ Another reason is I grow up without any roll shiphad delflrioratedtothepolntwhere 1needed modle so I turned to the streets to look up to. a "surrogate family." In the gang I had that Thats about it. You may not understandwhy'N8 famlly.l had sisters, brothers, even people who joingangscuzalotofpeopletellmetheydon't told me what to do. I also loved the feeling of and I try to exsplan but can't. You never will power and importance. My last reason was understand unles you grow up In the hood. because of the reputation I got. I was feared in my school because ofme being in a gang. Even Contrary to expectations, few partici­ thoughlwasn'ttough, I could demand respect pants stated that peer pressure or influence becauseofcarryingagunand having the backup played a major role in their decision to join a of over a hundred people. [male, 17] gang; rather, a desire for a close, familial relationship and for acceptance from others CONCLUSION (specifically, other gang members) seemed to In recent years, gang activity and com­ be the overwhelming reasons these young munity violence have presented an increasing men entered gangs. For example: threat to the physical and emotional well-being of many adolescents and young adults (Rogers ljoinedagangbecauselwantedtohaveanolher 1993). Little agreement exists about the types family.And becausethey'N8n!l all cool with each of intervention strategies that should be used other. Andanotherreasonwhybecauselwanted to reduce gang violence (Vigil1980). Knowl­ to be accepted. And they always looked out for edge about hOW gang members' needs are me when I needed them. [male, 15] met by gang participation may aid in the design and implementation of successful in­ I believed they could be my 2nd family and that tervention programs and may result in more they would always be with me threw thick and effective treatment by mental health profes­ thin. And for acceptance. My mom was always sionals and law enforcement officials who gone and my dad was in prison, and the have contact with gang members. gangrnernbers practically raised me. [male, 15] This study examined the reasons that male adolescents have for initially joining a Reasons why 1joined a gang was because I gang. Despite our small sample size, the moved Into a neighborhood where there 'N8re results suggest that interpersonal factors (e.g., gangs. I was new. I didn't know anybody. I need for acceptance by others, to form close wanted to be known by somebody around my family relationships) play an important role in Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Psge27 influencing adolescents' decisions to join KozickiZA 1986 Why do adolescents use substances gangs. A desire for power, excitement, and fun (drugs/alcohol)? J Alcohol Drug Education 321-7 Lyon JM, S Henggeler, JA Hall1992 The family re­ also seems important, as does the opportunity lations, peer relations, and criminal activities of to engage in antisocial, violent, and/or criminal C8ucasian and Hispenk>Americangang members acts. However, contrary to the image of the J AbnormBI Child Psychology20 439-449 antisocial gang culture that is commonly en­ Morales AT 1992 Latino youth gangs: causes and clinicalintervention. 129-1541n LA Vargas, J Koss­ dorsed by the media, gang membership is Chioino Eds Working With Culture: Psr.­ social rather than antisocial-that is, the initial chotherapeutic lntetvention IMth Ethnic Minority decision to enter a gang appears to stem from Children And Adolescents San Francisco: Jossey- a wish to form relationships and to gain a Bass . Moss WL 1992 Group psychotherapy with adoles­ sense of belonging. cents in a residential treatment center J Child AdolescentGroup7berepy293-104 · REFERENCES Rogers C 1993 Gang-related homicides in Los Ange­ AdlerP, COvando, DHocevar 1984 Familialcomtlates les county J Fotensic Sciences 38 831-834 of gang membership: anexploratorystudyofMexi­ Rose SO, JLEdleson 1988 rMlrddrlgiMth ChikhnAncl can-American youth Hispanic J Behavioral Sci­ Adolescents In Groups San ~rancisco: Jossey­ ences 6 65-76 Bass Belitz J, D Valdez 1994 Clinical issues in the treatment Scheidlinger S 1994 A commentary on adolescent ofChicanomalegangyouthHispanicJBehaviota/ group violence Child Psychiatry Human Devel­ Sciences 16 57-74 opment 25 3-1 0 Calhoun G, J Jurgens, F Chen 1993 The neophyte VIQil J 1980 From Indian to Chicano: A Sociocultural female delinquent: a review of the literature Ado­ History St. Louis: CV Mosby iescence28461-471 Zagar R, J Arbit, R Sylvies, KG Busch, JR Hughes Cullari S, R Mikus 1990 Correlates of adolescent 1990 Homicidal adolescents: a replication Psy­ sexual behavior Psychological Reports 66 1179- chologicaiReports671235-1242 1184 Esman AH 1985 A developmental approach to the psychotherapy of adolescents. In SC Feinstein, M Sugar, AH Esmsn, JG Loone)', AZ Schwartzberg, AD Sorosky EdsAdolescent Psyclliatry: Deve/of;r mental And Clinical Studies, Vo/12 Chicago: U Chicago Press Page 28 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

FATHERS' CHANGING PERFORMANCE OF HOUSEWORK: A BIGGER SUCE OF A SMALLER PIE

Rudy Ray Seward and Dale E. Yeatts, University of North Texa•, and Lnlle Stanley-Stevems, Tarleton State University

ABSTRACT

The amount of time devoted to housework was measured for both fathers and mothers residing in a southwestern convnunitywithin the United States during 1989 and 1994. A scientific random sample was used and reepondenta went~ by telephone. The findings were compared to measures and results from stucllesdllllngt.:ktolhe1920a.Thecontentionthattoday'sfathersaretakingonmorefamltydutiesthantheir predeoelsorsandthlllwlves'employmentlsaprinarycausalfac:torwereassessed.Comparedtoeartierstudies, the findings lhowthllttcmy'sCOUDIIsdevoteleu tlriwto housewolk. Within this declining trend a contradictory for fd*s. While their propoltional c:ontrlbutlons to housework consistently increased, theamountoftlmefathersspenthasvwled vwylllle. Thlspeltemsug_g_estsa trend toward parity wllh excepllonwasSoulhMAimfalherswholeWheswentemployed. T11eyspentlesstimedolng houaeworkthanfathers who were the soleeamerain the family. The most importantfactorcontrlbutingtoparents doing an equal amount of housework was the reduction in time spend by mothers.

INTRODUCTION explanatory factors has been weak and Changes in the lives of both women and contradictory (Coltrane, Ishii-Kuntz 1992). men and their families since the tum of the Further most studies have not considered century have led. to many reassessments of connections between these factors (Pyke, family roles. As education and employment Coltrane 1996). levels have risen for women, discontent has This study examines fathers' contribu­ increased with the family's traditional gender­ tions to housework, the effect of mothers' based division of labor (Furstenberg 1988). employment upon these contributions, other The traditional view, that husbands should be contributors to housework, and the findings' aloof and take the role of a distant authority implications forthe married couples' resources, figure whose major family responsibility is ideology, and available time. Further these working outside the home, has been increas­ contributions are considered in a historical ingly challenged (Demos 1986). A common frame. Most previous studies have ignored the result has been demands for husbands to history of housework which is essential to spend more time with their families especially understanding change. Information gathered after children arrive. in 1989 and 1994 on housework patterns for Such demands have been expressed in married parents, especially fathers, are com­ surveys of both men and women who report pared to related research completed since the that family roles should be less gender specific 1920s. No longitudinal studies compare par­ and family responsibilities shared (Furstenberg ents' performance throughout this period but a 1988). However, there is a lack of scientific few studies provide related results on house­ research verifying a comparable shift in par­ work. Thus, two questions are addressed: Are ents' behavior away from traditional patterns. today's fathers doing more housework than The 19608 marked the beginning of an intense their predecessors? and, To what extent are scientific focus on fathers' family participation they sharing housework with mothers? and possible explanations for it (LeMasters, DeFrain 1989). METHODOLOGY Theoretical explanations for the family's Mea•urement Issues In Prevlou• Studln division of labor have focused upon differ­ Studies of housework typically em­ ences between husbands and wives' resources, phasize the same type of tasks including cook­ ideologies, and available time. Resource ex­ ing, cleaning, repairs, yard work, and handling planations emphasize differences in income finances. Unfortunately, specific definitions and education between spouses (Ross 1987), vary a good deal (Gershuny, Robinson 1988; ideology emphasizes beliefs about gender role Ishii-Kuntz, Coltrane 1992). Child care and expectations (Kamo 1988), and available time shopping have occasionally been included as emphasizes time apart from hours spent in housework but not consistently. Since most employment (Plack 1985; Walker, Woods studies count child care and shopping time as 1976). Research support for these separate from housework time, un.less Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page29 otherwise noted, all housework amounts pre­ treated as independent variables were gender sented exclude these activities. and employment status. Related concepts Typically, family care studies have ei­ measured were children's contributions to ther used a reconstruction technique or diaries housework, use of paid help, and fathers' time to gather data on housework. Reconstruction devoted to child care. The time questions used asks respondents to estimate how much time were similar to those in the Housewives' Sur­ they spent on housework all together for a vey (#11) of the Middletown Ill Project: specified .time period such as a week. When few, if any, specific housework task examples How much time do you guess you spend doing are identified for the respondents, they are wortt in and around yourhome? __hours more likely to under report time. Similar stud­ per week ies using reconstruction, like the 1989 and How much time do you guess your (husband/ 1994 surveys, include the 1924 and 1978 Mid­ wife) spends doing wortt in and around your dletown surveys (Caplow, Bahr, Chadwick, home? __hours per week Hill, Williamson 1982) and the 1977 Quality of Howmuchtime(doesldo) yourchild(ren) spend Employment Survey (Plack 1985). Additional doingwortt in and around your home? __ data are drawn from the Study of Time Use hours per week. diary based surveys (Juster 1985; Plack 1985; (Caplowetal1982) Robinson 1985). In these surveys unlike re­ construction, respondents record in diaries Both average amounts of time family each activity when it is performed, along with members spent on housework and their pro­ the starting and ending time, for different days portional contributions were calculated. To of the week. The list of household tasks is provide similar data from some ear1ier studies usually lengthy and specific. a recalculation of reported data had to be per­ The more detailed measurement tech­ formed. For example, several studies, using a niques result in larger reported time amounts broader housework definition, broke down their devoted to housework. The highest amount total times by task types. Hence the time spent reported comes from the most inclusive Qual­ on tasks not included in our definition (child ity of Employment Survey. The respondents care) could be dropped and more comparable estimated time spent separately on workdays total amounts could be calculated. Also for and non-workdays for a very encompassing, quite a few studies the fathers' proportional detailed list of "home chores" which included contribution had to be either calculated be­ all the items listed above and shopping (Plack cause it was not reported or recalculated 1985). From the more recent Study of Time because a different formula was used. The Use surveys, the smallest amounts come from Southwestern City fathers' percentages are the only available panel study completed in based upon how much they contributed to 1975 and 1981. These housework amounts housework out of the total time spent by both excluded both shopping (including related mother and father added together. Many stud­ travel) and obtaining services. Adding these to ies based the fathers' percentage upon their husbands reported "total" housework figures housework contribution as a proportion of the results in amounts for the panel fathers closer mothers' contribution. The former percent­ to the other national studies (Juster 1985). As ages are preferred because they allow an these details suggest comparisons across immediate reading to how close fathers are to studies are problematic and must be made the goal of parity or a 50150 split with mothers. with caution. Even when recalculations are not possible, proportions of contribution rather than amounts The Data of time are the most comparable across stud­ In both 1989 and 1994, relying upon ies using different operational definitions. De­ reconstruction, time estimates were gathered tails on each survey's procedures and defini­ from parents via a random sample telephone tions are available in either reviews by Robinson survey in a mid-sized southwestern city within (1985) and Plack (1985) or the original sources. the United States, referred to as Southwestern City. The concept measured in the survey Southwestern City Samples instrument and treated as the dependent vari­ Both the 1989 and 1994 random tele­ able was time spent on housework. The con­ phone surveys gathered information from par­ cepts measured in the survey instrument and ents who had at least one child under the age Page 30 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology of 19 living in their home. Each survey's PREVIOUS RESEARCH AND procedure was identical except for the se­ SOUTHWESTERN CITY FINDINGS lection of telephone numbers. In 1989 a total Several sources suggest that today's of2008telephone numbers were systematically married parents devote less time to house­ selected from randomly selected pages from work than parents in the past. Middletown the city's current directpry. Whether to request housewives with a husband and at least one an interview with a father or mother was pre­ child at home in 1924 reported doing much determined by alternately assigning telephone more housework than comparable housewives numbers as they were randomly selected. surveyed in 1978. Nothing is known about the Telephone numbers were called up to four 1924 fathers' housework because Robert and times over several weeks. Among the 314 Helen Lynd (1956), like most earty research­ households contacted containing an eligible ers, neither interviewed husbands on family parent, 57 percent or 180 persons agreed to matters nor asked the housewives about their participate (121 were mothers and 59 were husbands' housework. But the trend is clear for fathers). In 1994, 2,474 randomly generated mothers. In 1924 very few Middletown house­ telephone numbers (random digit dialing) were wives (11 %) spent less than 4 hours a day on called to reach 217 appropriate households. routine housework. By 1978 the majority of From these 134 interviews (90 mothers, 42 housewives (56%) reported doing less than 4 fathers, and 2 parenting partners) were com­ hours of housework daily (Caplow et al1982). pleted for a 62 percent completion rate. (Fur­ In 1989, 66 percent of Southwestern City ther details on both surveys are available from mothers reported doing less than 4 hours of the authors.) housework daily. The 1994 Southwestern City mothers' represent another major increase in Sample Characteristics. this proportion with 81 percent reporting that Unlike most other studies, this eco­ they did less than an average of 4 hours of nomical and efficient sampling procedure re­ housework daily. sulted in respondents representing all seg­ Earty time-use-studies further document ments of the population. Still, while minority this time demise (Robinson 1985). For ex­ (African Americans) and smaller groups (poor ample, in the 1960s much less time was spent families) were included, they were under rep­ on routine aspects of housework (cleaning) resented. In both samples the parents typically than in the 1930s. Reports from 1975 time were white (91% in 1989 and 82% in 1994), diaries compared to those from 1965 suggest mothers (67% in both samples), in their first the continuation of this trend. Women in 1975 marriage (63% and 68%), around 37 years devoted substantially less time to housework, old, employed (74% and 81 %), coUege gradu­ regardless of their employment (or even mari­ ates (49% and 54%), middle class (80% and tal status). Much of the reduction can be 85%), reported a family income over $40,000, attributed to spending less time on routinf and city residents for over 11 years. Available housework activities, such as cleaning anc census data for Southwestern City in 1990 upkeep (Robinson 1985). Only manageria provide a barometer of how representative the aspects of housework, including shopping and samples were. Eighty percent of the city's child rearing, increased during this period. families with children under 18 were white; 36 Trends for fathers' contributions to percent of those over age 25 had graduated housework can be gleaned indirectly from from college; and the median income reported some earty time-use-studies. They report fig­ for 1989 by all families was $35,840 (U.S. ures for family care which included housework BureauoftheCenaus 1992a,1992b). Thus the along with child care. Studies from the 1930s, samples contai.ned a somewhat higher pro­ 1950s, and 1960s reported fathers performed portion of whites, the college educated, and approximately 4 to 6 hours per week of family families with higher incomes. Consistent with care. Out of the time spent by fathers and previous studies on the division of family mothers, this represented a proportional con­ housework only data for married parents where tribution of less than one-fifth of total family the father is employed were analyzed (N=139 care effort (Robinson 1985). More recent, in 1989 and 109 in 1994). national probability samples indicate married fathers have increased both the amount and proportion of family care provided. Fathers surveyed in the 1960s, 1970s and earty 1980s Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page31

Table I: Married Employed Fathen' reported for all earlier studies. Further these Proportion of Total Time Both Parents findings from the Southwestern City survey Devoted to Housework and Mean Houn are similar to those found in at least one other Fathen Spent Per Week, 1975 to 1994 recent study (Pyke, Coltrane 1996). Fathers' , D • Southwestern proportional contributions to housework, like Juster s ata City Surveys.. those to family care, has consistently risen Year data pthered 1975 1981 1989 199-4 over time. An explanation for much of the Percent of 26 28 32 29 fathers' higher proportions can be found when housework learning that mothers spent less time on house­ Mean hours a week 7.6 8.3 8.0 8.9 work than in the past. Mothers' doing less housework reduced the total amount of family Sample size 119 119 lBO 13-4 time spent on housework, so that fathers' Sample frame National (panel) City actual time spent on housework became a 1uster 1985 larger percentage of the total family time. -southwestern City probability samples, in 1989 The times for both Southwestern City based upon 139 couples and In 199-4 upon I09 parents are presented in Table 2. Combining couples. these means provides a comparable total time that parents devoted to housework. Although reported devoting averages ranging from 11 to the 1994 amount is slightly larger than the 15 hours per week to family care with propor­ 1989 figure, both total times are less than the tions consistently increasing from 20 percent amounts reported for the 1970s and support to almost 30 percent (Juster 1985). Compa­ the trend of a continued decline in amount of rable figures for the Southwestern City fathers' time devoted to housework. contributions in 1989 and 1994 suggest the It is reasonable to suspect that paid continuation of this upward trend with means outsiders have taken over some housework, of 18 and 25 hours spent on family care or especially for jointly employed parents. Paid housework combined with child care. These help would reduce the pressure both on over­ represent, in both cases, 35 percent of the loaded employed mothers and on employed combined amount of time spent by the married fathers to do housework. However, the data do couples on family care. Of course this does not not support this. Parents reliance upon substi­ necessarily mean that fathers' amounts and tute paid help has apparently declirled since proportional contribution to housework have the tum of the century. As the interviewed increased over time. Middletown housewives reported in 1924, it Less data are available for fathers' per­ was their parents who were the most likely to formance of housework and the trends are not use hired help. Especially among the business consistent with those for family care. Early class, housewives reported that for their moth­ data on fathers' housework, excluding other ers in 1890, those without full-time paid help family care, come from a panel study (Table with housework (34%) were the exception 1). In 1975 the fathers reported doing a mean (Caplow et al 1982). In stark contrast the of 7.6 hours of housework per week and when majority (74%) of the 1924 housewives' fami­ resurveyed in 1981 they reported doing a bit lies had no paid help at all with housewOrk. In more with a mean of 8.3 hours or 43 minutes 1978 even more Middletown housewives (87%) of additional housework (Juster 1985). Two reported using no paid help. An identical pro­ national studies conducted in the 1970s re­ portion of the Southwestern City mothers in ported larger amounts for husbands' house­ 1989 reported using no paid help. The 1994 work, however, the measures used were much Southwestern City mothers broke the down­ more inclusive (Pieck 1985). The Southwest~ ward trend in hired help but the vast majority em City fathers in 1989 and 1994 reported (73%) reported getting no outside help. Paid doing an average of 8 and 8.5 hours of house­ help has become and remains the exception. work per week. \Nhile the actual amounts of Those hiring help only used it sparingly. time spent doing housework are similar to For the 13 percent of the Southwestern City earlier studies, an examination of proportional mothers in 1989 who reported paid help with contributions shows Southwestern City fa­ housework, it was used for no more than 5 thers' did a greater proportion of housework. hours perweekwiththe average amount ofuse More specifically fathers' proportional contribu­ being for 2.6 hours. Although more than twice tions (32% and 29%) were higher than those as many Southwestern City mothers (27%) in Page 32 Volume 24 No.1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Table l: Houn Married Mothen and Fathen Spent Per Week on Housework, Broken Down by Employment Status of Mothen When HUibancl Employed, and Fathen' Percentap of Parents' Total Time Spent for I tit and lt94 Employment Status of Couples with Husband Employed Mothen Fathen Fathen' " Mothen' Fathen' Fathen' Husband Both Husband Both Husband Both Housework Means Means " Only Only Only Houn per Week 1989 17.3* 8.0* 32 22.8* 14.1* 9.0 7.5 28 35 199<4 20.1* 8.9* 29 25.7* 17.4 9.5 8.5 27 33 Number of Cues 1989 85 55 31 54 17 37 1994 70 39 20 48 13 24 *F ratio slpificant for mean differences at .05 or Jess. Source: Soudlwestem City probability samples. 1989 & 1994.

1994 used paid help, it again was used spar­ The Middletown housewives' data allow ingly (the average amount used was 5.3 hours for one additional means of examining the per week and only two mothers reported more issue of parity between parents by using re­ than 6 hours of use). Hence paid help was not sponses from a question on how housework a factor in the housework efforts for almost all was distributed between the couples. Citing Southwestern City families. women's employment trends and pressure Another reasonable alternative house­ from the women's liberation movement, work might be children. Unlike paid help, al­ Caplow et al (1982) expected to find evidence most all Southwestern City mothers (93%) in from the 1978 survey of a shift toward a more 1989 reported that children did at least some equal distribution of housework between housework. However the time amounts re­ spouses. Surprisingly almost half of the sur­ ported were rather small. Over 60 percent of veyedMiddletownwives(45%)reporteddoing the mothers reported that their children did no all the housework and another 40 percent said more than 3 hours of housework per week with they did most of the housework. Less than one the average amount contributed per week tenth of the families reported an arrangement being 3.6 hours. Again in 1994, almost all with housekeeping shared equally. Southwest­ Southwestern City mothers (90%) reported em City mothers reported somewhat more childre., doing some housework but the parity. In 1989 15 percent reported that they amounts were somewhat higher. Less than and their husbands devoted the same amount half (44%) of the mothers reported that their of time to housework and for 1994 it was up to children did not more than 3 hours of house­ 22 percent. The proportion among employed work per week and the average amount con­ mothers in 1994 was even higher at 29 per­ tributed was 5.3 hours. Hence although more cent. VVhile still the exception, the increasing widespread, the children's average amounts rate suggests a shift toward more parity. On do not exceed the average amounts for paid the other hand, in 1989 almost as many South­ help when used. Help with housework by western City husbands (12%) were reported to children was minimal in most Southwestern be making no housework contributions at all. City families. Even among husbands reported as doing some Even though Southwestern City parents housework, the majority (53%) did only 5 are doing less housework overall than their hours or less a week. While far fewer hus­ predecessors, mothers still do the lion's share bands (3%) in 1994 were cited as doing no of housework (Table 2) with 17.3 hours per housework, as in 1989 the majority (50%) week spent on housework in 1989 and 20.1 performed only 5 hours or less. hours In 1994. This is over twice as much time The impact of mothers' employment upon as that spent by the fathers (8 and 8.9 hours fathers' housework efforts has been studied at respectively). Despite fathers' growing propor­ least since the 1950s. Early research on fa­ tional contributions, the time amounts make thers'responaetoemployedwivesreliedheavily clear that parity is a long way off. upon either Blood and Wolfe's (1960) task Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 33

Table 3: Married Employed Fathers' Proportion of Total Time Both Parents Devoted to Housework by Wives' Employment Status and Mean of Houn Fathen Spent Per Week, 1975 to 1994 1975·76· 1989.. 1994.. Husband Both Husband Both Husband Both Only Spouses Only Spouses Only Spouses Earner Earn en Earner Earners Earner Earners Housework % 22 32 28 35 27 33 Mean hours per week II. I II ..of 9.0 7.5 9.5 8.5 Sample Size 2.of06 180 13.of Sample Frame National City City *Fi&Ures based upon data cited in Pleck ( 1985). **Southwestern City probability sample, 1989 and 199.of. distribution approach (husband or wife al­ earner families (Pieck 1985). Of course these ways, one spouse ·more than the other, or patterns do not necessarily mean that fathers' spouses do exactly the same) or very un&(r housework practices followed the same trend. phisticated measures (Pieck 1985). Although Although not as much comparable data reported "proportions" from this earlier re­ are available on housework, the trends appear search are not comparable to those presented to be similar. Fathers' proportional contribu­ here, their assessments indicated that fathers tions to housework were consistently higher with employed wives performed more house­ when wives were employed (Table 3). Fathers work than sole employed fathers. whose wives were employed do proportionally Early studies gathering time amounts 6 percent to 10 percent more of the housework usually did not report housework separately than those who were sole-earners. But the but instead included it as part of family care. amounts often show an inconsistent and dif­ Estimates for fathers' proportional participa­ ferent pattern. Unlike the 1975-76 national tion in family care from a 1950s study were 15 study and many early studies, the Southwest­ percent when only they were employed versus em City fathers in dual earner families re­ 25 percent when both they and their wives ported spending less time on housework than were employed (Blood, Hamblin 1958). Simi­ fathers who were sole earners. This was true lar proportions were reported in three major for both the 1989 and 1994 samples. The time-use-studies using data gathered between greatest difference occurred in 1989 where 1964 and 1972 (Meissner, Humphries, Meis, fathers with employed wives reported spend­ Scheu 1975; Robinson 1977; Walker, Woods ing on average about 16 percent fewer hours 1976). Despite the consistently higher propor­ on housework than fathers whose wives were tions reported for fathers with employed wives not employed. in these studies, these fathers were not neces­ Ironically, the smallest mean reported sarily doing more family care. In fact these for fathers (7 .5 hours for 1989) is the basis for fathers' higher proportions were often due to the highest proportional contributions to house­ employed mothers spending much less time work by fathers (35%) found in the research. doing family care than their unemployed coun­ For this to happen, two things must occur. terparts (Pieck 1985). When both parents First, dual employed parents must do substan­ were employed, the total time devoted to tially less housework than that performed by family care was less and consequently the parents where only the fathers are employed. fathers' actual time became a larger propor­ As the figures in Table 2 confirm, the South­ tion of the total. In the 1970s a different pattern western City dual employed couples in 1989 emerged. Several large samples, including spent on average about two-thirds (or 68%) as the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, docu­ many hours on housework than the couples mented significant increments in hours fa­ where only fathers were employed. Second, thers' spent in family care when wives were the proportion of housework performed by employed. Studies from the 1980s found fur­ employed mothers' when compared to the ther increases in fathers' proportional contri­ amount of time spent by women not employed bution and in some cases even in the amount must be even smaller, which it was at 62 of time they spent when they were in dual percent, than the comparable one for couples. Page 34 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

The same pattern occurred for 1994 but was than expectations. For example, home repairs not quite as dramatic. were still almost exclusively carried out by If fathers with employed wives are faHing husbands, while "keeping house" was the to do more housework maybe their children's almost exclusive domain of wives (Caplow et participation is greater. When employed moth­ at 1982). A detailed analysis of the 1987-88 ers, by necessity, reduce the time devoted to National Survey of Families and Households housework, some of the tasks may get shifted found gender-segregated patterns even among to the children. But children's reported contri­ those couples in which husbands contributed butions to housework broken down by employ­ many hours to housework (Blair, Lichter 1991 ). ment status of mothers resuHed in unexpected Southwestern City mothers' reports in 1994 on patterns. first, the average amounts of time how often they cooked for their families sug­ reported were very small varying from 3 to 5 gest the continuation of gender-segregation hours or around one half or less of the time by task. The majority, regardless of employ­ spent by fathers. Second, the differences be­ ment status, reported cooking daily. Most tween children of employed versus unem­ fathers reported only cooking occasionally. ployed mothers were very small (less than one On the other hand, another contemporary hour). Finally, in 1989thetime children spend study by Shelton (1990) found that employed doing housework was greater when mothers wives reduced the amount of traditional fe­ were not employed. AHhough unexpected, male type tasks they performed when com­ these findings are in line with Benin and Ed­ pared to wives not working outside the home. wards' (1990) analysis of Juster's 1975-1981 However, wives' employment had virtually no panel study data which found children's contri­ impact upon their husbands' performance of butions minimal and found that children did specific housework tasks. To further deal with more chores in famiHes where the mothers did the issue of parity between parents, attention not work. Again the impact of children's contri­ must be paid not only to specific task alloca­ butions appears to have been minimal even tions but to qualitative aspects as well, such as when their mothers are employed. the meanings attached to task performances If most fathers and children in families (Coleman 1988; Pyke, CoHrane 1996). where the mother is not employed do less housework than those in dual earner families, SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS maybe the former families are turning to paid Four conclusions can be drawn from the help. But again, an examination of the data evidence presented. First, married, employed shows that paid help played only a minor role fathers perform a larger proportion of house­ regardless of the wives' employment status. work today than their predecessors. But the Among the minority of Southwestern City fami­ amount of time they actually spent doing the lies hiring help, the proportion of housework housework has only changed modestly and performed by paid help was only slightly higher has not always been greater than what fathers in dual earner families than in sole earner did in the past. Second, fathers whose wives families (around 2% greater for both 1989 and are employed do proportionally more house­ 1994). These findings further support the con­ work but usually spend less actual time when tention that paid help has little impact on the compared to fathers who are the sole earners total amount of housework performed and that in families. Third, mothers and fathers appear overall less housework is being done in today's to be moving slowly toward an equal split of homes. time devoted to housework. But most of this Recent studies, analyzing the kinds of convergence is the result of mothers' spending housework parents do, document another less time doing housework. Mothers do less aspect of inequity or lack of parity. Even when housework today, primarily because they spend parents devote the same amount of time to more time in jobs outside the home. Finally, housework, the kinds of tasks are far from married parents today devote less time to equally distributed. Despite the emphasis upon housework than their predecessors. gender equality, Middletown's couples sur­ For those who hold parity as a goal, the veyed in 1977 on family role tasks reported Southwestern City fathers' housework pat­ dramatic gender differences in line with tradi­ terns are discouraging. While they made some tional stereotypes for both expectations and of the highest proportional contributions to behavior. The behavior or who actually per­ housework ever recorded, the Southwestern formed tasks was even less equally distributed City fathers devoted less actual time to Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page35 housework than many of their predecessors. predecessors (Seward, Yeatts, Seward, Plus those fathers whose wives were em­ Stanley-Stevens 1993). This is in line with a ployed exhibited the greatest discrepancy be­ practice Robinson (1985) found in early time­ tween higher proportional contributions and use-studies. Additional family care by a parent fewer hours devoted to housework. These is more likely to be devoted to children rather patterns suggest the entrenchment of many than housework. Hence fathers' have appar­ traditional ideas and practices. Further very ently increased participation but it has been limited help came from alternative sources. selective. The growing time crunch faced by Children performed little housework with the parents has not brought about across the lowest amounts often reported in families where board changes. The demands of employment both parents were employed. Paid help was and heavier contributions to child care appar­ used by very few families, regardless of wives' ently reduced the time, energy, and resources employment status,·and then only sparingly. available for housework. Given the choice The most consistent trend is the di­ perhaps parents felt that child care was a more minishing amount of time devoted to house­ important long term investment. Further the work by families. Mothers' contributions have Southwestern City fathers greater involve­ dropped dramatically, fathers' contributions mentwith children's activities has the potential have dropped modestly, and parity between of multiple effects upon other areas of the parents is far from being achieved. It is reason­ family (Lamb 1987). Fathers performing more able to suspect that housework's low status child care may reduce mothers' family workload and reward value relative to the other daily in other areas and potentially strengthen the activities, especially child care, means it gets marital relationship. lower priority and is less likely to get done when To account for the family's present divi­ a time crunch occurs. This is buttressed by the sion of labor, the housework evidence pre­ often heard admonitions to employed couples sented here provides the most support for the to reduce their standard of household hygiene available time or "time crunch• explanation. (Robinson 1988). Further new household ap­ The rise in employment and job related de­ pliances, such as microwave ovens, have mands coincides with the overall dedine in actually reduced the amount of time needed housework, with the greatest changes occur­ for certain basic tasks (Gershuny, Robinson ring for women and with the modest changes 1988). Most previous housework innovations occurring for men. Multiple regression analy­ (washing machines) primarily reduced the ses on the Southwestern City data reported amount of physical effort needed. elsewhere (Seward, Yeatts, Seward 1994) and The emphasis upon greater involvement other current studies (Goldscheider, Waite by fathers since the 1960s has apparently won 1991; Presser 1994; Pyke, Coltrane 1996) few converts to the practice of performing found employment times for husbands and more housework. As mothers devote more of especially wives were the best predictors of their work time to paid employment, fathers time spent on housework. Also the persistence are pressured to pick up the resulting slack in of gender differences by tasks suggest, indi­ family care. But the majority of fathers have rectly, that the couples' ideology plays an failed to pick up the slack especially with important explanatory role as well. The next regard to housework. Of course, dual employ­ steps are to continue darifying the specific role ment demands coupled with time saving in­ these and other factors play and to understand ventions, such as the dishwasher, make it and articulate how they are interrelated. unrealistic to expect that the substantial amount of time devoted to housework by previous REFERENCES generations will ever be reached again. Still, BeninMH, DAEdwards 1990Adolescents'chores:the difference between dual-and singH&merfamilies most Southwestern City fathers were not pio­ J Marriage Family 52 361-373 neers in a trek toward equal sharing of house­ Blair SL, DT Lichter 1991 Measuring the division of work. Most did even less housework when household labor J Family Issues 12 91-113 their wives' were employed. But in other areas Blood RO, R Hamblin 1958 The effect of wife's em­ ploymentonthefamilypowerstructure Socia/ Forces of family care, especially child care, fathers 38347-352 appear to be doing more. Blood RO, OM Wolfe 1960 Husbands and Wtves In a break from the pattern found for Glencoe, IL: Free Press housework, Southwestern City fathers devoted Caplow T, HM Bahr, BA Chadwick, R Hill, MH Wil­ liamson 1982 Middletown Families: Fifty Years of more time to child care than their Change and Continuity NY: Bantam Page 36 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Coleman MT 1988 The division of household labor: Pyke K, S Coltrane 1996 Entitlement, obligation, and suggestions forMure empirical consideration and gratitude in family work J Femily Issues 71 60-82 theoretlcalctevelopmentJ~Issuea9132-148 Robinson JP 19n How Americans Use Time: A Coltrane s, M Ishii-Kuntz 1992 Mens housework: a lire SocJo..Psyc;ho~Ana/ys/sNY: Praeger courseperspectlveJ MatrlaQeFam/ly54~7 ..... 1985 Chinges in time use: an bistorical Demos J 1986 Past, Present, Anona/: The Family overview. pp289-312 in FT Juster, FP Statrord eds and the Life Courstt In American History NY: Ox­ Time, Goods, and Well-Being Ann Arbor, Ml: U ford Michigan Furstenberg FF Jr 1988 Good dads-bad dads: two 1988VI/ho'sdoinathehousework? American flc::es of fatherhood. pp 193-218 in AJ Cher1in ed ~lcs1012~4-28,63 The ChengingAmerictln Family and Public Policy Ross CE 1987 The division of labor at horne Social WashingtOn DC: Urban Institute Foroes 65 816-833 Gershuny J, JR Robinaon 1988 His~rical ct)anves in Seward RR, DE Yeatts, JA seward 1994 Factors the household division of labor Demograplly 25 affec:tlnafathers' performance offamilywork: time 537-552 ' chtldrenandhousewort<. Papergivenat GoldscheiderFK, UWaite 1991 NewFamilies, No Sociological Society annual meeting, Saint Families? The Translonnation of the American ="Louis Home Berkeley: uCallfomla Press Seward RR, DE Yeatla, .lA Seward, LStanley-Stevens Ishii-Kuntz M, S Coltrane 1992 Predicting the sharing 1993 Fathers' time spent with their children: a of household llbor:.,.. parenting lnd housewcri · longitudinal assessment Family Perspective 27 distinct? Sociological Perspect/ve35 629-647 27S:.283 Kamo Y 1988 Determinants of household division of Shelton BA 1990 The distribution of household tasks: labor: resources, power, and ideology J Family does wife's employment status make a difference? lssues91n-200 J Femlly Issues 11 115-135 JusterFT1985Anoteonrecentchangesintimeuse. U.S. Bureau ofthe Census 19928 GenenJJ Population pp 313-332 in FT Juster, FP Stafford eds Time, Chanlcterlstics Texas, Section2, 1990Washing­ Goods, and ~11-BeingAnnArbor, Ml: U Michigan ton DC: USGPO Lamb ME 1987 The Fathers' Role: Ctoss-Cultural 1992b Summaty Social, Economic, and Per5pectJves Hlllldale, NJ: Lawrence Ertbaum _.,...HOU.,..,.,.,.singChantcterlstics: Texas, 1990. Washing­ LeMasters EE, J DeFrein 1989 Paranta in Contem­ ton DC: USGPO poraty Amerlca: A Sympethetic View fifth edition W.lker K, M Woods 1976 Time Use: A MeaSU/8 of Belmont. CA: Wadsworth Household Production of Goods and Services. Lynd RS, HM Lynd 1956 Middletown: A Study in Washington DC: American Home Economics As­ American Cultunt (originally 1929) NY: Harcourt& sociation Brace MeissnerM, E Humphries,S Meis, WScheu 1975No ACKNOWLEDGMENT exit for wives: sexual division of labor and the The research was in part supported by a University of cumulationofhouseholddemandsRevCanadian North TexasFaculy Development Leave Grant in 1990 SociologyAnthtotx1logy 12 424-439 and a National Endcwmentforthe Humanities Travel to Pleck JH 1985 Kbridng l\fwsMtlrlring Husbands Collec:tionaGrant (FE-27615-92) in 1992 received by 8evefty Hils, CA: Sage Seward.AddlionalsupportwasprovidedbytheCenter PresserH81994Employmentschedulesamongdua~ for Middletown Studies at Ball State University. earner spouses and the division of labor of house­ hold labor by gender AmerSociol Rev 59 348-364 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page37 WOMEN'S EMPLOYMENT AND STRUCTURES OF FAMILIAL AUTHORITY AMONG FAMILIES OF OFFSHORE OILWORKERS

DeAnn K. Gauthier and Craig J. Forsyth, University of Southwestern Louisiana, and William B. Bankston, Louisiana State Un~erslty

ABSTRACT Research on the links between work and the family has suggested the two affect one another, though for manyyearstheprevai&ng asstmplionwas that they do not (Kanter 1917). One area ofthis research has addressed the effects of women's employment on the distribution of power In marriage. A recurrent theme has been that women's employment incnlases power in families relative to males. This research further explores the effects of women'semploymentonstructuresofdec:ision-maklngauthorityinfamHies. Thefindingsleadustoconcludethat employment of women may provide resources and higher levels of prestige which in tum affect the structure of power in the family.

INTRODUCTION attention to the varied courses of work/family Research on the links between wort and interface (Hughes et al1992). Research find­ the family has suggested the two affect one ings indicate that worters are experiencing another, though for many years the prevailing difficulties managing their dual roles in the assumption was that they do not (Kanter 1977). wort place and the family (Voydanoff 1988). In One area of this research has addressed the addition, there has been a precipitous rise in effects of women's employment on the distri­ the number of persons engaged in non-tra­ bution of power in marriage. A recurrent theme ditional wort scheduling (Staines, Pleck 1983). has been that women's employment increases This cache of research has found agreement power in families relative to males. Our re­ on at least one issue; nonconventional wort search further explores the effects of women's scheduling is both demanding and problem­ employment on structures of decision-making atic for families (Gramling, Forsyth 1987). authority in families. The families of offshore Although a great deal of literature has oil worters present a rare opportunity to ex­ been devoted to the effects of non-traditional plore the responses of family members to wort scheduling on the family, only a small nonstandard wort scheduling, especially as portion of the research is concerned with those those responses may be conditioned by the families in which the father/husband Is regu­ employment status of women. larly (or irregularly) absent from the home for Offshore oil wort requires periodic ab­ extended periods due to his employment. sences of husbands from their homes typically Specific vocations seem more wlner­ fora period of7, 14, 21, or28 days. Extended able than most to structurally provoked strife absences such as these may serve to increase caused by wort and family role interface (Jones, the decision-making authority of wives. How­ Butler 1980). Merchant seamen (Forsyth 1992; ever, the literature suggests that the most Forsyth, Gramling 1990), military personnel important source of male power in families is (Hunter 1984; Hunter, Nice 1978), fishermen economic dependence of women on men. If (Margavio, Forsyth 1996; Orbach 1977), off­ this is so, then even extended male absences shore oil worters (Forsyth, Gauthier 1991 ; will not likely alter authority relations. Oil fami­ Gauthier, Forsyth, Bankston 1993; Gramling lies are an ideal context, then, in which to 1989; Morrice, Taylor, Clark, McCann 1985; examine the Influence of women's employ­ Storey, Lewis, Shrimpton, Clark 1986); and ment on authority in the family. long-distance truck drivers and jet-setting busi­ ness executives are examples of worters In REVIEW OF THE UTERATURE what Forsyth and Gramling (1987) have termed The interface between wort scheduling a "feast or famine• schedule. and family life has been a topic of substantial Research on merchant seamen has concern to scholars in recent years (Forsyth found that wives of seamen have traditional 1992; Gramling, Forsyth 1987; Hughes, Galin­ outlooks, but that being given all the re­ sky and Morris 1992; Kanter 19n; Ladewig, sponsibilities when husbands are away con­ McGee 1986; Pleck, Staines, Lang 1980; flicts with these traditional views (Forsyth 1992; Staines, Pleck 1983). Because the wort force Forsyth, Gramling 1990). Morrice et al (1985) consists in large part of employees with high confirmed this conflidual pattern among off­ family demands, researchers have given shore oil worker families. The literature on Page 38 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology occupationally induced father absence among family, with no real involvement of the part of military families and fishermen support these husbands, .who, when present, are treated findings as well (Hunter 1984; Hunter, Nice more as guests than as adive, participating 1978;0rbach 1977).1naddition, Forsyth(1992) members of the family. suggested that alienation is high among mem­ Egalitarianism responses are those in bers offamilies with non-traditional wot1( sched­ which power is equitably divided between males ules. The occupational demands of some ca­ and females (Gauthier et al1993). Forsyth and reers may be so encompassing that they Gauthier (1991) identified one type of family severely curtail family interadion (Jones, But­ which corresponds to this description: the ler 1980). The present research focusses on egalitarian family. The literature on merchant only one of these "vuunerable" occupations, seamen, military personnel, and fishermen the offshore oil wot1(er. (Forsyth, Gramling 1987, 1990; Gerstel, Gross The current study extends previous re­ 1984; Gramling, Forsyth 1987; Hunter, Nice search of offshore oil wori(ers' families (Forsyth, 1978; Kaslow, Ridenour 1984; Orbach 1977; Gauthier 1991; Gauthier et al 1993). That Sherar 1973; Tunstall 1962) has suggested research identified four categories of familial that egalitarian relationships occur only be­ strudural responses to periodic husband/fa­ tween couples in which both partners are ther absence (Gauthier et al1993). Although professionals. In fad, egalitarian relationships the defining charaderistics of each type are were not found to be present in the families of numerous, the question of in whose role deci­ men in these other occupations with non­ sion-making authority is located is the primary standard scheduling. However, Forsyth and defining feature. A brief synopsis of the char­ Gauthier (1991) found some offshore oil aderistics of the four responses is necessary spouses sharing responsibility and authority here. equally. For example, males in these families Father-Centered responses are those in assumed traditional female tasks while at which the male role is more powerful (Gauthier home-such as the care of infants and children, et al1993). Fors}1h and Gauthier (1991) iden­ cooking, deaning, and shopping. tified three types of families which correspond Gauthier et al (1993) also identified the to this description: those which alternate au­ Unresolved response. Unresolved responses thority between the spouses, those in which are those in which marriages have either women's authority is contingent, and those in ended in divorce, or continue despite ongoing, which men have been replaced during their unresolvable conflid Pike Cuber and Harroff's absence. Alternating authority families are (1965) conflid-habituated marriage]. In these those in which the wife relaxes her authority families, the assignment of decision-making when the oil.wot1(er is onshore so that he may authority is disputed over, and therefore, unre­ ad in the traditional role of decision-maker. solved. Contingent authority families are those in which Blood and Wolfe (1960) considered eco­ women assume authority only for minor or nomic power to be the primary fador in­ emergency decisions which occur during male fluencing the distribution of power in marriage. absences. Otherwise, serious decisions are Power increases with income, thus male power delayed until males return. Replacement fa­ has traditionally been higher relative to female ther families are those in which male relatives power because men have wot1(ed and women "replace• oil wori(ers during their absences as traditionally have not. Theoretically, male power disciplinarian, handyman, etc. The traditional in families should decrease when females are male role usually occupied by fathers does not employed. go unoccupied. Each ofthe three responses is, In fad, dual earner families do seem to then, Father-Centered. experience a marital shift in power which re­ Mother-Centered responses are those sults in both higher rates of male participation in which the female role is more powerful in traditionally female tasks such as house­ (Gauthier et al 1993). Forsyth and Gauthier wori( and child care and female participation in (1991) identified one type of family which traditionally male adivities such as family corresponds to this description: those in which decision making (Davidson, Moore 1996; Rank women maintain both the traditional male and 1982). Storey et al (1986) seem to concur by female role responsibilities during times when suggesting that wori(ing wives of offshore oil wori(ers are both present and absent. oilmen in Canada tend to be more independent Women make the decisions regarding the of their husbands than non-working wives. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 39

other research has examined the nature the areas of Southwestern Louisiana and East of occupations held by women in offshore oil Texas at the time of the initial interview. In­ families (Gauthier et al 1993). Specifically, terviews were conducted with both spouses, these findings suggested that women who are and sometimes with the children as well. In employed in professional and managerial oc­ cases where the marriage had ended in di­ cupations were significantly less likely to be vorce, we were able to interview only one of the involved in male-dominated marriages. In fact, spouses. they were much more likely to be Iodated in an The initial interviews utilized open ended Unresolved authority structure characterized questions following an interview guide (rather by conflict over family decision-making author­ than forced-choice responses) because of the ity. However, one intriguing finding of this exploratory nature of the research and the fact research was that professional/managerial that little is known about the general character wives were unlikely to establish either Mother­ of families of offshore oil workers. The inter­ Centered or Egalitarian relationships. views were tape recorded and later transcribed In the present study, we assume that for purposes of qualitative analysis. Interviews decision-making authority reflects the distri­ ranged from thirty minutes to two hours. The bution of power within marriage. We examine data for the present study were taken from the the relative influence of women's employment transcribed interviews using a systematic cod­ on participation in decision-making. Because ing procedure. of periodic absences of husbands in offshore In order to avoid missing data, callbacks oil families, we might expect that women were conducted. Forty-one household inter­ experience high levels of authority in these views were incomplete prior to the callbacks. types of families. However, if economic de­ For the data pertaining to this research, we pendency is the main determinant of women's were unable to contact only four of the house­ power in marriage, males' power in families holds from whom we were missing informa­ will be retained (even in their physical ab­ tion. sence) if women are unemployed. We expect the response types of power relationships in Techniques of Analysis the marriages of oil workers to be systemati­ Because the data were obtained from an cally related to women's employment in the availability sample, analysis of the data re­ following ways: when women are employed, quires a non-probability statistic that will some­ the structure of power will likely take a form what correct for this problem. Chi-square is which is not male-dominated, i.e. thatofMother­ used to determine significance. Phi is the Centered, Egalitarianism, or Unresolved; con­ correlation coefficient used to provide a mea­ versely, when women are not employed, the sure of the strength of the association between structure of power will be Father-Centered. variables. Given the relatively small sample size (n=161) and especially given the fact that METHODOLOGY this is an exploratory study, we accept signifi­ The Sample cance at the .1 0 level. The primary data for this study were gathered in one hundred sixty one face-to face Operatlonalization of the Variables interviews with families of offshore oil workers. The dependent variable is type of de­ All interviews were conducted by the authors cision-making (authority) structure and is com­ and were funded, in part, through a grant from posed of the four categories discussed above: Minerals Management Services, U.S. Depart­ (1) Father-Centered; (2) Mother-Centered; (3) ment of the Interior. These interviews were Egalitarianism; and (4) Unresolved. These are obtained through an availability sample be­ nominal variables which are treated dichoto­ cause, currently, no comprehensive list of mously as either present or absent for each offshore oil employees exists. Our initial re­ power relationship under consideration. spondents were students enrolled in a univer­ The independent variable is employ­ sity program for offshore oil workers. The pro­ ment of the wife and is defined as devotion of ject was also announced to other classes and time and energy to an activity inside or outside members of the community in order to attain of the horne for the purposes of receiving a more interview contacts. At the conclusion of salary. This nominal variable is also treated each interview, referrals were obtained from dichotomously in that women are considered the respondents. All respondents were living in either unemployed or employed (regardless of Page 40 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Table I: Women's Employment By Unresolved Table 3: Women's Employment By Authority Structure Mother-Centered Authority Structure Women's Level Familial Response Women's Level Familial Response of Employment All Others Unresolved of Employment All Othen Mother-Centered

# " # " # " # " Unemployed 71 49 II 65 Unemployed 63 48 19 66 Employed 73 51 6 35 Employed 69 52 10 35 Total l-4

Table 2: Women's Employment By Table ..: Women's Employment By Father-Centered Authority Structure Eplltarlanlsm Authority Structure Women's Level Familial Response Women's Level Familial Response of Employment All Othen Father-Centered of Employment AIIOthen Eplitarlanllm # # # # Unemployed 32 "47 50 "54 Unemployed 80 "58 2 "9 Employed 36 53 43 46 Employed 59 42 20 91 Total 68 100 93 100 Total 139 100 22 100 N= 161, OF= I, Chi-Square value=.707, p=.40 I, N=l61, OF= I, Chi-Square value=l7.850, p=.OOO, Phi=-.066 Phi=.333 the number of hours involved). authority strudure is significant (p=.083) but opposite the expeded diredion (phi=-.137). RESULTS Employed wives are significantly less likely to Families in the sample are most often be involved in female-dominated marriages the Father-Centered type (58%), with Mother­ than are unemployed wives. Centered the second most common (18%), Consequently, as we see in Table4, only followed by Egalitarianism (14%) and Unre­ the Egalitarianism authority strudure is sig­ solved (11 %) families. The median ·age of the nificantly more likely to emerge (p.=.OOO) in offshore oilwor1ters in the study is 38, while the the marriages of employed women. Although median age of their wives is 34. Most of the previous research on the effect of higher occu­ husbands have high-school diplomat (50%), pational status of women on power in the though a substantial number have either some family was unable to identify the source of collegeoracollegedegree(33%). Thewomen Egalitarianism (Gauthieret al1993), the present in the study also tended to be mostly high­ findings seem to suggest that a simple pay­ school educated (47%), or have either some check may be enough. college ora college degree (29%). The respon­ However, this may be a fundion of the dents are overwhelmingly white and married indusion of part-time wor1ters in the category (89% each). Only 6 percent are divorced prior of the employed. It may be argued (Luxton, to the time of the study. The majority (99%) of Rosenberg 1986) that women who wort part­ the families have children, usually two in num­ time do not earn enough money (and therefore ber(45o/o).Therelatlonshipsbetweenwomen's do not have sufficient power) to foster ( espe­ employment and types of authority structures cially) Egalitarian and Mother-Centered re­ are presentecfin Tables 1 through 4. Interest­ sponses. For the sake of discussion, we per­ ingly, as shown in Tables 1 and 2, employed formed an analysis in which part-time employ­ women are no more likely than unemployed ment is combined with non-employment. The women to establish Unresolved relationships results indicate that even when only full-time in marriages to offshore oil wor1ters (p=.230). employment is considered, women are still Furthermore, unemployed women are not sig­ significantly more likely to be involved in Egali­ nificantly more prone to establishing Father­ tarianism (p=.OOO). However, such is not the Centered relationships (p=.401). case for Mother-Centered relationships. Addi­ In addition, the association between tional analysis showed that when part-time women's employment and Mother-Centered employment is exduded, women are no longer Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 41 significantly less likely to be in Mother-Cen­ REFERENCES tered relationships {p=.177). BloodRO,DMWolfe1960HusbandsandWivesNY: MacMillan Cuber JF, P8 Harroff 1965 Five kinds of relationships. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS In I Reiss ed Readings on the Family System NY: The results support the theory that money Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc is power, and therefore that employed wives Davidson JK, NB Moore 1996 Marriage and Family Boston: Allyn and Bacon have more power in marriage than do unem­ Forsyth CJ 1992 Father alienation: a further analysis of ployed wives. However, employment does not familial management strategy among merchant increase female power to a disproportionate seamen lntemat J Sociol Family22 1-9 level, as it seems unlikely that Mother-Cen­ ForsythCJ, DKGauthier1991 Familiesofoffshoreoil workers: adaptations to cydical father absence/ tered authority structures will emerge. On the presence Sociological Spectrum 111 n -201 other hand, employment sufficiently empow­ Forsyth CJ, R Gramling 1987 Feast or famine: alter­ ers women so that Father-Centered authority native management techniques among periodic­ structures are unlikely to occur either. Ulti­ father absence single career families lntemat J Soclo/Family17183-196 mately, the findings lead us to conclude that ---. 1990 Adaptive familial strategies amonp employment of women may provide resources mei'Chantseamen Ufeslyfes: Family and Econotmc and higher levels of prestige which in tum lssues11183-198 affect the structure of power in the family. The Gauthier DK, CJ Forsyth, WB Bankston 1993 The effect of wife's occupation on the structure of probability ofwomen's participation in Egalitar­ decision-rnalmg authorityintheotrshoreoilworker's ian relationships is significantly altered. In family lntemat J Sociology Family23 87-98 conjunction with previous findings {Gauthier GersteiN, HGross 1984CommuterMarriageNY:The et al 1993), it seems evident that although Guilford Press Gramling R 1989 Concentrated work scheduling: en­ egalitarianism in marriage is, at least in part, abling_ and constraining aspects Sociological Per­ a function of women's employment status, specttves3247-64 wives' occupations must not be of a status that Gramling R, CJ Forsyth 1987 Work scheduling and is disproportionate to that of oil workers. Un­ family interaction J Family Issues 8 2 163-175 Hughes 0, E Galinsky, A Morris 1992The effects ofjob equal status in the workforce has been shown characteristics on marital quality: specifying linking to lead to conflict in the family. However, our mechanisms J Marriage Family 54 31-42 findings suggest that when women are em­ Hunter EJ 1984 Treating the military captive's family. ployed in jobs of relatively equal status to pp. 167-196 in F Kaslow, R Ridenour eds The Military Family NY: The Guilford Press husbands' jobs, egalitarianism seems likely to HunterEJ, OS Nice 1978 Military Families: Adaptation emerge. to Change NY: Praeger Still, women's employment cannot be JonesAP, MC Butler 1980A role transition approach the only predictor of gender equality in mar­ tothestressoforganizationallyinducedfamilyrole disruption J Marriage Family42 367-376 riage, as evidenced by the fact that so many KanterRM19nWorkandfamilyintheUnitedStates: women in our study were employed but were aaltical review and agendaforresearchand policy. not located in an egalitarian relationship. In in SociB/ScienceFrontietsNY: Russel Sage Foun­ addition, though nearly all of those women dation Kulow F, R Ridenour 1984 The Military Family NY: who were in egalitarian marriages were em­ Guilford Publications, Inc ployed, a handful of women who were not Ladewig BH, GWMcGee 19860ccupationalcommit­ employed found the path to gender equality. ment, asupportiwtfamilyenvi~ and marital Consequently, further research is required in adjustment: developrnentand estimation ofa model J Marriage Family48 821-829 order to more adequately specify the determi­ Luxton M, H Rosenbe!JJ 1986 Through the Kitchen nants of gender equality in marriage, particu­ INindow: The Politics of Home and Family larly as it is shaped by non-standard work Garamond Press: Toronto scheduling. Because the number of persons Margavio A, CJ Forsyth 1996 Csught In The Net: Conflict Between ShrimpersAnd Conservationists engaged in both unconventional work sched­ College Station: TexasA&M U Press uling and multiple jobs continues to increase, MorriceJKW,RCTaylor,DCiark,KMcCann 19850il we can predict that problems emerging from wives and intermittent husbands BritishJ Psychia­ these schedules will also rise. Further re­ try147479-483 ' Orbach MK 19n Hunters, Seaman, and Entrepre- search should therefore continue analyses of neurs: The Tuna Seinennan of San Diego Los familial constructs as responses to unconven­ Angeles: U California Press tional work scheduling. PleckJH, GLStaines, L Lang 1980 Conflicts between work and family life Monthly Labor Rev 103 29-32 Rank MR 1982 Determinants of conju~al influence in wives' employment decision mak1ng J Marriage Family44 591-604 Page 42 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

SherarM 19?3 Shipping Out: A Socio/og/ca.l Study of Tunstall J 1962 The Fishermen London: MacGibbon the American Merchant Sesman. Cambridge, MD: andKee Cornell Maritime Press, Inc Voydanoff P 1988 Wolt roles, family strudure, and Staines GL, JH Pleck 1983 The Impact of Worlc work/family conflid J Marriage Family 50 749-762 Schedules on the Family Ann Arbor, Ml: Institute for Social Research Storey K. J Lewis, M Shrimpton, 0 Clalt 1986 Family Life Adaptations to Offshore Oil and Gas Employ­ mentOttawa, Canada: Environmental Studies Re­ volving Funds Report

------Please send me additional Information. University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road 18 Bedford Row Dept. P.R. Dept. P.R. Ann Arbor, Ml48106 London, WC1 R 4EJ U.S.A. England Name ______

Institution Street ______City·------State ______Zip ____ Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. I, May 1996 Page 43 TRANSRACIAL ADOPTION REVISITED: AFRICAN AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS' PERSPECTIVE Felix 0. Chima, University of Kentucky

ABSTRACT AfricanAmericanchildrenarevictimizedbypoverty,discrimination,andevenadoptionpolicleawhichkeep them In foster care and in institutions. Transraclal adoption, one avenue to alleviate the problem, is burdened with controversy that need to be resolved. This article explores the opinions of African American college-students on transraclal adoption. Hwas found thattransraclal adoption was prefenedtofostercare orinstHutionalization, and that children need a permanent home regardless ofthe adoptive parenfs race.

INTRODUCTION 2)the necessity of self-determination from birth It is estimated that in the United States to death, of all African American people; more than 150,000 children are adopted each and, year. About 50,000 African American children 3)thephilosophythatAfricanAmericansneed are available for adoption, and 35,000 of them their own to build a strong nation. (Davis are boys. In addition, there are about 250,000 1992; Hogan, Siu 1988) African American children in foster care na­ tionwide (Bartholet 1991 : Greene, Kuiper 1995; Concern over the impact of transracial Morisey 1990). White parents have adopted adoption on the long-tenn psychosocial and Asian and Native American children for the identity development of African American chil­ past four decades (Zastrow 1993). dren has been expressed by African-American Overall, the average waiting period for authors (Chestang 1972; Chimenzie 1975; adoption is more than 2-1/2 years, and mi­ Jones 1975). Other observers have ques­ nority children, especially African Americans, tioned the legality and constitutionality of race­ wait up to five years (Owen 1994; Rodriquez, conscious policies in the adoption process. Meyer 1990). They contend that adoption policies have re­ About 8 percent of all adoptions are sulted in "melanin managemenr, where white transracial ortransethnic, with about 1 percent and African American applicants have shown being adoptions of African American children a preference for lighter -skin over darker-skin by white parents (Fiango, Flango 1993; Stoney children (Bartholet 1993). The victims of this 1993). Although a number of special adoption adoption practice are the children who are left projects have been initiated to help encourage in foster homes and other institutions. This placement of African American children in article extends the previous research on same-race placements, African American chil­ transracial adoption by reporting on the opin­ dren are far less likely to be adopted than other ions of African American college students children of similar age and behavior (Barth, regarding transracial adoption. Courtney, Berry 1994; Barth, Courtney, Needell 1994; Bartholet 1993). RESEARCH ON TRANSRACIAL About three decades ago, some white ADOPTION couples began adopting African American Substantive research that has compared children. Their desire to adopt African Ameri­ the psychosocial development ofAfrican Ameri­ can children raised a controversy that is still can children adopted and raised by whites to unresolved and which adoption workers face those raised in same race environment is very today. In 1972 the National Association of scarce. Few studies emerged during the 1970s Black Social Workers (NABSW), issued a and 1980s which attempted to detennine statement that denounced transracial adop­ whether and to what extent the psychosocial tion in all cases, referring it to an act of "racial development of African American children are and cultural genocide." Rationales posited by detrimentally affected by transracial adoption. NABSW included: Virtually nothing has been written on those topics in the 1990s, but significant gaps in our 1) the need of young African American children knowledge about transracial adoption con­ to begin at birth to identify with all African tinue to exist. However, Zastrow (1976) com­ American people in African American com­ pared the satisfactions derived and problems munity; encountered between transracial adoptive Page 44 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology parents and in racial adoptive parents and adoption have concluded that there is no evi­ found that 1) transracial adoptions were as dence of significant harm to the adopted chil­ satisfying as inracial adoptions: 2) transracially dren, but that emphasis should be placed on adopted children were accepted by relatives, culturally sensitive parenting skills (Bagley friends, neighbors, and the general commu­ 1993; Johnson, Shireman, Watson 1987; nity; 3) parents of transracially adopted chil­ Simon 1988; Vieni 1975; Vroegh 1992; Zuniga dren reported minimal problems; 4) these 1991). parents treated transraciaHy adopted children A previous study was conducted by as their own. Howard, Royse, and Sker1 (1977), who as­ In the 1980's, two research studies fo­ sessed the African American community's cused on the preadolescent and adolescent attitudes regarding transracial adoption al­ transracially adopted children. Simon & Alt­ most twenty years ago. That study found that stein (1981) and Bartholet (1991) studied trans­ 81 percent of African Americans preferred racial adoptions and found that parents were transracial adoption over keeping a child in a satisfied with the experience. The stresses foster home or institution. Another study con­ parents reported were related to having to ducted by Simon (1978) sought to discover the spend more time In Integrating lifestyle differ­ attitudes of •educated middle-class• African ences of the transracial children with their Americans toward transracial adoption. Simon biological children. It was noted that both the . found that their opinions were divided, with children and the parents in transracial families sHghtly under half (45%) approving adoption may acquire special interpersonal talents and of African American children by white families. skills at bridging cultures. Since a lot of changes have occurred in In a study of self-esteem development in society since the Howard et al and Simon transracially adopted adolescents and inracially studies, this research examines the opinions adopted adolescents, no differences were found of a younger generation. Values and beliefs in overaH self-esteem (McRoy, Zurcher 1983). regarding transracial adoption may differ from However, racial identity was found to be a that of African Americans surveyed in the problem for African American adolescents 1970s and 80s. Furthermore, case law is rais­ adopted by whites. The authors questioned ing new concerns about the legality of place­ the ability of such parents to Integrate African ment decisions based primarily on race. In American culture in their parenting practices. 1991, the US Office for Civil Rights found that Some researchers have studied adjustment criteria for adopting or methods of administra­ rates of transraclally adopted children. Silver­ tion of adoption services that result in the ex­ man & Feigelman (1981)foundthattheadjust­ clusion, limitations, or segregation of ethnic ment rate for both transracial and inracial children relative to adoptive placements vio­ adopted children were the same, when adjust­ late their civil rights (Belloli 1991; Hollinger ed for age at adoption. In a follow-up study, it 1993). The passage of the Howard M. Metzen­ was indicated cleariy that "there is a strong baum Multiethnic Placement Act of 1994 pro­ association between age at adoption and mal­ hibits any agency or entity that receives federal adjustmenr In both transracial and intraracial assistance children (Silverman, Feigelman 1981). In England, Bagley studied a group of tocategoricaHydenytoany person the opportu­ Afro-Caribbean and mixed race children who nity to become an adoptive or a foster parent, were adopted by British whites beginning at solelyontherace,color,ornationaloriginofthe age seven (Bagley 1993). A follow-up study adoptive orfosterparent, or the child involved; was conducted twelve ·years later when the or delay or deny the placement of a child for children were aboUt 19 years of age. Results of adoption or Into foster care, or otherwise dis­ a series of tests on the young people conclud­ criminate in making a placement decision, solely ed that there were no significant adjustment on the race, color, or national origin of the differences between them and those adopted adoptive parent, orthe child involved (s.553(a) intraracially. The researcher concluded that it 1 (A&B). (Barth et al1994) may be that children of color and their adoptive families learn different identities ftom their This current study follows these recent devel­ adoption experience and there is no evidence opments and is a partial replication of Howard that the cflfference Is harmful to the people et al (1977). involved. Several other studies on transraciaf Three items were chosen from the Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. I, May 1996 Page45

Howard et al study because they gauge the of ·race" is used here for identification pur­ respondents' attitudes and beliefs toward poses. Also, although the term African Ameri­ transracial adoptions. The items were as fol­ can has recently become more popular than lows: "black, • black was used by the original authors in their instrument and for Comparison this ITEM 1 It is better to place black children in language was kept in the current study. foster homes than have them adopted by white families. METHOD ITEM 2 Black children need a permanent home, The subjects in this study were African regardless ofthe race of adopting par­ American university students enrolled at a ents. major state university during the Fall Se­ ITEM 3 Parents of black children should make mester of 1994. The author obtained the list of the decision on whether their children students from the university's Office of Minor­ are adopted by white or black families. ity Affairs. The university is located in the southeastern region of the United States, and Four items were chosen because they is predominantly white. A total of 1254 African measured respondents' attitudes about white American students out ofapproximately 24,000 parents' ability to equip black children to live in students were enrolled at the time of the study. an often racist society. As a first step in the data collection, the list was reviewed and only those students with ITEM 4 White parents are not prepared to teach complete information (name, address and tele­ black children to cope with racism. phone number) were selected. This resulted in ITEM 5 Whites cannot understand the prob­ a small group of 900 students. From this 900, lems black children face in society. a sample of 400 was selected by systematic ITEM 6 White parents cannot prepare black sampling. children for the problems associated Four student volunteers coordinated with interracial dating. contact of the participants through telephone ITEM 7 White parents can adequately prepare calls, black student organizations, and the black children forthe problems the chil­ Martin Luther King Cultural Center at the uni­ dren will face in school. versity. Respondents were asked to give their opinion using a Likert-type Scale (Strongly Five items were selected which meas­ Agree, Agree, Undecided, Disagree, Strongly ured respondents perception of how easy or Disagree), and a total of 368 (92%) completed difficult it would be for a black child raised by and usable responses were obtained. white adoptive parents to fare in both black and Of the 368 respondents, 215 (58%) were white cultures. The items were: females, and 153 (42%) were males. All re­ spondents were in the 18-39 year-old cate­ ITEM 8 Black children can never adjust in a gory. Most of the respondents had origins from white home. the southeastern region of the United States ITEM 9 Black children adopted by whites are (62%), while the other 38 percent originated competent to function in black commu­ from northeast, midwest, and the west. Sev­ nities. enty-four percent of respondents were under­ ITEM 10 Black children adopted by whites will graduate students, and twenty-six percent were not suffer culturally ifprovided integra­ graduate students. The self-administered ques­ tion with other blacks. tionnaire instructed participants to respond ITEM 11 Black children do not learn their cul­ anonymously. The data were analyzed using tural identity when raised by whites. descriptive statistics. ITEM 12 Potential white parents need training in blackhistorytoadequatelyparentblack FINDINGS children. African American college students in this survey overwhelmingly support transracial For the purpose of this study, the concept of adoption of African American children by white transracial adoption is defined as the legal parents over foster homes or other alternative process of adopting African American children institutions. For example, 76 percent of the into white families. It is understood that there respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed is only one human race, therefore the concept with the item statement that it is better to place "1:1 ~ "' ~

Table 1: Opinion Results of African American CoHep Students on Transracial Adoption In Percentaps and Numbers (N•368) Stronafy Stronafy ~r: AJree AJree Undecided DisaFM Dlsqree ::1 Item N N N N N "'..... I. Better to place black children in foster homes than adopted by whites. s 18 19 70 31 114 45 '116 " "-- -- " " " " ~ :t Black children need a permanent home, regardless· of nee of adoptive 68 250 14 52 8 29 4 IS 6 n .:- parents. 3. Parents of black children should make the decision about adoption. 4 IS 55 202 27 99 8 30 6 22 ~ 4. White parents are not prepared to teach black children to cope. 7 26 36 133 9 33 33 121 IS 55 .... S. Whites cannot understand the problems of black children. II 40 32 118 4 IS 37 136 16 59 ~ 6. White parents cannot prepare black children for interndal dating. 14 IS 30 110 12 ...... 32 118 12 ...... 7. White parents can adequately prepare black children for problems in 12 ...... 58 213 12 ...... 10 37 8 30 ~ school. "' 8. Black children can never adjust. 10 37 9 33 26 96 38 140 17 62 .! 9. Black children adopted by whites are competent in black communities. 7 26 43 158 12 ...... 31 114 7 26 11:: 10. Black children adopted by whites will not suffer cultunlly. 26 96 49 180 16 59 6 22 II ~· 3 ;s- II. Black children do not learn cultunl identify. 34 125 25 92 7 26 30 110 4 IS 12. White parents need tnining in black histo_l}'.. _ 46 169 38 140 4 IS 10 37 2 7 Q ...1:)"' ~· ~ §: ~ Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page47 black children in foster homes than have them indicate whether black children can or cannot adopted by white families. None strongly adjust in white homes. Fifty-five percent of agreed, while 5 percent agreed, and 19 per­ respondents said that black children can ad­ cent were undecided (Table 1). just in white families, while 19 percent felt that Similarty, 82 percent concurred that black black children will never adjust in white fami­ children need permanent homes, regardless lies. About a quarter of all respondents (26%) of the race of adopting parents. Eight percent were undecided. were undecided, and 10 percent disagreed. Are black children raised by white fami­ However, 59 percent ofthe respondents lies competent to function in black communi­ preferred that black parents decide whether ties? Half of the college age respondents their children could be adopted by either black thought so. Thirty-eight percent indicated oth­ or white families. Twenty-seven percent were erwise, while 12 percent were undecided. undecided, and 12 percent believed that it was Will black children adopted by white not necessary to consult with the natural families suffer culturally? Seventy-five per­ parent(s). cent, the second largest proportion obtained This survey also measured respondents with any of the items, believed that black perceptions of white adoptive parents sensitiv­ children adopted by whites would not suffer ity to the racial problems that black young culturally as long as their parents allow in­ people face. When asked if white parents are teraction with other blacks. Only 9 percent of prepared to teach black children to cope with the respondents thought that the children will racism, respondents were almost evenly di­ still suffer culturally, while 16 percent were vided. Forty-eight percent expressed the opin­ undecided. ion that white parents are not prepared to teach About one-third (34%) of respondents black children how to cope with racism, and 43 believed that black children do not learn their percent of the respondents felt that white cultural identity when raised by white families. parents are prepared to help black children However, 59 percent believed that they do cope with racism. Nine percent were unde­ learn their cultural identity when raised by cided. white families. Seven percent were undecided. Another item related to white parenfs Finally, there was strong consensus that understanding of problems that black children potential white parents of black children need face in society. Fifty-three percent of respond­ training in black history. Eighty-four percent of ents indicated that white adoptive parents of respondents strongly agreed or agreed with black children can understand the problems that statement. Only twelve percent did not posed to these children by society. Forty-three concur with that statement, while 4 percent percent disagreed and a very few (4%) were were undecided. undecided. Opinions were also evenly divided on DISCUSSION the item related to interracial dating prepa­ Transracial adoption, especially between ration of black children raised by white fami­ white parents and African American children, lies. Forty-four percent of respondents felt that has been dominated by concerns of legality, white families cannot prepare black children the child's psychosocial needs, and the prob­ for interracial dating problems, while another lem of these children being denied exposure to 44 percent had the opinion that white families their own cultural heritage. In light of the can Indeed prepare their adopted black chil­ showing that children adopted transracially dren. Twelve percent of the respondents were are as well adjusted as other adopted children, undecided. and the recent Howard M. Metzenbaum Multi­ Can white adoptive parents adequately ethnic Placement Act of 1994 states, social prepare black children for the problems tl1ey workers, and those in the adoption practice may face in schools? Seventy percent of the ought to re-evaluate their policies preventing respondents strongly agreed or agreed that transracial adoption. But how do African Ameri­ white families who adopt black children indeed cans feel about the possibility increased can adequately prepare their children for pos­ transracial adoptions? sible problems in school. Only 18 percent The findings from this study dearty indi­ disagreed or strongly disagreed, and 12 per­ cate that the majority of African American cent were undecided. college students do not oppose adoption of Item eight asked respondents to African American children by white families. A Page 48 Volume 24 No. /,May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology significant majority appear to be favorable to States. Those who oppose transracial adop­ transracial adoption under certain conditions. tion feel that it is naive to think that whites can The preponderance of respondents believed provide the coping mechanism needed for a that the need for a permanent home is more black child to deal with a racially oppressive important to a black child's welfare than the society. People who are black are encouraged · race of the adoptive parents. This research to consider adopting children. The problem is found that while the respondents were aware that there are too many children to adopt. of the child's possible low level of identification Recent direction in adoption practices advo­ with the black community and culture, the cate making it easier to adopt than in the past. needs of the individual child supersede that It is important to dearly understand that the identification. At the same time, respondents children are the ones victimized in the strongly believed that adoptive white parents transracial adoption controversy. Issues of need a knowledge of black history to raise urgent consideration should address those black children, and that efforts should be made factors of poverty and racism affecting African to inaease interaction between the child and Americans in general. Those are the culprits, other blacks. not any adoptive parent of any race. This study also found that presently over half ofthe respondents felt that natural parents LIMITATIONS AND STRENGTHS of black chUdren should be allowed to have One limitation of the study should be some say in the adoption of their children. This discussed which makes generalizations from finding is interesting because It is consistent this data somewhat problematic. The sample with open adoption practice-which is being was drawn from a single southeastern state adopted by many agencies. university. All the respondents had some col­ There were five questions where 70 lege education and about a quarter of them percent or more of the respondents &gleed. were college graduates. Respondents are likely Respondents recognized the value of trans­ to be younger and somewhat more liberal in racial adoption over forcing black children to their views about transracial adoption than a remain in foster homes, that black children cross-section of African American adults. need a permanent home regardless of race of Transracial adoption is an important topic that adoptive parents, and that white parents can deserves further investigation with larger and adequately prepare black children for prob­ more representative samples. Therefore, it is lems. in school. The need for white adoptive possible that the findings presented here con­ parents of black children to be trained in black cerning transracial adoption are unique to. it. culture and history was identified as a means Perhaps, national samples may be considered of insuring that those children do not suffer for future research. However, one important cultural!y. strength of this research relate to the geo­ Furthermore, respondents divided evenly graphical diversity of respondents. Almost all on issues about whether white parents under­ regions of the country were identified as the stand the problems of black children and the geographical origin of respondents. Another ability of those children to competently func­ strength of the data relate to the minority tion In t.lack communities. While the respond­ status of the respondents in a predominately ents were concemedaboutthechild's possible white university. This is important because, loss of identification with the black community, that environment may have some influences sensitivity to the needs of the individual child on their perceptions concerning their families were overall mOre Important. Implication from of origin and coping skills needed for individual study findings is that African Americans are survival in a predominately white social envi­ not In favor of the racial matching practice of ronment. the adoption process. Therefore, attention should be directed at improving opportunities REFERENCES for aU toward the goal of a multicultural soci­ BagleyC 1993 Transracial adoption in Britain: a follow­ up study, with policy considerations Child Well'at8 ety. 723289-99 Almost everyone would agree that a Barth RP, M Cou~. M Berry 1994 Timing is every­ child's welfare should be the utmost concern in thing: an analysiS of the time to adoption and adoption. However, controversy continues to legalization Social Wot1c Res 18139-148 doud the interest of children when it comes to whites adopting black children in the United Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 49

Barth RP, M Courtney, B Needell 1994 The odds of McRoy RG, LA Zurcher 1983 TrensreciaiAnd lnracial adoption versus remaining in foster care. Paper AdOptees: The Adolescent Years Springfield IL: presented at the Second Annual National Child Charles C Thomas Welfare Conference, Washington, DC Morisey P G 1990 Black children in foster care. 133- Bartholet E 1991 Where do Black children belong: the 147 in SM Logan, EM Freeman, RG McRoy eels politics of race matching in adoption U Penn­ Social~ Practice with Black Families: A Cultur­ sylvania Law Rev 139 1163 ally Specific Perspective ChicaQo: Longman 1993 Family Bonds: Adoption and the Politics Owen i 1994 Tl8tJSIBC8AOOptions~uliculuraiVoices --,of"'P.-arentingNY: Simon & Shuster lnstituteofMultialltural Research and Social Work Belloli SG 1991 June 14 Office of civil rights charges Practice San Francisco State University Volume 2 MOSS of race matching Detroit News 1, 13 Number3Fall Chestang L 1972 The dilemma of biracial adoption Rodriquez P, AS Meyer 1990 Minority adoptions and Social Work 17 3 100-1 05 agency practice Social ~35 3 528 Chimenzie A 1975 Transracial adoption of Black chil­ Silvennan A, W Feigelman 1981 The adjustment of dren Social Work 20 296-301 Black children adopted by white families Social Davis M 1992 Transracial adoption Crisis Nov-Dec, Csseworlc62 9 52~ National Simon R 1988 Transracial adoption is in a child's best Flango VE, CR Flango 1993 Adoption statistics by interest American Family 11 2 1-2 state Child Welfare 72 311-319 Simon RJ 1978 Black attitudes toward transracial Green GJ, TK Kuiper 1995 Services to families and adoption 39 Phylon 135-140 children outside the home. 89-113 in HI/II Johnson Simon RJ, H Altstein 1981 Trensracial Adoption: A ed The Social Selvices: An Introduction 4th edition Follow-up Lexington MA: DC Health Itasca ILL: FE Peacock Stolley KS 1993 Statistics on adoption in the United Hogan PT, SF Siu 1988 Minority children and the child States Future of Children 3 1 26-42 welfare system: an historical perspective Social V~eni M 1975 Transracial adoption is a solution now Worlc 33 493-498 Sociai~20September419-421 Hollinger J 1993 Adoption law Future of Children 3 1 Vroegh KS 1992 TrensraciaiAdoption: How/tis 17. 43-62 Years LaterChicago: Chicago Child Care Society Howard A, D Royse, J Sker119nTransracial adoption: Zastrow C 1976 Outcome of Black Children-INhite the Black community perspective Social ~22 3 Parent TrenSI8Cia/Adoptions San Francisco: R & 184-189 E Research Associates Johnson P, J Shireman, KWatson 1987Transracial 19931ntroduction to Social Worlc and Social adoption and the development of Black identity at -ITW8r1/fa~~:.re 5th eel Pacific Grove CA: Brooks/Cole age eight Child Welfare 66 45-56 Zuniga ME 1991 TransraciaiAdoption: Educating the Jones E 19750n transracialadoption of Black children Parents J Multicultural Social Worlc 1 2 17 Child Welfare 51 March 156-164 Page 50 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology HALF YEAR REVIEWERS 1996 Rudolph Alexander, Jr, The University of Ohio Donald Allen, Oklahoma State University (ret) Patricia Atchinson, Colorado State University Jay Bass, University of Arts and Sciences Bruce Berg, Indiana University of Pennsylvania Bonnie Berry, Pacific Lutheran University John Bourdette, University of Central Oklahoma David Camp, Northeastern Oklahoma State University Felix Chima, University of Kentucky Shawna Cleary, University of Central Oklahoma Marvin Cooke, Urban Development Department, Tulsa, OK AI Dichiara, Hartford University Richard Dodder, Oklahoma State University Don T. Drennon-Gala, UNC-Fayettevllle State University Richard Dukes, University of Colorado Douglas Eckberg, Winthrop University David Ford, University of Central Oklahoma Craig Forsyth, University of Southwest Louisiana Pat Gilmartin, Youngstown, Ohio Donald Green, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Thomas D. Hall, DePauw· University Charles Harper, Creighton University Beth Hartung, California State University-Fresno Lori Heflebower, Northeastern Oklahoma State University Phillip Holley, Southwestern Oklahoma State University Larry Hynson, Oklahoma State University Marparet Johnson, Oklahoma State University Dav1d Knox, East Carolina University Patricia Koski, University of Arkansas-Fayetteville Paul Lockman, Eastern New Mexico University Kenneth H. Mackintosh, University of Central Arkansas Alberto Mata, University of Oklahoma N. Jane McCandless, West Georgia Colle~e Kathleen McKinney, Illinois State University Robert McNamara, Furnam University Roger Myrick, Auburn University Jack Niemonen, University of South Dakota Ralph O'Sullivan, Illinois State University James Peacock, Akron, Ohio Joy Reeves, Stephen F. Austin University Howard Robboy, Trenton State College Gary Sandefur, University of Wisconsin-Madison Richard Senter, Central Michigan University Robert Sigler, University of Alabama John P. Smith, Clemson University Curlew Thomas, Mississippi Valley State University Gwen Turner, University of Missouri-St Louis Donald Yates, Oklahoma State University Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 51 VIETNAMESE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL DROPOUT RATES: ETHNICITY AS INSULATION Carl L. Bankston Ill, University of Southwestern Louisiana

ABSTRACT

This article addresses the question of why VIetnamese Americans show much lower high school dropout rates than the American population in general. It looks at two ofthe major explanations forfailure to complete high school: family economic situation and family structure. It considers how the difference in dropout rates between VletnameseAmericansandthetwolargeAmericanracialgroups(blacksandwhites)mayberelatedtodifferences in family income and family structure. The findings suggest that the low dropout rates among the V~etnamese do not result from economic or family structure characteristics of individual VIetnamese families. The findi"9s suggest, instead, support for the position that an immigrant culture, understood as a distinctive pattem of soaal relations, can insulate young people from disadvantages in American society at large.

INTRODUCTION their classic study of the relation between The United States. continues to show family and education, Jencks and his co­ differences in educational attainment among authors (1972) found that family economic its racial and ethnic groups. Minority students status was closely related to the number of are less likely to complete high school than are years of schooling completed by children. The members of the majority white group (Hacker poorer the family, this study found, the lower 1992). However, one of the country's newest the educational attainment of its young. Rum­ large minorities, Vietnamese Americans, berger (1983, 1987) found that nearly a quar­ shows surprisingly high levels of academic ter of black male dropouts said that they had achievement (Caplan, Whitmore, Choy 1992; dropped out for economic reasons. More re­ Rutledge 1992) and surprisingly low rates of cently, Armor (1992) has attributed the nar­ failure to complete school (Bankston, Zhou rowing of the gap between blacks and whites 1994). in educational attainment to the growth of the The 1990 U.S. Census shows that49.3 black middle class. percent of Vietnamese Americans between Family strudure has also been cited as the ages of 18 and 24 were enrolled in college an influence on the dropout rates of individuals or another form of higher education beyond and as a source of racial and ethnic differences the high school level. By contrast, only 39.5 in school completion. A number of commenta­ percent of white Americans and only 28.1 tors have maintained that single-parent fami­ percent of black Americans in the same age lies are a source of social dislocation (Gilder group were in college. High school dropout 1981; Moynihan 1965; Murray 1984). A sub­ rates among young Vietnamese Americans stantial body of research suggests that family were also lower than those of other Americans. strudure can have a strong dired effed on Only 6.5 percent of Vietnamese Americans school performance, independent of socio­ from 16 to 19 were neither enrolled in high economic status (Mulkey, Crain, and Harring­ school nor high school graduates, compared ton, 1992) and on behavior and attitudes rele­ to 9.8 percent of white American youth and vant to school performance (Hong Li, 13.7 percent of black American youth (U.S. Wojtkiewicz 1992; Sandefur, Mclanahan, and Bureau of the Census 1992b). Wojtkiewicz 1992; Wojtkiewicz 1993). Others This article looks at two of the major have argued that the lower levels of educa­ explanations for failure to complete high school: tional attainment on the part of children from family economic situation and family struc­ one-parent families are adually the results of ture. It considers how the difference in dropout economic factors (Acock, Kiecolt 1989; rates between Vietnamese Americans and the Blechman 1982; Herzog, Sudia 1973; two large American racial groups (blacks and Mclanahan 1985; Takeuchi, Williams, Adair whites) may be related to differences in family 1991). Cherlin (1981) has maintained that the income and family strudure. negative consequences of living in a female­ headed household are not the results of the THEORETICAL BACKGROUND absence of a father as much as they are the The socioeconomic background of fami­ results of living without a male income. Simi­ lies has consistently been found to influence larly, Milne, Meyers, Rosenthal & Ginsberg the educational attainment of young people. In (1986) have maintained that living in a one- Page 52 Volume 24 No. 1, Msy 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Table I: Selected Characteristics of U.S. White, Black, and VIetnamese Non-Householden Apc116 Throup 19 Whites Blacks Vietnamese Percent not in school, not high school graduates 9 II 6 Percent married or fonnerly married 2 I Percent of females who have had at least one child 4 17 2 . Percent In married couple families 80 46 73 Percent livln1in household in which 1 parent is head 88 83 88 Percent livln1in 1 household In which a step-parent Is head 8 5 3 Percent llvlnaln a household in which a arandparents is head 3 10 2 Percent llvlnaln a household In which slblinais head 2 8 Percent livina with a divorced parent 12 16 5 Percent livina with a parent who has never married 0 12 I Mean number of persons per family 4.2 4.7 5.7 Median family income $43,000 $24,000 $31,101 Median income of household head $25,000 $12,000 $15,367 Mean years of education of father 10.7 9.5 9.2 Mean ,.ars of education of mother 10.4 9.7 7.8 Mean qe of father 45.2 43.6 48.3 Mean ap of mother 43.0 42.2 45.0 Percent US born 95 95 4 Percent Post-1980 Immigrants 2 3 37 Percent speak En&lish very well 97 98 58 N 15011 3808 2216 · Source: US Census of Population and Housing. 5 percent public use microdata sample, 1990 ' parent home affects family income, which, in of California was a result of parental pressure tum, influences school outcomes. on children to adhere to the cultures of their Both the socioeconomic and family struc­ own immigrant families and to avoid excessive ture explanations of dropping out of school Americanization. Matute-Bianchi (1986) found assume that the behavior of children is largely that Mexican American high school students influenced by characteristics of their own fami­ who identified strongly with their Mexican heri­ lies. However, Bankston (1995b) has sug­ tage tended to do better much in school than gested that we should see ethnicity as mem­ those who assimilated into Mexican American bership in a conaete pattern of social rela­ youth culture. tions, rather than simply as a category in which VVIth regard to VIetnamese young people, membership is ascribed. This means the wl­ in particular, Bankston (19958, 1996) has nerabllity of young people to Influences on found that strong identification with a Vietnam­ their educational attainment may depend on ese ethnic community helped adolescents in a the extent to which an ethnic culture, under­ low-income neighborhood avoid substance stood as a pattern of relationships within an abuse and achieve high levels of school per­ ethnic group, exposes them to these influ­ formance. Bankston and Zhou (forthcoming) ences. found that the Vietnamese community pro­ On this note, Portes and Zhou (1993) moted the adaptation of young people by have suggested that it may be beneficial for the steering them away from association with children of immigrants to avoid immediate local minority youth. assimilation into the larger American society. From this perspective, we might see low Being part of an immigrant group, according to Vietnamese dropout rates not as a result of this argument, insulates children from social individual characteristics of Vietnamese fami­ problems, such as economic inequality or lies, but as a result of the fact that Vietnamese rapidly changing family structures, that affect ethnicity acts an alternative culture, an alter­ the surrounding society. Thus, Gibson (1989) native set of social relations, that protects found that the outstanding perfonnance of young people from disadvantages in the larger Punjabi children in a relatively poor rural area society. If this is true, then we should expect, Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 53 first, that the impact of Vietnamese ethnicity Since it is not possible to use Census on high school dropout rates is not a result of data to examine parental or guardian char­ individual family economic situation or of indi­ acteristics of young people who have left home vidual family structure. Second, we should and set up their own households, I have se­ expect that Vietnamese ethnicity lowers drop­ lected only those not listed as householders or out rates the most where the disadvantages as spouses of householders. This has resulted seem to be the greatest: in low income families in the proportions of high school dropouts, for and in single-parent families. all three groups, being slightly lower than those found in the full Census, but the trend DATA AND METHODS remains the same: only 6 percent of Vietnam­ The data in this study are taken from the ese aged 16-19 who are not householders are 5 percent Public Use Microdata Samples neither in school nor high school graduates, (PUMS) of the 1990 U.S. Census (U.S. Bureau compared to 9 percent of white non-house­ of the Census 1992a). This is a random 5 holders of the same age and 11 percent of percent sample of all persons and housing black non-householders of the same age. units in the United States. It offers more infor­ Table 1 indicates that all three groups mation than the full Census, and it provides show low rates of marriage at these ages. individual level data, rather than the aggre­ Statistics on fertility show drastic differences gate-level data offered by the full Census (U.S. between black females in their late teens and Bureau of the Census 1992b). females of the other two groups. Seventeen The study seeks to consider why Viet­ percent of black teenaged women still living at namese have lower high school dropout rates home have had at least one child, compared to than either of the two major racial groups in the 4 percent of white teenaged women and only United States, whites and blacks.ln order to do 2 percent of Vietnamese teenaged women. this, I first present characteristics of Vietnam­ With regard to the parental composition ese, white, and black youth aged 16to 19, from of the household, Vietnamese teenagers re­ the PUMS data.l suggest some of the possible semble whites teenagers much more than reasons for differences in black, white, and they resemble black teenagers in the charac­ Vietnamese dropout rates that are consistent teristics cited in this table. Eighty percent ofthe with the empirical characteristics of the three whites and 73 percent of the Vietnamese live groups. in married couple households, compared to Following the literature discussed above, only 46 percent of black teenagers. Black I then focus on how family structure and teenagers are also slightly more likely than household income, the two primary influences Vietnamese or whites to live in households in on dropping out of school identified by most which someone other than a biological parent researchers, are related to the probability of is head, although whites are the most likely to being a high school dropout for each of the live in household' in which a step-parent is three groups. Specifically, I address the fol­ head. Living in households in which a grand­ lowing questions: Can low Vietnamese drop­ parent is head is much more common for black out rates be explained by family structure or American teenagers ( 10%) than for either household economic situation? If these drop­ white teenagers (3%) or Vietnamese teen­ out rates cannot be explained by family struc­ agers (2%). Vietnamese, however, are the ture or household economic situation, is being most likely to live in households in which Vietnamese most strongly associated with low siblings are heads of household, probably as dropout rates in the types of family structure a result of the process of immigration for and economic situation generally considered refugees, which often results in parents or disadvantageous, that is, in single-parent and other family members being left behind in low-income families? Vietnam (Bankston 1995b; Kibria 1993; Zhou, Bankston 1994). ANALYSIS Even though the Vietnamese in this Table 1 presents selected characteris­ PUMS sample have slightly lower rates of tics of white, black, and Vietnamese American living in two-parent families than do the whites, non-householders aged 16 through 19, taken this does not appear to be due to divorce, since from the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Vietnamese teenagers are the least likely of · Samples (PUMS) of the 1990 U.S. Census the three groups to be found living with a (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1992a). divorced parent, as shown in Table 1. This Page 54 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Table 2: Crosstabuladon of Black American and VIetnamese American Dropout Rates, Controlling for Family Structure Black VIetnamese " N " N X-squared p Dropouts in non-married couple families 12 1478 5 48 30.95 .01 Dropouts in married couple families 7 735 Ill 26.00 .01

Table 3: Croutabuladon of Black American and Vietnamese American Dropout Rates, Controllln1 for Household Income Black Vietnamese Percent dropouts In famUies with Incomes N N X -squared p Under $25,000 "12 1462 "6 80 46.23 .01 $25,000 - $50,000 8 578 5 51 16.73 .01 $50,000 - $75,000 6 130 3 17 5.66 .OS Over$75,00 6 43 3 II 2.90 .09 could, of course, simply imply high rates of two ($31, 101). Part of the income difference remarriage on the part of Vietnamese parents, between black American families and Viet­ but it seems more plausible to attribute the namese American might be attributed to the slightly lower rates of two-parent families larger families, with greater numbers of work­ among the Vietnamese to the hardships of the ers, of Vietnamese in the U.S. However, even refugee process (Bankston 1995b; Kibria 1993; when we look only at individual incomes of Rutledge 1992). Not only do black teenagers heads of households we see a gap between have the highest rate of living with divorced Vietnamese heads of households, who have a parents (16%), they also have the highest rate median income of$15,367, and black heads of of living with parents who have never been households, who have a median income of married (11 %, compared to 0% for white teen­ $12,000. These differences suggest another agers and 1% for Vietnamese teenagers, as possible explanation for the dropout rates of shown in Table 1). the two groups: One might argue that the Viet­ Given the general similarity between namese have lower dropout rates than black white American teenagers and Vietnamese Americans because Vietnamese Americans American teenagers in parental composition enjoy a slightly more privileged economic situ­ of the household, it might be plausible to argue ation. Again, however, this would not account that both of these groups have lower dropout for differences between Vietnamese and white rates than do black Americans because nei­ Americans, since the Vietnamese are at a ther have undergone the historical experi­ definite disadvantage to white Americans in ences that have affected black families. We income. might argue that the shattered families of the This table also tells us that Vietnamese black American teenagers (reflected in the American teenagers have less educated and high rates of black one-parent families shown older parents than either of the two primary in Table 1) are the immediate cause of their American racial groups. Education of the fa­ somewhat higher dropout rates. This argu­ thers of Vietnamese teenagers were similar to ment would be consistent with the literature those of black teenagers: 9.2 years and 9.5 that I have discussed above. This would still years respectively, compared to 10. 7 years for not explain why Vietnamese have lower drop­ white teenagers. Vietnamese mothers ofteen­ out rates than whites, but it would at least agers were less well-prepared educationally suggest that family structure is one source of than Vietnamese fathers and they were less Vietnamese academic achievement. well-prepared than mothers of white or black The family incomes of the three groups teenagers, since Vietnamese mothers aver­ also differ. White Americans between the ages aged only 7.8 years of schooling. On this note, of 16 and 19 live in families with the highest it must be kept in mind, however, that years of median income ($43,000) and black Ameri­ education may be a somewhat misleading cans in this age group live in families with the indicator of human capital for the Vietnamese, lowest median income ($24,000). The Viet­ many of whom acquired their education in a namese have a median income between these foreign setting. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 55

Table 4: Cro~uladon of White American and Vietnamese American Dropout Rates, Controlling for Family Structure White VIetnamese Dropouts In " N " N X-squared P Non-married couple families 10 14S9 S 48 18.36 .01 Married couple families 6 336S 4 Ill 8.91 .01

Table 5: Crosstabuladon of White American and Vietnamese American Dropout Rates, Controlling for Household Income White Vietnamese Dropouts In Families with Incomes " N " N X-squared P Under $2S,OOO II 1749 6 80 32.66 .0 I $2S,OOO - $SO,OOO 7 1828 S S I 6.00 .OS $SO,OOO - $7S,OOO s 822 3 17 3.23 .07 Over $7S,OOO 4 42S 3 II .SO .4S

The fathers and the mothers of the Viet­ in the 1990 Public Use Microdata Sample with namese are older than those of the other two a 10 percent random subsample of Black groups: Vietnamese fathers, on the average, Americans aged 16 to 19 in the 1990 Public are about five years older than black fathers Use Microdata Sample. Here I control for and about three years older than white fathers. whether or not these teenagers live in married Vietnamese mothers are about three years couple families. Looking at the first row, it can older than black mothers and about two years be seen that Vietnamese American teenagers older than white mothers. Thus, it is possible in 1990 who were not living in married couple to suggest that the greater maturity of Viet­ families had lower dropout rates than did Black namese parents could have some influence on American teenagers. When we look at the lower the high school dropout rates of their comparison ofV~etnameseAmerican and Black children. American teenagers in married couple fami­ In one respect, the Vietnamese are lies, we see that the VIetnamese still have dearty at an apparent disadvantage com­ lower dropout rates, but the difference be­ pared to the major racial groups in the United tween the two groups has lessened. States: the former are much more recent If more intact families were a chief rea­ arrivals and have much more limited skills in son that the Vietnamese have lower dropout English. Only 4 percent of Vietnamese be­ rates than the major American minority group, tween the ages of 16 and 19 in 1990 were bom we would expect to see the differences be­ in the United States, compared to over 95 tween the two groups disappear, or at least be percent of both black and white Americans. greatly lessened, when we control for family More than one-third of the Vietnamese in this structure. Instead, what we see is that differ­ age group arrived in the U.S. after 1980. Only ences between racial groups remain, but they about 58 percent of them could speak English are more pronounced among those who live in very well, compared to almost all of the two single-parent families. Among those that are primary American racial groups, as shown in most likely to leave school, those in single­ this table. parent families, being Vietnamese makes the When I say that Vietnamese students greatest difference. have low dropout rates I mean, of course, that When we look at income categories, in their rates are low relative to those of the major Table 3, we see something very similar hap­ groups in our society, which I take as reference pening. The greatest difference in dropout points. A preliminary investigation of why Viet­ rates between Black American and Vietnamese namese students are less likely to drop out of American teenagers is in the lowest category. school than the two major groups in American As household income increases, the •ben• society can begin by focusing on two expected efits• of being Vietnamese appear to decrease. major influences on scholastic success: fam­ When we look at differences between a ily structure and income. 10 percent random subsample of White Ameri­ Table 2 compares high school dropout can teenagers aged 16 to 19 and Vietnamese rates for Vietnamese Americans aged 16 to 19 American teenagers, in Table 4, we see very Page 56 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology much the same pattern. strongly related to lower dropout rates in pre­ The Vietnamese are less likely to be cisely those categories that young people are dropouts than Whites, whether or not they live most likely to drop out (single parent homes in married couple families. But, again, the and economically disadvantaged families). difference is more pronounced for the non­ This can provide us with a useful perspective married couple families. Income shows much on how an immigrant culture can affect possi­ the same pattern. Once more, as household bilities for upward mobility. It is not that Viet­ income increases, shown in Table 5, the differ­ namese Americans possess a "superior" cul­ ences between the Vietnamese and the major­ ture that gives them a great advantage over all ity group decrease. Neither family structure other Americans. Rather, being a part of a nor income explains why the VIetnamese have distinctive ethnic culture, an "alternative" cul­ lower dropout rates than most Americans. On ture, appears to insulate them from suffering the contrary, being Vtetnamese appears to be the ill effects of poverty and single parent an advantage precisely when a young person families, even when they are themselves poor is in a type of family associated with high and in single parent families. dropout rates or in an income category as­ sociated with high dropout rates. REFERENCES Acock AC, KJ Kiecolt 1989 Is it family structure or socioeconomic status? Family structure during DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION adolescence and social adjustment Social Forces Economic inequalities in American soci­ 68553-571 ety are clearly related to differences in school Armor OJ 1992Wny is Black educational achievement attainment. The higher the income of a young rising? Public Interest 108 65-80 Bankston CL 1995a VIetnamese ethnlclty and ado­ person's family, the less likely that young lescent substance abuse: evidence for a com­ person is to leave school before graduating. munity-level approach Deviant Behall'ior59-80 Family structure, also, is related to school 1995b VIetnamese Americans. pp 1393- attainment. Young people in one-parent fami­ -...,140...... 7 in J Galena, A Sheets, RV Young eds Gale Encyc:lopedaofMulticultunJIAmerica Detroit: Gale lies are more likely to quit school than young Researdl,lnc people in two-parent families. Both of these 1996The academicachie'fementofVI8tnam­ statements are true for each of the three racial/ ---eseAmerican adolescents: a community perspec­ ethnic groups examined in this study. tive Socio/oQicaJ Spectrum 16109-127 Bankston CL, ~ Zhou 1994 V~etnamese high school For Vietnamese Americans, however, dropouts: why so few? Paper presented at the economic inequality and family structure pro­ AMual Meetings of the Mid-South Sociological duce fewer differences than they do for white Association, Lafayette, LA, October Americans and Americans. Vietnamese Forthcoming. Peer groups and the social black ---.ar-ustmentofVIetnameseAmericanadolescerrts: Americans with low family incomes have drop­ evldenc:efor a le9mented-assimilation approach out rates that are only slightly higher than Social Sciences Qttly those of VIetnamese Americans with high Blechman EA 1982 Are children with one parent at family incomes; low Income white and black psychological risk? a methodological review J Mar­ riage FariJilv44179-195 Americans show dropout rates that are much Caplan N, JKWhitmore, MH Choy 19921ndochinese higher than high income whites and blacks. refugeefamiieeand academicachievement Scien­ Vietnamese Americans who do not live with tificAmerlcsn (February) 266 36-42 two parents show dropout rates only slightly CherlinA 1981 Marriage, Divorce, Remarriage Cam­ bridGe: Harvard U Press higher than Vtetnamese Americans who do Gibson MA 1989 Accommodation Without Assimila­ live with two parents; white and black Ameri­ tion: Sikh Immigrants in an American High School cans who are not in two-parent families show Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press Gilder G 1981 ~81th 8lld Poverty NY: Basic Books much higher dropout rates than those who are. Hacker A 1992 TwoNations:Biack,IMJite, Separete, The results indicate that the influence of Hostile, Unequal NY: Charles Scribner's Sons Vietnamese ethnicity on school attainment Herzog E, C Sudia 1973 Children in fatherless families should be seen as preventive, rather than 141-232 in B CaldweU, H Ricciuti eds Review of strictly CBU8a1. In other words, Vtetnamese ChildDeveloptnentReS881ChChicago:UChicago Press ethnicity appears to prevent young people Hong U J, RA Wojtkiewicz 1992 A new look at the from dropping out of school because of disad­ effects of family structure on status attainment vantages related to family economic situation Soci8J Science Qrlly73 581-595 or family structure, the primary causes of Jencks C, M Smith, HAcland, M Bane, D Cohen, D, H two Gintis, B Heyns, S Michelson 1972/nequa/ity: A dropping out of school identified by the re­ Reassessmentofthe EffectofFsmily 8lld School­ search literature. Vietnamese ethnicity is most ing in America NY: Basic Books Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 57

Kibria N 1993 Family Tightrope: The Changing Uves of Rutledge PJ 1992 The V~etnamese Experience in V~etnameseAmericans Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Amertca Bloomington: Indiana U Press Press Sandefur GO, SA MClanahan RA Wojtkiewicz 1992 Matute-BianchiME 1986Ethnlc identities and paUems Theeffectofparentalmaritalstatusonhighschool of school success and failure among Mexican­ graduation Social Foroes 71103-121 descent and Japanese-American students in a Takeuchi DT, DR Wiliams, RKAdair1991 Economic California high school: an ethnographic analysis stress in the family and children's emotional and Amer J Education 95 233-255 behavioral problelns J MllrrfBge and FamHy 53 Milne A, D Myers, A Rosenthal, A Ginsberg 1986 1031-1041 Single parents, wort139 . u.s. [machine-readabldatafilea:yprep.rectbyihe Mclanahan SA 1985 Family structure and there­ US Bureau of the Census. Washington DC: US production ofpoverty AmerJ Sociology90 873-901 Bureau of the Census MurrayC 1984 Los/nQGIDUI'Id: American Social Policy US Bureau oftheCensus 1992b CansusofPopulalion 1950-1980NY: Basic Books andHousing, 1990: Social andEconomic~ Moynihan DP 1965 The Negro FamHy: The Case for teristlcs, U.S. Washington, DC: USGPO NationaiActionwaahingtonDC:OfflceofPianning Wojtkiewicz RA 1993 Duration in parental structures and Research U.S. Department of Labor and high school graduation Sociological Per­ Mulkey LM, RL Crain, AJC Harrington 1992 One­ spectives36 393-414 parent households and achievement: economic Zhou M, CL Bankston 1994 Social capital and the and behavioral explanations ofa smaUeffect Soci­ adaptation of the second generation: 1he case of ology ofEducation 60 48-65 VJetnamese youth of New Orleans /ntemat MI­ Portes A, M Zhou 1993 The new second generation: gration Rttv28 821-845 segmented assimilation and Its variants Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences 530 74-96 Rumberger R 1983 Droppii'IQ o~ of high school: the inftuenceofrace, sex, andfa'nilybackgroundAmer Educational Res J 20 199-220 1987 High school dropouts: a review of -,~~~~~--~ and evidence RevEducationaJRes57101- 121 Page 58 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

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SURGICAL SPECIALIZATION IN A LIMITED HEALTH CARE PROFESSION: COUNTERVAILING FORCES SHAPING HEALTH CARE DELIVERY

Neale R. Chumbler, Western Michigan University and James W. Grimm, Western Kentucky University

ABSTRACT This study investigated correlates of surgical specialization among a group of non-physician specialists­ podiatrists. Placed in the context of a countervailing powers perspective, we investigate one researt:h question not previously examined among a group of limited-health professionals: Is the current work environment of podiatrists (e.g., pradice locations, work in a hospital, physician referrals), as compared to their prior education andsociodemographiccharac:teristics, morelik:beassociatedwithsurgicalspecialization?Resubshow that respondents who practiced in more than one location, who made referrals to endocrinologists, and who had full medical-staff privileges in a hospital had the greatest likelihood of claiming specialization in surgery. Implications ofthe find1ngs are discussed 11 tennsofhowdevelopments in podiatry are related to a reconfiguration of health care delivery by involving podiatrists increasingly with the traditional work and authority of physicians.

INTRODUCTION maintenance organizations (HMOs) and pre­ Recent sociology of medicine research ferred provider organizations (PPOs), that pro­ has reported on the importance of a new vide cost-conscious motivations for how and theoretical perspective, that of countervailing why care is to be delivered (VIIirth, Allcorn powers, in order to better understand pro­ 1993). In the past, the health care industry fessional dynamics that include the interre­ operated on a fee-for-service model where lationships among established medicine and patients solicited care on their own, using limited-medical professions (e.g., podiatric physicians they wanted. Once selected, the medicine) (Abbott 1988; Hafferty, Light 1995; physician was completely autonomous in pro­ Halpern 1992). The countervailing powers viding whatever care patients desired (Ferraro perspective suggests that established medi­ 1993; Wirth, Allcorn 1993). Now, HMOs ex­ cine is shaped by tend

the particular configuration of countervailing contractualresponsibilityforcaretoavoluntarily institutional powers, and all within a framework enrolled, defined population in exchange for a of professional dynamics that includes profes­ fixed annual or monthly fee independent of use sional ascension as wen as professional main­ of services. (Ferraro 1993) tenance and professional decline. (Hafferty, Light1995) Under various HMO plans, primary care phy­ sicians (physicians who specialize in either Consideration ofthe countervailing pow­ family practice, general internal medicine, or ers perspective has been a redirection of both general pediatrics) have more power relative professional woi'X in cross-profession arenas to physician specialists, by controlling and and jurisdictional control that determines how monitoring patient referrals to specialists such cross-profession domains may be chang­ (VIIirth, Allcorn 1993; Xu, Veloski, Hojat, Fields ing and delimiting the traditional authority of 1995). Therefore, in the context of contempo­ established medicine (Hafferty, Light 1995; rary management of patient referrals, primary Halpern 1992). From a variety of institutions care physiCians are often called •gatekeepers. • and groups, countervailing pressures have HMOs perform the dual function of be­ eroded physicians' hegemony. These counter­ ing both the insurer and the provider of health vailing pressures include, but are not limited care (Ferraro 1993; Wirth, Allcorn 1993). OVer to, demographic changes and significant 15 percent of the U.S. population (36,482,090) changes in reimbursements for services, man­ were enrolled in HMOs by July 1991 (Ferraro aged care arrangements, and the increased 1993; Macleod 1993). This fundamental role of other health care occupations in treat­ change-from the traditional fee-for-service ment netwoi'Xs with physicians (Chumbler, care model to the pre-paid group model-has Grimm 1994, 1995; Hafferty, Light 1995). given expanded roles to some health care The term •managed care• is used ge­ occupations and also diminished the degree to nerically to describe all types of integrated which physicians dominate the jurisdictional health care delivery systems, such as health control of health care (Ferraro 1993; Hafferty, Page 60 Volume 24 No. I, May I996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Light 1995). vital role in the health care delivery system Previous studies have presented his­ because many ailments of the feet are consid­ torical evidence suggesting that physicians ered a significant health problem patients have lost some of their autonomous control regularly seek initial treatment from podia­ over their anatomical areas ofexpertise (Abbott trists (Skipper, Hughes 1983; Wylie-Rosett et 1988; Halpern 1992). Results ofsuch studies al1995). suggest that more power is lost when common Podiatrists also can perfonn a gate­ work takes place in large, multi-field organiza­ keeper role by detecting severe conditions, tions such as hospitals (Abbott 1988; Wirth, especially with diabetics, and by making re­ Allcorn 1993). Conversely, less power is lost to ferrals to physicians (Chumbler, Grimm 1995). limited medical professions if they have the The Centers for Disease Control and Preven­ exclusive control of work and if medicine has tion recommended that the feet of diabetic the exclusive source of supervisory control patients should be examined at every visit to a over challenging groups (Halpern 1992). There­ provider (Wylie-Rosett et al1995). When treat­ fore, past research has focused on aspects of ing the foot-related ailments of diabetics, es­ medicine in relation to worksites as key issues pecially those who are over age 65, podiatrists in detennining the amount of jurisdictional are common sources of referrals to endocri­ authority lost to or shared with groups seeking nologists, medical sub-specialists who diag­ increased jurisdictional control over work nose and treat individuals with diabetes. In shared with physicians (Hafferty, Ught 1995). 1992, fourteen million Americans had diabe­ However, what continues to be missing tes, and 55,000 of them had lower-limb ampu­ from the literature Is infonnation on the tations. Research suggests that 50 percent of these amputations would have been prevent­ changing nature of medical wor1< as It is re­ able based upon early detection by means of configured acrou the various health oc:cu­ examinations and treatments provided by po­ pationa .... Like medicine, other health oc:cu­ diatrists (Wylie-Rosett et al1995). patlonlantbecomlng highly stratified. (Hafl'elty, In the context of managed health care Llght1995) provision, the present study does not imply that podiatrists have obtained full autonomy To fill an important void in the literature on over their anatomical area of expertise, or that stratification among health occupations, the they have more authority to treat foot ailments present study shifts the focus from jurisdic­ than physicians. However, in this era of cost­ tional resolution of cross-profession work in conscious and managed provision of care, we health care settings (Hafferty, Ught 1995) to are studying podiatry as an excellent example an examination of a group of podiatrists, foot of a field which is becoming an alternative specialists who are not physicians, but have source of treatment that could be, but is not charecteristicaofpracticesimilartothem(Skip­ provided by physicians (Chumbler, Grimm per, Hughes 1983). 1995; Hafferty, Ught 1995). More specifically, the present study is primarily focused on ex­ Countarvalllng Forc:e. within Podiatry .. ploring the characteristics of podiatrists who Podiatrists are trained at colleges of claim specialization in surgery. Podiatric sur­ podiatric medicine and from a curriculum that gical activity, especially as it takes place more is very similar to those of medical schools in hospitals, is considered to be a key (Helfand 1987). Podiatrists typically treat types countervailing force which has impacted and of "foot problems for which physicians, in will continue to impact the traditional hege­ general, have not been particularly inclined to mony of physicians (Levrio 1987, 1992). show spec:lalinteresr (Skipper, Hughes 1983). In the analysis presented below we shift For Instance, podiatrists are likely to treat the majorsource,mevidenceofcounteNailing minor foot ailments (such as corns, calluses, forces that redueethe hegemony of physicians and bunions) (Wylie-Rosatt, Walker, Shamoon, from historical records of professional asso­ Engel, Basch, Zybert 1995). Nevertheless, ciations (Abbott 1988) and litigation records or podiatrists have not obtained full autonomy other legal data (Halpern 1992) to self-report­ over the foot. For instance, physicians rather ed characteristics ofpractitioners' educational/ than podiatrists have the authority to amputate professional training, their sociodemographic the foot (Skipper, Hughe81983). However, like ~sand their practice environments. primary an physicians, podiatrists perfonn a Such data are a rich, yet under-utilized, source Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 61 of information on the rapidly increased role of Americans were less likely to have completed providers other than physicians (Hafferty, Light surgical residencies (Chumbler, Grimm 1994). 1995). Certain aspects of podiatric medical prac­ tice also maybe keycomponentsofthecounter­ Surgical Specialization within Podiatry vailing forces within podiatry that are confront­ The emergence of a formally recognized ing the traditional scope of physicians' tradi­ surgical specialization within podiatric medi­ tional practice activity and power. Abbott (1988) cine has been a slow, arduous process, result­ argued that when different health care occupa­ ing in multi-option training (Chumbler, Grimm tions perform similar work in common work 1995; Levrio 1992). The podiatrists who spe­ settings (e.g., hospitals and large dinics) cross­ cialize in surgery either have hospital resi­ field accommodations called •systems of pro­ dency training and certification in podiatric fessions• develop. Thus, structural aspects of medical surgery (Grimm, Chumbler 1995), or podiatric medical practice that could be Impor­ they have performed a preceptorship under tant elements of countervailing forces of sur­ the direction of a certified podiatric surgeon gical practice activity indude: 1) number of (Levrio 1987, 1992). Another difference be­ office locations, induding dinics, hospitals & tween podiatrists who specialize in surgery group practices; 2) hospital staff privileges; and physicians who specialize in surgery, and 3) the amount of hospital practice activity. centers around practice structure. Being surgi­ The present study also examines the cally specialized in podiatric medicine does referrals made by podiatrists to three types of not mean full-time specialization; it is not physician specialists, pediatricians, ortho­ uncommon for podiatrists to actively partici­ pedists, and endocrinologists. These three pate in surgeries and also provide primary specialists represent common destinations of podiatric care for a variety of common foot patient referrals from podiatrists in specific ailments. Given that surgical specialization configurations of treatment sequences. Foot among podiatrists is difficult to establish problems related to infants and children are through objective criteria related to prepara­ common. So common, that a sub-specialty, tion for actual practice activity, in this study we pedo-podlatry, has emerged to treat some foot use a self-reported item representing podia­ ailments of infants, children and adolescents. trists affirming the predominant role of surgery However, pediatricians stiH treat most foot in their practices. problems of children and therefore receive Trends within podiatry that also may be frequent referrals from podiatrists (Helfand related to podiatrists' propensity to specialize 1987). Orthopedists receive· many referrals in surgery are the advancement of educational from podiatrists, since they perform many foot and professional training within podiatry and surgeri~s. especially those dealing with severe podiatrists' expanded surgical activity gained bone fnictures of the foot and ankle (Weiner, through staff privileges in hospitals (Grimm, Steinwachs, Frank, Schwartz 1987). Likewise, Chumbler 1995). By the 1980s, approximately endocrinologists receive many referrals from 75 percent of podiatrists practicing in the podiatrists because podiatrists are the first Chicago Metropolitan Statistical Area-the lo­ and often continue to be the most frequently cation of the study sample-had gained some seen provider of treatments for foot ailments type of hospital medical staff privileges. Previ­ related to diabetes'(Helfand 1987). ous studies found certain sociodemographic To better understand the role of podiatry traits of podiatrists such as their age and in the expanded and more complicated hierar­ gender to be related to surgical specialization chy of power and professional activity of health in podiatry. For instance, as compared to male care providers suggested by the countervailing podiatrists, females were less likely to report forces perspective, we provide the needed surgical activity in their private practices information recently called for by Hafferty and (Chumbler, Grimm 1993). Other research has Light (1995). They call for the need for deter­ found that relatively younger podiatrists (those mining whether aspects of work settings or 40 years of age or younger) were more likely prior socialization (training and certification) to have completed surgical residency training are more important in determining the realign­ and less likely to refer surgical cases to other ments of professional activity and profes­ podiatrists (Grimm, Chumbler 1995). Past sional allegiances. Additionally, previous re­ research also demonstrated that in compari­ search on physicians emphasized the influ­ son to Caucasian podiatrists, African ence of work settings rather than medical Page 62 Volume 24 No. /,May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology training to explain professional activity and Measurement orientations (Abbott 1988; Freidson 1970a, Surgical Specialization 1970b; Wolinsky 1988). However, little re­ We assessed podiatrists' surgical spe­ mains known about the relative importance of cialization with a binary variable that contrasts these fadors in alternative providers, particu­ respondents who describe their practice as larly podiatrists. surgically specialized (scored 1) with those Based on the literature discussed above, who do not describe it (scored 0). Approxi­ we investigate the following research ques­ mately 58 percent of the respondents de­ tion: scribed their practice as being surgically spe­ cialized. 1) Does the current work environment of podia­ trists (e.g., practice locations, work in a hospital, Sociodemographic and EducationaV patientreferralltophysicians)ortheprioredu­ Professional Training cation/profesaional training and sociodemo­ We employed three sociodemographic graphicchar8darlsticsofpodiatriltsmore likely variables: age (years); race (1=white); and to be correlated with surgical specialization? gender (1=male). We used three educationaV professional training indicators that rafted the METHOD training and credentials of respondents: resi­ Sample dency training (1=yes); length of residency Questionnaires were mailed to a fifty training for those with it (years); and national percent sample (N=280) of all podiatrists prac­ certification in surgery (1 =yes). A majority of ticing in the Chicago Metropolitan Statistical the study sample were male (83%), white Area (MSA), during March 1991. One hundred (90%), and neither residency trained (51%), sixty-eight completed questionnaires were re­ nor nationally certified in surgery (70%). Ages turned, yielding a response rate of 60.0 per­ of respondents ranged from 25 to 78, with a cent. The sampling frame contained a list of mean of 42.2 years (median=39.00) and a the names, addresses, and phone numbers of standard deviation (SO) of 11.79 years. The all podiatrists practicing in the Chicago MSA. length of residency training ranged from one to The names of podiatrists that had the Chicago four years, with a mean of 1.5 years (median school of podiatric medicine as their primary =1.00, SD=.81 years). practice location were deleted from the sam­ pling frame. This was done to derive a sample Professional Practice Characteristics of respondents practicing primarily in the non­ The professional practice settings of academic community. The Illinois Podiatric podiatrists were measured by four dichoto­ Medical Association (IPMA) provided the au­ mous variables: solo practice (1 =yes); num­ thors w·th the sampling frame, only 10 days ber of office locations (1 =two or more); length old at the time of receipt. at current office location (1 =11 or more years); The study sample was compared to two and location of practice within the Chicago other samples, a regional sample of Chicago MSA (1=suburbs and outlying communities or MSA podiatrists conduded by the Illinois outside of city). Approximately three-fourths Podiatric Medical Association (IPMA 1987) (74%) of respondents were in solo pradices, and a national sample (Skipper, Pippert 1985), slightly over one-half (52%) indicated two or to determine its representativeness. Five dis­ more office locations, over one-third (37%) tributions were compared across all three had pradiced 11 or more years at the current samples, using the Chi-square goodness-of­ location(s), and 64 percent practiced either in fit test (p<.05): 1) gender; 2) age; 3) proportion the suburbs and/or outlying communities. in group practices; 4) proportion on hospital medical staffs; and 5) the duration of residency Referrals to Physicians and Hospital training. The study sample had a larger pro­ Orientation portion of female respondents. Otherwise, the Respondents were queried about differences between the study sample, the whether they made at least one patient referral IPMAregional sample, and the national sample within the past four weeks to the following were not statistically significant (Chumbler, physician specialists: pediatricians (1 =yes), Grimm 1993). orthopedic surgeons (1 =yes), and endocrinol­ ogists (1 =yes). One-third of the respondents reported practicing referrals to pediatricians, Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. I, May I996 Page63

Table I: Lozlstlc Rearesslon Results of regression. In logistic regression the dependent Characteristics on the Ukellhood of variable is the natural log of the odds of a given Podiatrists' Surzlcal Specialization response category (Hosmer, Lemeshow 1989). Lozlstlc The log odds can be transformed into odds Coefficient/ Odds ratios, or exponentiated regression coefficients, Independent Variables Standard Ratio allowing for an easier form of interpretation. Error The odds ratio (OR) represents the relative Soclodemographic change in the odds of specializing in surgery Age -.021.03 .98 given one-unit increase in the independent White .-401.6-4 1.50 variable, adjusting for all other variables. To show how well the model fits the data, we Male .54/.49 1.72 re~rt the model chi-square and the pseudo EducationaUProfessional Tralnin1 R , a descriptive measure that is a rough esti­ .43/.63 1.54 Residency mate of the variation in surgical specialization Length of Residency .321.29 1.37 accounted for by the independent variables Surgical Certification .79/.48 2.20 (Knoke, Borhnstedt 1994). The independent Professional Practice variables were force selected into the logistic Solo Practice -.03/.45 .97 regression model. We used the listwise dele­ Number of Office locations 1.17/.39** 3.21 tion procedure for missing data. Remarkably, Length at Current Location . 19/.19 1.20 only one case was deleted due to missing data . Practice Outside City -.03/.43 .98 Therefore, the final sample size for the multi­ Referrals to Physicians variate analysis was 167. Pediatricians .15/.43 .98 We performed several diagnostic tests in order to assess whether or not our results Orthopedic Surgeons -.25/.49 .78 satisfied regression assumptions. For instance, Endocrinologists 1.30/.45** 3.66 we screened for multivariate outliers and found Hospital Orientation no meaningful violations that affected the de­ Number of Hrs/Wk -.011.03 .99 scriptive statistics. Second, we found that the Practiced in Hospitals residuals met the assumptions of linearity, Full Medical Staff Privileges 1.021.47* 2.76 normality, and homoscedastidty. Third, we in a Hospital found weak collinearity, yielding confidence in Intercept -2.57 the predsion of the beta coeffidents. Spedfi­ N 167 cally, investigation of variance inflation factors Model x-squared/df 48.68/15 (VIFs) for all the independent variables were Dep. var. mean .58 less than 1.7, while most were around 1.0. VIFs greater than 10 are considered an indica­ Pseudo R-squared .226 tion of bias (Neter, Wasserman, Kutner 1990). ~<.05; **p<.O I three-fourths made referrals to endocrinolo­ RESULTS gists, and 79 percent reported referrals to Table 1 presents the logistic regression orthopedic surgeons. Hospital practice activi­ model, with podiatric surgical specialization ties of podiatrists were assessed by the num­ as the dependent variable. Results in Table 1 ber of hours practiced in hospitals (hours/ indude the unstandardized logistic regression week), and whether the respondent possessed coefficients, followed by standard errors, odds full medical-staff privileges in a hospital (1 =yes). ratios, and significant p-values indicated by Near1y two-thirds (64%) of respondents spent means of asterisks. no hours per week in the hospital. Ofthose who Results indicate that, net of the esti­ did, the average number of hours per week mated effects of the sociodemographic, edu­ was five (median =3.00, SO =7.54 hours). A cational/professional training, professional majority (71%) of respondents reported full practice, referrals to physicians, and hospital medical-staff privileges in hospitals. orientation characteristics, the following three variables (with their respective odds ratio in Multivariate Analysis parentheses) had significant associations with Since the dependent variabl~urgical self-reported surgical specialization among specialization-is dichotomous, the appropri­ the podiatrists we studied: ate multivariate analytic technique is logistic Page 64 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

1) pradicing in two or more office locations podiatry. Therefore, credentials appear to play (odds ratio. 3.21, p<.01 ); a key role in the process by which specialties 2) making at least one patlept referral to an are recognized in fields other than those involv­ endoaitiOiogistfourweekspriortothestudy ing physicians. (odds ratio • 3.66, p<.01); and The study results identified that the num­ 3) holding full medicaktaffprivileges in a hos­ ber of office locations rather than their struc­ pital (odds ratio • 2. 76, p<.05). tures (i.e., solo versus group practices) or geo­ graphical locations (i.e., within or outside the A fourth variable, national certification in city of Chicago) as strong associations with surgery, approached statistical significance at surgical specialization. One possible interpre­ p<.05. More specifically, respondents were tation of this outcome is that patient referral surgically certified were two times more likely exchanges between podiatrists and physicians (p=.08) to be surgicaRy speciafiZed, as com­ are significantly more likely if podiatrists' of­ pared to those without such certification. Col­ fices were located in hospitals and/or multi­ lectively, all 15 independent variables ac­ group office complexes where physicians are counted for a significant, albeit a modest, located. Rather than geographical location proportion of variance explained in surgical and structural nature of podiatric medical prac­ specialization (pseudo R2 = .226). tice, it may be that locations allowing recipro­ cal patient referrals are more likely to enhance DISCUSSION the likelihood that podiatrists declare surgical Surgery has played a key role in en­ specialization and engage in more surgeries. hancing the roles of podiatrists in health care The strong and positive relationship as well as expanding their training for contem­ between referrals made to endocrinologists porary practice activity (Grimm, Chumbler and surgical specialization is analogous to the 1995; Levrio 1987, 1992). Understanding what findings and outcomes of patient exchanges aspects of podiatrists' training for and involve­ between physicians and podiatrists (Chumbler, ment in surgical specialization helps explain Grimm 1994, 1995). In a recent study of older the important changes in podiatry which have diabetic patients in four New York (inner-city) Impacted the traditional authority and practice family care dinics, Wylie-Rosett et al (1995) activities of physicians (Hafferty, Light 1995). found that 35 percent of all patient charts Results ofour multivariate analysis show provided evidence of foot care referrals from that neitherthesociodemographicbackground primary care physicians, mostly to podiatrists. (age, gender, and race) or professional train­ Thus, what may be involved in the recon­ ing (completion of a residency) were associ­ figuration of treatment for older adults with ated with respondents' surgical specialization. diabetes is dual roles played by podiatrists. Presunt results fail to support previous re­ Wrth 14 million Americans having diagnosed search that indicated men were more likely diabetes, it is imperative for managed care than women to declare surgical specialization organizations to effectively and efficiently as­ in podiatry. sess each patient with diabetes and acknowl­ The finding that surgical certification edge that podiatrists are one of several prac­ was correlated with surgical specialization titioners that should treat diabetics. Physi­ runs contrary to notion that practice environ­ cians who practice in medical groups should ments are more important than sociodemo­ have surgical podiatrists as colleagues who graphic and educatlonal/profeional training they can discuss cases (Wirth, Allcorn 1993). characteristics. We should point out that this The results showed that full medical­ finding approached statistical significance and staff privileges in a hospital rather than amount was not significant at the customary level of of hours per week working in a hospital was p<.05. In the years to come, surgical certifica­ significantly associated with surgical special­ tion may emerge as a stronger correlate of ization. Even though podiatrists still perform surgical specialization because other research some surgeries in their offices rather than has shown that surgical specialization yields hospitals, our results suggest that it is the more patient referrals from other podiatrists membership on hospital medical staffs which (Grimm, Chumbler 1995). Certification in allows podiatrists to enhance their surgical surgery may under1ie patterns of patient refer­ prowess. Previous research on health care rals among podiatrists which result in the occupations has suggested that linkages existence of a surgically-based specialty in with hospitals permits the professional Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 65 environment for role expansion (Abtiott 1988; Chumbler NR, .N-1 Grimm 1993 Genderpatterns in Hafferty, Light 1995). Results from the present establishing podiatric medical careers SOCiologicBJ Viewpoints9 73-86 investigation corroborate previous research ___ 1994 An explanatory model of reciprocal suggesting that podiatrists with full-medical reterrals between podiatrists and physicians J Ap­ staff privileges in a hospital are likely to be plied Sociology 1159-76 involved in surgical activities and exchange _,...... ,_ 1995 Reciprocal referrals between podia­ tnsts and physiCians: the effects of professional patient referrals with physicians (Chumbler, training, practice location, and non-medical rea­ Grimm 1995; Grimm, Chumbler 1995). Thus, sons for referral._pp ~1-85 in JJ Kronenfeld ed our research showed that work settings are not Research in the SOCiology of Health Care vol12 necessarily the only or even the predominant Greenwich, CT: JAI Press Ferraro KF 1993 Physician resistance to innovations: force behind integrated relationships between the case of contract medicine Sociologies/ Focus physicians and other providers. 26109-131 Interpretations of our findings are lim­ Freidson E 1970a Profession ofMedicine: A study of ited because of the data. First, our response theSociologyofApp/ied~NY:Harper& Row rate was decent, but not to optimal. Even with 1970b Professions/ Dominance: The Social the modest response rate, the sample was --stru-cture ofMedical Care NY: Atherton Press representative of the most recent samples of Grimm .m. NR Chumbler 1995 Surgical referrals as Chicago area and nationwide podiatrists. An­ evidence of a defactopodiatricmedical specializa­ tion J Amer Podiatric Medical Assoc 85 481-487 other weakness of the study is that we were Hafferty FW, OW Light 1995 Professional dynamics unable to collect any data on the respondents' and the chanQing nature of medical work J Health perceptions of managed care organizations or Social BehBVIOfExtra Issue 132-153 their future role in such organizations. Halpern S 1992 Dynamics of professional control: internal coalitions and cross-professional bound­ aries Amer J Socio/97 994-1 021 CONCLUSION Helfand AE 1987 Chronic disease and aging. pp 114- Overall, our exploratory study provided 131 in AE Helfand ed Public Health and Podiatric some indications of why podiatry played an Medicine Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins Hosmer DW, S Lemeshow 1989 Applied Logistic increased role in health care as compared to Regression NY: John Wiley & Sons the traditional authority and practice activities Illinois Podiatric Medical Association 1987 A Study of of physicians. We found that neither the ab­ 11/inoisPodistricPhysicisns: PodistricMedical Prac­ sence nor full autonomy nor full time surgical tice SuTVeyChicago: Illinois Podiatric Medical As­ sociation specialization prevented podiatrists from shar­ Knoke D, GW Bohmstedt 1994 Statistics for Social ing more work with physicians. In fact, it is Data Analysis 3rd ed Itasca, IL: Peacock, Inc because many podiatrists are both specialists Levrio J 1987 The evolution of a specialty: a study of and primary-care providers that they have podiatriesurgery J AmerPodistric Medical Assoc 77415-427 several viable ways to share work with physi­ ___ 1992 The residency in podiatric medicine: a cians. Interestingly, we found that both work brief historical overview J AmerPodistric Medical settings and credentials are a part of the Assoc 82 560-565 process by which podiatrists' work helps Macleod GK 1993 An overview of managed health care. pp 3-11 in The Managed Health Care Hand­ reconfigure the activities of other providers. book 2nd ed Gaithersburg, MD: Aspen Future research could use these find­ Neter J, W Wasserman, MH Kutner 1990 Applied ings as an impetus for examining the changing Linear Statistical Models: Regression, Analysis of nature of medical work in other health care Variance and Experiments/ Designs 3rd ed Homewood, IL: Richard D Irwin Press occupations, for example, clinical nurse spe­ Skipper JK Jr, JE Hughes 1983 Podiatry: a medical cialists, nurse practitioners, and physician care specialty in quest of full professional status assistants. As Hafferty and Light (1995) pointed and recognition Social Science and Medicine 17 out, more information needs to be known 1541-48 Skipper JK Jr, M Pippert 1985 Profile of Podiatric about the internal activities of these occupa­ Medicine: 1984(ResearchReportfortheArnerican tional groups, and to be understood about how Podiatric Medical Association). Blacksburg, VA: they are positioning themselves relative to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State U other practitioners in U.S. health care delivery Weiner JP, DS Steinwachs, RG Frank, KJ Schwartz 1987 Elective foot surgery: relative roles ofdoctors system. of podiatric medicine and orthopedic surgeons Amer J Public Health 77 987-92 REFERENCES Wirth TS, S Allcorn 1993 Cresting New Hospital­ AbbottA 1988 TheSystemofProfessions:AnEsssy Physician Collaboration Ann Arbor, Ml: Health on the Division ofExpert LsborChicago: U Chicago Administration Press Press Page 66 Volume 24 No. I, May I996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Wolinsky FD 1988 The professional dominance per­ ACKNOWLEDGEMENT spective, revisited MilbankQrlly66 Suppl. 233-47 The authors wish to thank the Research Committee of Wylie-Rosett J, EA Walker, H Shamoon,·s Engel, c the IIHnois Podiatric Medical Association (IPMA) and Basch, P Zybert 1995Assessrnentofdocumented Mr.John F. Settlch, Directorofthe IPMA, for valuable foot examinations fOr patients with diabetes in in­ assistance. ner-city primary care clinics Arohives of Family Medic/ne4 46-50 Xu G, JJ Veloski, M Hojat, SK Fields 1995 Physicians' intentlontostayinorleaveprimarycare~lties and variables associated with such intention Evalu­ ation and the Health Professions 18 92-1 02 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page67 ROLE EXIT FROM HOME TO HOMELESS Jeffrey R. Breese, Saint Mary's College and Kathryn M. Feltey, University of Akron

ABSTRACT This paper addresses homelessness as an involuntary type of role exit, experienced by women residing in emergency shelters or a transitional housing program. Put forth is an analytis of Ebaugh's role exit process (which has traditionally been applied to voluntary types of transitions). A reordered model Ia presented which considers a unique sequential process. Specifically, these areas are examined: theevenlsleadlngtohomelessness, decision making in terms ofprocu~ shelter and other resources, the development ofthe homeless Identity, the experience ofhomelessness as a distinctive role, and plans for exiting this role. INTRODUCTION this research deals with powerlessness, help­ A growing area of study in the field of lessness, and uncontrollability. development is the process of transitions in Whether role exits are voluntary or not, adulthood (Allen, van de Vliert 1984; Conville they rarely happen as a result of one sudden 1988; Hogan 1980; Menaghan 1989). These decision. Rather, role exiting usually takes transitions have been conceptualized as "role place over a period of time, frequently begin­ exits" in which the individual disengages from ning before the individual is fully aware of what a role that is central to self-identity and rees­ is happening or where events and decisions tablishes a new identity that is, in part, based are leading. The current research examines on their ex-role (Ebaugh 1988). This approach the events leading to homelessness, decision involves a process model which identifies making in terms of procuring shelter and other event sequences underlying all role exits, re­ resources, development of a homeless iden­ gardless ofthe specific role in question. While tity, the experience of homelessness as a the process model has been used primarily to distinctive role, and plans for exiting the home­ examine voluntary role exits, involuntary role less role. exits are also a part of the adult experience (Biau 1973). Involuntary transitions include Theory of "Role Exit'' changes such as death of a spouse, expulsion The concept of role exit was introduced by group (e.g. excommunication), divorce, in the literature to desaibe a process that and job loss. occurs "whenever any stable pattern of inter­ The focus of role exit research to date action and shared activities between two or has been the voluntary role exit process. Thus, more persons ceases· (Biau 1973). Essen­ the process has been examined for those who tially, this describes the transition which leads choose a role transition or change (whether it to a role exit. It is a complex and recurring pro­ be occupational, religious, marital, or other). cess since there are few statuses retained over The current study applies role exit theory to the life course and these are generally as­ involuntary exiters (those who did not pursue cribed. the change, but had it forced upon them by Socialization, from a developmental external circumstances). The goal is to deter­ perspective, is a life-long process in which new mine how well general role exit theory explains or changing conditions are constantly encoun­ the experience of involuntary exits. tered. Thus, new demands are encountered by This study extends the framework by individuals in every stage of the life-cycle. applying it to the involuntary exp&rience of Anticipatory socialization, central to this pro­ homelessness for women and women with cess, desaibes the acquisition of values and dependent children. Specifically, we explore orientations found in statuses and groups one how homeless women make involuntary tran­ is not yet engaged in, but which one is likely to sitions from one status (that of a housed enter in the Mure (Merton 1957). The more an citizen) to another (a displaced or homeless individual engages in anticipatory socializa­ person). While a few may be seen as choosing tion, the sooner he or she will be comfortable this role, most have not. Regardless, the focus with a new role (Ebaugh 1988; Merton 1957). is on those who define their situation as an Thus, it aids the individual's assimilation into involuntary one. While previous work on exit a group, in terms of motivation and ease of types emphasizes aspects of autonomy, self­ entrance, and it eases his or her adjustment direction, and controllability of the situation, after becoming a member. Page 68 Volume 24 No. 1, Mey 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

The problem is that, unlike childhood, they all operative at any one time. Role exits adult life is filled with few major guidelines to (and for that matter role entrances) are dosely assist anticipatory socialization. VVhat devel­ related to self-identity since the roles an indi­ ops instead are rather rigid notions about age­ vidual plays in society become part of one's appropriate behavior. As Neugarten, Moore, self-definition. Over time, personal identity is and Lowe describe: fonned by the internalization of role expecta­ tions and the reactions of others to one's ~-~age-approprlalebehavior positions in the social structure. form an et.borated and pervasive system of Transitions from one role to another norms governing beNvior and Interaction, a must be seen in their social context. Rapid network of expectations that is in\bedded social changes experienced by individuals in throughouttheculturalfabricofadultlife. There the course of their lives generate a new type of exists whatmlghtbecaled a prescrlptivetfrne... self-concept, which Zurcher (1977) calls the tablefortheorderingofmajorlil'eevents. (1965) "mutable self." The mutable self represents a significant shift for the individual, from orien­ Thus, one of the major bases for the tation toward the stability of self (self as object) ascription of status and one of the undertying to orientation toward change of self (self as dimensionl by which social interaction is regu­ process). The mutable self develops as a lated Is age. This is more commonly known as response to the centrality and frequency of role "age-grading" influences. The other two regu­ change in the course of an individual's lifetime. larly cited Influences are history-graded and Therefore our society (or social struc­ idiosyncratic life events. Inherently, each of ture) allows, perhaps even causes, the per­ these factors can be seen as being causal in sonal changes taking place. One relevant fonn. All of these "Influences" are the markers example is the concept of the •marginal man,· which serve to let an individual known if she or which originated in case studies of immi­ he Is property moving through the life-cyde. grants. It portrays the immigrant as an indi­ However, the journey is often vague and prob­ vidual caught between two cultural wortds as lematic for adults. For unlike early childhood, she or he struggles to leave behind the old there is no prescribed route of role entrances world and adapt to the new one. The uncer­ and role exits. Also, there are few, if any, tainty involved is connected with perhaps the agencies to •program• acceptable behavior, greatest degree of stress and negative effect. unlike childhood when there are numerous As Schlossberg (1984) writes, "the individual sources (i.e. parents, schools). Alack of agen­ who is betwixt and between roles often feels cies makes socialization in adulthood difficult marginal." (Bengston 1973; Blau 1973). Two additional concepts important to Another concern is that an increasing role exit theory are disengagement and cogni­ number of adults are undergoing major tive dissonance. Disengagement is involved in changes central to their core self or being. the role exit process and occurs any time a VVhat this warrants is a continuing revisioning person withdraws from a group or social role. and re-evaluation of one's "social clocks." As VVhile disengagement theories have been de­ Schlossberg (1984) warns, "the prescriptive veloped to explain the aging process primarily, timetable for the ordering of major life events the concept refers to any process of role loss is in flux. • Plainly, this means that physical and disidentification with a previous source of maturity is no longer (or perhaps never was) self-identity. Thus, disengag~ment is yet an­ the period of social age marked off by relatively otheraspectofthe larger social process deem­ dear cut, tranquil events in the life-cyde. Brief­ ed"roleexit." ly stated, most adults make at least one major Cognitive dissonance, a state of tension shift in an area of their lives that they consider that occurs when a person holds two incom­ central to their self identity. patible or contradictory perceptions at the The transition or •exiting" of a central same time, is a major cause of the role exit role involves tension between an individual's being undertaken. Cognitive consistency theo­ past, present, and future in tenns of the expec­ ries in social psychology have long emphasized tations for appropriate behavior. The concept the need people have to balance and hanno­ of self-identity Is largely determined by social nize perceptions of their world (their social roles. Not an roles in a person's role repertoire reality). Often there is a "turning poinr expe­ are equally Important to self-Identity, nor are rience for the role exiter that becomes central Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 69

Flgure1: Ebaugh's Role Exit Proceea but also dovetail with the concerns raised by (Voluntary Fonn) Ebaugh in her discussion of the role exit process. Specifically, the following will be Firat Doubts addressed: the role or function served by the home; the role of work and unemployment; social networks and support; and homeless­ ness as a distinctive subculture with its own Seeking Alternatives unique socialization process. These points taken together not only provide a personal or individual level consideration of the homeless way of life, but also enable further analysis of Turning Point homeless as another form of "role exit: Each stage of the process will be examined for applicability to the homeless experience.

Creating the Ex-Role RESEARCH METHODS The findings in this paper are based on a qualitative study of homeless women, and in demonstrating how one's current role is homeless women with dependent children, in impossible or problematic. The individual real­ a mid-sized, midwestern urban community. izes that somehow he or she must reduce the Data collection involved interviews up to three cognitive dissonance and justify his or her hours long with women residing in one of the actions to put them in balance with attitudes four emergency shelters and the one transi­ and beliefs. tional housing program for female-headed families in the area (N=102). Role Exit Theory Applied to The interview guide was constructed to Homelnsness obtain an understanding of the events leading The preceding discussion has served to the women to the homeless shelter, the devel­ build up the theoretical base of "role exir as a opment of a homeless identity, a description of social psychological/sociological concept. life as a homeless person, and the plans of There are a number of case studies on unique homeless women to change their situation. types of adult transitions, yet little scholarly Interviewing took place over nineteen months, attention has focused on "role exir as a ge­ from September 1988 through April1990. The neric social process. Ebaugh (1988) contends interviews were conducted by trained inter­ that role exit is a generic social process that is viewers in the most private space available in as necessary in explaining social lives as the shelter, usually a room reserved for the socialization and role theory. Thus, Ebaugh residents use. describes a voluntary role-exit process which All interviews were tape-recorded, un­ occurs in terms of decision making, seeking less the respondent requested otherwise. In­ and weighing alternatives, anticipatory role terviews were transcribed verbatim and coded playing, and alterations in significant refer­ and sorted using the IBM-PC database soft­ ence groups (see Figure 1). Our present study ware program called ASKSAM. The text of the examines role exit theory with data drawn from interviews was analyzed according to the pro­ interviJSWS with homeless women. The con­ cess of grounded theory (Charmaz 1983), so cenYis with those homeless who define their that the responses were coded on the basis of situation as an involuntary one. Thus, in terms emergent themes in the data. The selected of role exit, the consideration would not be quotes represent general themes identified upon those persons who concede their home­ throughout the majority of the interviews less status is one they selected for them­ (Psathas 1995; Richardson 1988). selves. This latter form ofhomelessness could The sample Is racially balanced (48% in fact be applied to Ebaugh's theory as well. white; 52% African-American). The women However, the emphasis in this study is on range in age from 17 to 71, with a median age changes that were not intentionally sought by of 27. Almost half of the women have never the individuals involved. married (46%) and 41 percent are either sepa­ The current study examines issues that rated or divorced. One-fourth of the women not only address experience ofhomelessness, have never had any children. The mothers Page 70 Volume 24 No. 1, Msy 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

environments with dedining opportunities in Figure 2: The Modified Role Exit Process (Involuntary Fonn) the work force. This loss would also result in a profound sense of despair and inability to Tumlng Point remain in control of one's life. This became evident when the respondents in our study were asked to define what home means to them. The homeless women identified eight dimensions comprising home: 1) physical shelter and a place to belong, 2) stability and permanence, 3) emotional well-being, 4) physi­ cal safety and security, 5) social relations, 6) freedom and privacy, 7) responsibility and Seeking Alternatives control, and 8) self-identity. In one woman's words:

Home is where you can raise your kids. You can Creating the Ex-Role have your own privacy. You have a sense of responsibility. [Home is] somewhere you can feel good about yourself. You don't have to have, on average, 2.5 children, with well over answer to anyone. You don't have to go along half (57%) having 1 or 2 children. The majority with the program just because you are staying of the mothers had their first child as teenag­ in someone's home, dowhattheysay, eat what ers: 65 percent by the time they were 19 years they say you have to eat, go to sleep when old. The median years of education for this everyoneelsegoestosleep. You know you have group is 12, with one-third not completing high more freedom in your own home. school. The majority ofthe women (59%) are homeless for the first time, and a slightly It is being asserted here that the home­ higher percentage (62%) are in an emergency less experience a form of role exit. Thus, the homeless shelter for the first time. loss of one's home could be interpreted as the activating event that brings with it extreme FINDINGS personal difficulties and hardship as a result of It is necessary to realize that homeless­ the void brought on by one no longer possess­ ness is a condition that is the culmination ing a home. stage of a variety of problems affecting numer­ As developed by Ebaugh, role exiting is ous groups, such as the mentally ill, the physi­ a process comprising various stages. Due to cally disabled and chronically ill, the elderly, the involuntary nature of becoming homeless, single parents, runaway children, and entire we are offering a re-ordered process (see families (Hoch 198n, A logical extension to Figure 2). The sequentiality of events is obvi­ this point is that there are just as many path­ ously different for an involuntary type of exit. ways leading to the homeless position. Re­ gardless of the form, the end result is that Turning Point Stage these persons find themselves in a marginalized The turning point is obviously the acti­ or alienated position in terms of the larger vating factor among the homeless women of society (Ropers 1988). this sample. As Table 1 indicates, there are evidently multiple events leading to the current Role or Function Served by the Home episode of homelessness for the homeless Homelessness is interpreted here as women. Thirty-nine percent of the women being a form of "role exit" because the indi­ report that they are currently homeless as a viduals lose· a central or core component of result of eviction by family relative or friends. their selves. Horne plays a central part or One-fourth (25%) report that they chose to "role" in defining who a person is (Feltey 1989; leave an intolerable situation (e.g. overcrowded Watson 1986). Jahiel (1987) asserts that conditions, drug or alcohol abuse by other in "because of [the] many functions of the home, the home). Even though these respondents the loss of one's home usually entails signifi­ made this "choice", it could easily be asserted cant personal difliculties or hardship. • It bares that due to the oppressive situation there was pointing out that homeless can also be from no alternative option. Close toone-fourth (23%) Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 71

Table I: Events Leading to Current Episode of Homelessn__. Cues Responses Eviction by family, relative, or landlord 62% 34% Intolerable living conditions (such as overcrowding) 30% IS% Drug or alcohol problems 22% 13% Termination ofa relationship with a man 19% II% Domestic violence 19% II% Loss of employment 17% I I% 100% *multiple reasons were provided by respondenu report that eviction by landlord led to their Collectively, these various factors com­ shelter stay. Twenty-two percent had drug or prise examples of those "turning points" that alcohol problems which contributed to their led to these women and their children moving homelessness. Relationships with men di­ from housed individuals to marginal, displaced rectly contributed to homelessness: 19 per­ homeless persons. This "loss" brings with it cent are homeless because a relationship changes involving the issues of privacy, free­ ended (e.g. divorce) and another 19 percent dom, and control. As Hoch sees it, report that domestic violence resulted in their loss of home. Seventeen percent say loss of when pushed into the ranks of the wandering employment was a contributing factor. Finally, poor, [homeleaa]people lose not only a physical 5 percent were living in substandard housing place, buttheirsocialstandingaswell. (1987) which resulted in their turning to public shelter for accommodation. Many of the women re­ Truly, the women of this sample have expe­ port that a combination of factors led to their rienced a significant type of social marginality. current homelessness, as the following ac­ In her study, Feltey (1989) addressed these counts illustrate: issues (privacy/freedom/control) and detailed how they come to be altered when a person (I ended up here because) MHA (public hous­ takes on the "homeless" identity. Specifically, ing) put me on a list. They couldn't find a place she notes that forme so I waited and waited and I stayed with friends. Then my friends and family couldn't homeless women often speak with longing about afford to have me anymore. the freedom and privacy they are denied in the shelter system. Home physically structures pri­ When I was in the hospital (I just had a baby) my vacy, creating a barrier between the individual apartmentwasrobbedandtheytookeverything. and the public world. (Feltey 1989) Theybrokethewindowsand I was afraid to stay there. So I moved in with my sister. She has six In one's own home there is a sense of personal kids and I have four. She didn't have enough domain. With the homeless "lifestyle," one room for me. Then I moved in with another must forsake these "privileges" and accept the sister. Section 8 called her and I had to leave so rules and regulations defined by others. I ended up here. In terms of control, Feltey describes how

To make a long story short I was divorced and adultreaponsibilityandcontroloverone'sown got back with my ex-husband. I broke a bone in life are important aspects of having a home. my knee and I was unable to work. He deserted Homelesswomenoftenfeelthattheyaretreated me and the children and I was unable to pay the like children in a shelter, and that they have no rent and I got evicted. All of my clothes and control over the events in their lives. (1989) belongings were set out. Rather involuntarily, these women lose a sig­ I stopped drinking for seven months and I nificant level of control over their daily lives. started drinking again. I was staying with my The following passages demonstrate this sense mom and she threw me out. So that is how I of loss: came here. I don't know what happened, It was like I lost all Page 72 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

control over everything. [Service workers] took seeking out of formal support when it becomes over ... and I didn't have nothing to say. necessary. An equally important variable is the Youdon'thaveanyprivacy ... itjustseemslikel issue of socialization into the distindive home­ am going back to being a child. less culture. As mentioned early on, socializa­ tion is a central theme in Ebaugh's theory of Doubting Stage role exit. A major difference, however, is that Collectively, the feelings of powerless­ much of Ebaugh's work deals with anticipatory ness, loss of privacy, and lack of control over socialization. The persons in her work under­ one's life appear to lead to severe doubts about taking the "role exit" are aspiring to one role one's chances for adaptation. As Ebaugh de­ and leaving one behind. Through this process scribes these doubts, they are often brought they are sifting through options and weighing on by organizational change or disappoint­ the pros and cons of role alternatives. ments and changes in relationships. It is only over a period of time that the individual is able Seeking Alternatives Stage to reinterpret reality and articulate how their Once the person admits dissatisfaction current role Is problematic. in a current role, "alternative seeking" be­ This is obviously the case for homeless comes a conscious step in the exiting process. women as well, for over time they begin to Alternative seeking behavior is essentially a doubt or question how they will cope in this comparative process in which various roles rather problematic transitional situation. Again, are evaluated in comparison with the costs Ebaugh's original model is relevant. She ar­ and rewards of the current role. From a social gues that support by others Is critical through­ exchange perspedive, comparison standards out this process (and especially during this are developed over time as a consequence of phase of doubting). A good deal of homeless the interpersonal relationships and situations literature echoes this assertion. It is only too an individual has experienced. Comparison obvious that the development of the homeless levels are a measure of degree of satisfaction role would require the dismantling or reorder­ based on the subjedive comparison of one's ing of some fonns of social relations (Cohen, present situation with situations previously Sokolovsky 1989; Watson 1986; Wright, Weber experienced (Ebaugh 1988). 1987). The involuntary homeless do not have What appears to often occur is the shift the luxury of "seeking alternatives." Instead, from informal to more formal forms of social their lives do not afford this option. As Cohen contad. Since many homeless have weak and Sokolovsky (1989) found in their study of social networks of friends and family, they New York skid row persons, there is quite a must often seek assistance from the formal unique way of life at work. They state that: system of human service agencies. In a work addressing the female homeless population, whilelifeformostAmericanahasalinearqual­ Watson notes that: ity-an orientation toward theMure and a sense of progression toward something-life for skid the data on friendship networks revealed that rowers is largely cyclical. Their cyclical sched­ womenwhoaremoresocially isolated have less ulesMI molded by the agencies and institutions access to the private sector and a greater onwhichtheydependfordailymeals,monthly reliance on the public sector and hostels than checks, or daily room tickets. (Cohen, women who have more friends and social con­ Sokolovsky 1989) tact, a greater proportion of women whom had lived In the private rented sectororstayedwith This appears to be the "quality" of life for friends. (1986) the women of our study. In fad, it became a matter of realization for many of the respon­ These various points do demonstrate dents that the future could not be greatly that there is a shift taking place in terms of enhanced unless there was a true restrudur­ reference groups of the homeless. Determin­ ing in their lives. One woman spoke rather ing the extent and the effects of this shift would matter of factly about this point: serve as one of the central variables in apply­ ing the role exit process to the homeless Housing without training, rehabilitating, is use­ phenomena, and this is evident based on the less. Housing without child careanddaycare is Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 73

Table 2: Future Plans of the R•ponclents• c ... R•pons. Locate housing 78% H% Find a job 53% 23% Continue education 33% 1<4% Meeting needs of their children 22% 10% Undergo counseling 13% Reunite their families 12% '"5% . Assistance from agencies 9% <4% Uncertain 5% 2% Marriage/serious relationship <4% 2% 100% ~ultlple plans could be provided by respondents

useless. It is just a place to vegetate. Wrthout some homeless, this new way of life truly child care and plans for rehabilitation, it is becomes a "lifestyle" (Redburn, Buss 1988).1t useless. You will be in that rut forever. That is is necessary to note that this is not the case for whywithoutthechanceof reeducation I couldn't all homeless persons. As Snow and Anderson even think of keeping (my child]. (1987) point out in their study of identity con­ struction among homeless, some come to For these homeless women, real op­ embrace this new "role" in their life, while tions (or alternatives as Ebaugh described others attempt to distance themselves from it. them) are extremely limited. These women Regardless of the approach taken by the appear to realize that they have only a minimal individual homeless person, there is the devel­ chance of reordering their lives. Once alterna­ opment of an "ex-status. • Snow and Anderson tives are narrowed (albeit for this population argue that: they are limited due to the cydical nature of their existence) and the individual is dose to theattempttocarveoutandmaintainasenseot making a definite choice, there is an increased meaning and self-worth seems especially criti­ focus on the most viable and desirable alterna­ calforsurvival,perhapsbecauseltisthethread tive role. Ebaugh found that that enables those situated on the margins or at the bottom to retain a sense ofselfandthus their there is a pattern among people seriously con­ humanity. (1987) sidering a role change to begin identifying with values, norms, attitudes and expectations held As Table 2 demonstrates, the women of by people who are already enacting the role this sample appear to echo this need, for their being considered. (1988) future plans revolve around re-entering the mainstream of the larger society. Not surpris­ There is a shift in focus from the role expec­ ingly, the most frequently mentioned plan of tations of the current role to those associated these homeless women is to locate housing: with the anticipated role. The role exiters begin 78 percent of the women are looking for a the process of anticipatory socialization as house or apartment. A job is in the future plans they prepare for their new role. for 53 percent of the women. However, hous­ ing is usually seen as a prerequisite for job Creating the Ex-Role Stage hunting. As one respondent noted: Often there is a vacuum experience which leaves the individual feeling anxious. I need to get a place. Until you have a place and The process of adjustment and reestablishing address you can forget about a job. a social identity is easier and occurs more rapidly for people who build "bridges" prior to One-third of the women plan on con­ exiting their previous role. In contrast, feelings tinuing their education. For some this means of isolation, loneliness, and a lack of support finishing high school and for others it means are highly related to difficulty in making the pursuing an advanced degree or training. For exit. all, it symbolizes their release from the poverty Of course it could be asserted that for trap. Page 74 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

l(wanttogo)toschooi.Oncelgetadegl881can and feel love and return love. get off AFDC and live the way I want to live. It is significant that only five women The needs of their children are an im­ expressed a desire for anything beyond a life portant part of the future plans of 22 percent of with basic necessities. Many of the women the women. These plans indude meeting their could not answer the question "If you could physical and health needs and having a loving create any life you wanted for yourself, what home environment. would life be like?" or did not know what this question meant. Perhaps what is most lost for (The kids will) have a lot more toys and clothes these women is their ability to dream of a better and support. Everything that they really need. I life. Whafs left is to hope that their basic life think we will be more together as a family than needs (and those of their children) will be met we have been. (I will) have an apartment and someday. money (and) make sure they have a clean bed The final stage of the exit process is the and clothes. creation of an ex-role once one has left. The process involves tension between past/present/ The women are concerned about ade­ future, making it a unique sociological phe­ quate child care for their children. As in the nomenon. The social reactions to the exiter are general population of women, the lack of also unique. People begin to read to the affordable child care can be a barrier to their individual differently than before the exit. education and employment opportunities. Ebaugh identifies two main types of readions:

Basically I would like to try to work lfpossible.l lnmanyinstances, ... ex-statusesaremoresa­ would like to go to college If I could. But who is lienttootherpeoplethana.~rrentroles. Forsome going to watch my child? ax-roleuociatyhaslnguisticdesignations, such as divorcee, widow, alumnus. In other cases, Thirteen percent of the women plan on however, the person is simply known as an •ex, • obtaining counseling for themselves and some­ (ex-physician, ex-nun, ex-alcoholic, ex-con). times their children. These ex-roles that are more common and are Twelve percent of the women want to moreMMiyaxpe~m~~carryleu reunite their families. This involves finding a stigma and are more institutionalized mterms of home and bringing the children back together expected behavior. (1988) again. Truly, the homeless "role-exiter" is stig­ I talk to my kids on the phone and they say matized by the larger society. Also, there is a 'mommy I'm ready to come home' and 'please change that occurs among members of the hurry up and find a horne'. homeless population in terms of their central identifying status. This change can be long­ Nine percent of the women plan on term or short-term; it may be welcomed or seeking further assistance through social ser­ fought off. Regardless, these persons find vice agencies. Only five percent of the women themselves at a new cultural point of refer­ had no idea what their future plans were. e)1Ce. Often, this new "home" status is used as Finally, only four percent mention marriage or a way of finalizing their role exit. Cohen and a serious relationship in their future plans. Sokolovsky (1989) echo this thought when Most of the women expressed caution about they label skid row as being a "cultural refuge." relationships based on their life histories and For some, they note that this becomes a place their current circumstances. OveraH, the women are looking for steady ... wherethey can either hide from their prior life employment that pays a living wage, adequate or 'resf until restored psychological or eco­ child care, housing that is safe, dean, and nomic resources permit an escape. The reluc­ affordable, and a satisfying personal life filled tance to reveal details of one's background or with family and friends. As one woman said: even aperson's real name is reflective of the need to hide from one's own past. (Cohen, I would lbto have money and nothavetoworry Sokolovsky 1989) about where my next meal Is coming from and where I am going to stay next. Just to be happy The urban and rural shelters which house this Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 75 homeless sample might also be thought of as process is generalizable to the women in this "cultural refuge" for those who· have devel­ sample. Further study is necessary to better oped an "ex-status" and are now displaced, delineate and describe the various differences homeless women. Other studies ofthe home­ and similarities among other populations of less echo the thesis presented here-that home­ homeless individuals. This would aid in study­ lessness is a transitional process (Cohen, ing the larger process model initially set forth Sokolovsky 1989; Feltey 1989; Ropers 1988). by Ebaugh (1988), who calls for such study of Our work builds on this assertion and demon­ the model. strates a model that can be applied to the The issue which was most salient in our larger homeless population, and possibly to be study was the change or precipitating factor in utilized with other types of involuntary exiters. the individual's life (such as loss of job or displacement by divorce) which caused a shift DISCUSSION in their ability to maintain and eventually keep This study has considered how well the their home. Forced out of their home, a shift general body of role exit theory explains the also occurred in their reference groups and experience of involuntary role exits. Specifi­ new sources of support and social networks cally, Ebaugh's role exit theory has been ap­ emerged. Indeed, a distinctive culture was plied to homeless persons in order to examine awaiting these women, and they had to be their experiences from a process model and socialized into it over time (like any other new demonstrate the shifts in central identity from role). housed to homeless person. In condusion, this sample holds true By integrating a large body of standing significance because it chronides the expe­ homeless literature with data collected in a riences of marginal/homeless persons in con­ study on sheltered homeless women, we con­ temporary society (as well as how this exist­ sidered the following points: the specific events ence can be viewed within the framework of the leading to homelessness, the decision making role exit model). There is also theoretical involved in procuring shelter and other re­ relevance, for it builds on the fundamental sources, development of a homeless identity model that is presently offered. Finally, this (yet not all women in this sample would accept study serves as a companion piece to other this label), homelessness as a distinctive sub­ recent works utilizing role exit theory to de­ culture, and the plans for exiting the homeless scribe life transitions such as the return to role. Collectively, these elements demonstrate school by adult women students (Breese, that the transitional process of becoming home­ O'Toole 1994) and the experience of divorce less is applicable to the general model set forth (Wright 1991). by Ebaugh (1988). For persons experiencing such a role exit, the theory can help them to REFERENCES realize that their experiences are part of a Allen VL, Evan de Vliert 1984 Role Transitions: Ex­ plorations and Exolanations NY: Plenum Press greater phenomenon that is happening to many Bengston VL 1973 the Social Psychology of Aging people today. Many in this population tend to Indianapolis: Bobbs-MerriU Educational Pub express a surprise realization that there are Blau ZS 1973 Old Age in a Changing SocietyNY: New many other people like themselves who have VIeWpoints Breese JR, R O'Toole 1994 Adult women students: undergone similar life experiences. The role development of a transitional status J College Sttf.. exit concept is one mechanism for helping with dent Deve/opment35183-189 . this realization process. Charmaz K 1983 The grounded theory method: an Obviously, the sequentiality of the pro­ explication and interpretation. pp 109-126 in RM Emerson ed Contemporary Field Research Bos­ cess and the issue of time were reordered in ton: Little, Brown and Company this present study. As demonstrated, for these Cohen Cl, J Sokolovsky 1989 Old Men ofthe Bowery women the "stages" take on the following NY: Guilford Press order: significant turning point; doubts about Conville RL 1988 Relational transitions: an inquiry into their structure and function J Applied Family Child the situation; seeking alternatives; and a cre­ Studies 5 423-437 ation (for some) of the "ex-status." V\lhile the Ebaugh HR 1988 Becomif!9 an Ex: The Process of stages defined by Ebaugh are dearly present, Role ExitChicaQO: U ChicagO Press the nature and duration for the respondents of Feltey KM 1989 Be it ever so humble: how homeless women define home. Presented at the annualmeet­ our study were indeed different. ingsofTheSocietyforApp/iedSociologyDenver, Regardless of the differences that exist, CO: Oct21 it can be asserted that Ebaugh's role exit Page 76 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Hoch C 1987 A brief history of the homeless problem Richardson L 1988 Secrecy and status: the social in the. United States. pp16-32 in RD Bingham, RE construction offorbldden relationshlpsAmerSoclo/ Green, SB\Nhleeda TheHomelea/nConfempo­ Rev 53 209-219 tWYSociei)'Newbury Park, CA: Sage R~ RH 1988 The Invisible Homeless: An Urban Hoglln DP 1980ThetrMsition to adulthoOd ••career Ecology NY: Insight Books c:ontlgency .Amer Soclol Rev45 261-278 Schlossberg NK 1984 Counseling Adults in Tf811sltion Jahlel R 198'1The situation of horneleuneaa. pp 99- ~ NY~ Springer Publishing 118 in RD Bingham, RE Green, S8 \Nhita eda The Snow DA, LAnderson 19871dentity work among the Homelea inCotlf8mponlly SodalyNewbury Park, homeless: the verbal construction & avowal of personalldentllesAmerJ Socbtlgy921336-1371 1sBeRolechangeaandpsyehologic:lll watson S 1986Houa/ng&Homeleuness: A Feminist Men= PenrpectJve Routledge& Kegan Paul vtg: variationlinellldabyaenderancfrole Boston: repertolni Social Fotr:es67 693-7f4 Wriaht JD, E Weber 1987 Homelessness & Health Merton RK 1957 SociaiTheoty & Social Structute Washington, oc: McGraw-Hill, Inc Glenc:oe,ll: Free Press Wright SA 1991 Reconceptualizing ~It coercion and Neugarten B, J Moore, J Lowe 1965Alle norms, age withdrawal: a comparative analySIS ofdlvorce and c:Onatralnts, and adultsociallzatlonAmerJ SocliJI.. apostasy Social Forces 70 125-145 ogy7071Q-717 ZurcherLAJr19n TheMutableSelf:ASelf-Concept Psathaa G 1995 ComlwsstionAnalysis: The Study of for Social Change Beverty Hills, CA: Sage Tellc...,_lnteractlon Thousand Qaks, CA: Sage Redbum FS, TF Buss 1988 HiddfH1 Unemployment: Dec:olnged~&PublcPo/lcyNY: P1'118g81" Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Vdume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Pagen PROBLEMS REAL AND IMPOSED IN THE DISCIPLINE OF SOCIOLOGY Earl Smith, Wake Forest University, and Bonnie Berry, Pacific Lutheran UniVersity

ABSTRACT According to some, sociology is in deep trouble (Cole 1994; Coughlin 1992; Horowitz 1993; Kantrowitz 1992; Marsland 1988). While the discipline has undergone metamorphoses offonn and substance in the past decade, many sociologists and nonaoclologlata are concerned that aoc:iology Ia endangered u an academic discipline,or,attheveryleaat,isdeclininginqualityofscholarship,graduatareaullmentandtralning,andlmpact on policy. At first glance, the current state of sociology seems a rather confusing mixture of good and bad news. Some measures indicate that the discipline is thriving while otheraccounta s~tthatsOcioloaY has serious problema. The mixture ofmeaaagea can be understood in light of sociologists having been c:onYfnced-= sociologiststhatwearedoingaflOO!'job.Moreover,afalsenegativeinaQeryc:orn.froma~of to other academic disciplines 1n which sociology is describ8d as commg up short and in which sociologists are deacribedaanonaclentists. TheauthorscontendthatmanyofthecriticiamaofaocioloaYarenotvaHdandarenot ditrerentfrornthoaethatcould be levied against any scientific discipline. RecommendatiOns to abrogate cr1t1c1ama of sociology are offered.

·once again the season of the anti- nonsociologists alike are inundated with true sociologists is upon us.· and false messages about the positive and RobertK.Merton(1961) negative qualities of our science, its impad upon social problems, and its progress in "Both the character and survival of sociology understanding social phenomena. To untangle are dependent upon those recruited to carry this confusing pidure of the state of sociology, out ita charges. • we begin with the history of criticisms against WIUie Pearson, Jr. (1987) sociology, followed by a discussion of good news and bad news about sociology, fallacies INTRODUCTION about sociology as a nonscience, and recom­ Much of what has been written about the mendations fortuming away invalid criticisms. fauHs of sociology, dating from 1939 to the present, is emotional and impressionistic. For HISTORY OF CRITICISMS AGAINST example, Horowitz's (1993) book, The De­ SOCIOLOGY: CRITICIZING SOCIOLOGY composition of Sociology, provides a long list IS NOT A NEW THING of horrors about the present state of sociology The perceptions of sociologists and but is underwhelming in its absence of evi­ nonsociol~ists about sociology have changed dence showing that the discipline is truly in over time. One of the earliest and most poor condition or decomposing. To prove his scathing portrayals of sociology was written by point, Horowitz (1993) writes that harsh criti­ Crane Brinton, a history professor, in 1939. He cisms leveled at the discipline by sociologists writes at length, with no substantiation and and by nonsociologlsts resuH in "little effort at seemingly little knowledge of sociology, about fadual refutation. • There may be little effort at how sociology is "the pariah subject" in the refutation because there is evidence to the university ,o which even the most uninspired contrary and because, as scientists, we under­ student in the humanities ... could feel com­ stand the futility of arguing about subjectivity. fortably superior." Brinton (1939) refers to Less impressionistic, more empirical sociology as an impractical "would-be sci­ descriptions of the state of sociology offer ence, • and calls sociologists "liberal intellec­ optimistic and positive views (0'Antonio 1992). tuals" (a criticism) and hypocrites. VVhile there may be problems in sociology, as Sociology's involvement in social change there are in all scientific disciplines, there is may provide the backdrop for poor opinions also evidence that the discipline is strong, about sociology. The substance of sociology is growing in size and diversity of tasks, cumula­ social phenomena and, not unexpectedly, so­ tive in scientific effort and accomplishments, ciologists are often involved in social move­ and contributing to society through education ments. As shown below, sociology has been and policy development. affected by broad social changes, such as The difference of opinion about the state changes in the political and economic dimate; of sociology might be a difference between and we have participated in collective move­ perception and reality. Sociologists and ments, such as protests against war and social Page 78 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology inequality. Finally, Cole (1994) offers a more gen­ Sociology's involvement in political and eral statement on a change in perception. After social movements has influenced its more Wor1d War Two to the late 1960s, sociology strictly scientific pursuits (Upset 1994). In the was one of the most prestigious social sci­ 1940s until the mid-1960s, sociologists were ences in the United States. The situation has politically active and radical While maintaining reverted today, to the point that members of their emphasis on scientific objectivity. Con­ the profession, the public at large, and aca­ flicts within sociology in these times were not demic administrators, have a "generally low over ideology but emphasized theoretical and regard for sociology departments.· methodological issues. Then, in the 1960s and 1970s, politicization within the discipline un­ ANY TRUTH TO THE RUMORS? dermined the field. After the V~etnam War, the GOOD NEWS AND BAD NEWS severe political conflicts dissipated but, Upset Bad News says, sociology never regained scientific con­ Under the heading of bad news, Horowitz sensus and intellectual unity. Halliday (1992) (1993) offers at least 16 indicators of problems agrees that political fadors affect the disci­ in the discipline. Among them are: depart­ pline but finds that the 1990s dimate in soci­ ments shutting down, departmental attrition, ology "allows issues to be debated in a less declining numbers of students earning bach­ ideologically charged atmosphere" than, say, elors degrees, declining numbers of students a decade ago. One might conclude, if Upset earning graduate degrees, and few jobs in and Halliday are corred, that the confusion sociology. He opines that gaps between pure and conflict experienced internally by sociol­ and applied research are bad for sociology as ogy in decades past have given way to a are the formation of special agendas (such as greater focus on the subjed matter of sociol­ gay and lesbian caucuses), the conversion to ogy. practical work (criminology, social planning, Sociology's historical involvement in and other applied areas), the "radical chic" social policy has wavered. Horowitz (1993) perspective in sociology, and non separation states that once upon a time there was more from political concerns. Cited in Horowitz are openness, more permeability between the dis­ others' views on decomposition, such as an cipline and society, ·more of a chance for absence of sociological work that "offers in­ sociology to be policy-relevant. Currently, this sight into the behavior of people in groups• openness is a bad sign, Horowitz believes, (Kantrowitz 1992), a "sense of vulnerability" pointing 'out that issues of power, policy, and (Coughlin 1992; Marsland 1988), and inco­ political agendas negatively influence the dis­ herence in the discipline due to specialization cipline and our positions in it. Moreover, he (Collins 1990). states t1at the promise of a merger between Gans (1989) points to other bad signs: sociology· and social policy has not come Lay rejection of sociology, long-standing in­ about. Indeed, he writes that presently· ... the equalities within the discipline (our mistreat­ informal alliance between sociology and policy ment and exploitation of graduate students has turned sour.• Halfiday (1992) would seem and of part-time instrudors), and an over­ to agrw. At the same time that he describes emphasis on publication causing overspecial­ sociology as having an attentive public, our ization and a piecework mentality. Sociology public voice has grown dimmer. is also said to be plagued with conflicts within Funding and scarcity of resources have sociology and across disciplines over scarce played no small part in opinions about sociol­ resources (Komarovsky 1987), a disconnec­ ogy. The last quarter of the nineteenth century tion of our work from the real wortd, absence up to the beginning of Wortd War Two is of cognitive consensus within the discipline considered the "seedtime of the modem aca­ (Cole 1994), and an overwhelming magnetism demic landscape• ·although, during this time toward cutting edge novelty without an equal and coinciding with the expansion of higher interest in Ideas (Upset 1994). education in the United States, there devel­ To expand on sociology's internal battle oped "fierce interdisciplinary struggles for the over methods and substance, several sociolo­ academy's finite ... rewards" ·(Carnic 1989). gists assume that we overemphasize methods This competition over resources has nega­ and techniques at the expense of theory. "Our ti\tely affected sociology and all academic passion for methodology" has led to substan­ disciplines to some degree. tive validity taking a backseat to the favored Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page 79

analytical technique of the moment (Gans sociology is on an intellectual downhill slide. 1989). Theory development seems to follow Low admissions standards may speak to a fads in methodology as opposed to a mean­ need for tuition funds and it is not out of the ingful consideration ofthe findings (Beny 1991 ; question that, once accepted to the university, Cole 1994;) and we have been "hiding out in the students undergo a good educational pro­ techniques and methodologies" rather than gram. examining ideology (Horowitz 1993). How­ In short, bad news is not necessarily a ever, Faia (1993) states that the rift in sociol­ criticism of sociology. Bad news may describe ogy between theory and statistics, of great a bad trend, such as a loss of resources, concern to some sociologists, has become which, even so, may not affect sociology's smaller in recent decades. ability to do the best job possible. Sometimes There are also concerns about sociol­ the bad news, leveled as criticisms against ogy's presumed lax gatekeeping.ln the area of sociology, is just plain false. For example, to publication, we find censorship of debate and say that departments are shutting down could wrongful acceptance-rejection decisions by be more accurately phrased: Two departments, journal editors (Beny 1994a; Faia 1993; Har­ those at Rochester University and Washing­ gens 1988). To make matters worse, sociol­ ton University in St. Louis, have shut down. 2 ogy has many different and incompatible stan­ The perception that something is wrong dards for what constitutes good scholarship with sociology is not always born out by avail­ and good work (Stinchcombe 1994). able indices. Equally disconcerting, the per­ Of the more empirical identifiers of ception that something is wrong may be the sociology's declining status, we find reduced reality but along different dimensions from membership in the American Sociological traditional ones, and ones that may be very Association and poor GRE scores. As to the troubling for us to accept, such as infringements former, theASA has experienced a decreasing upon research. These same problems occur in membership, from a high of more than 14,000 varying degrees across disciplines (Smelser members in the mid-1970s to less than 12,000 1992). · in the early 1980s (D'Antonio 1992; Horowitz 1993). Good News Regarding the latter, GRE scores of The alarms ringing in the above dis­ sociology students are low and declining (Upset cussion can be countered by some indicators 1994), and retention standards are lax (Beny of positive developments and positive con­ 1994b). Overall, according to some sociolo­ stancy's in the discipline of sociology. For gists, "the quality of sociology's graduate stu­ example, Gans (1989) writes that sociology dent recruits has dropped radically since the has established a strong presence in practice late 1960s" (Halliday 1992). A comparison of and policy analysis, which has not escaped the GRE scores among sociology, psychology, attention of the news media. Barber (1987) natural science, and physical science stu­ cites the effectiveness of sociology in social dents does suggest a relatively poor showing science research. Sociology "produces a pro­ among sociology students (Beny 1994a). This digious amount of scientifically respectable trend may not, however, be a sign that sociol­ research," published work in sociology is of ogy as a discipline has gone downhill. Such a basic intellectual quality, and sociology jour­ trend might indicate that students in recent nals do serve as quality controllers over our times (since the 1970s) are less skilled, less academic work (Davis 1994). Sociology is less prepared in examination procedures, or less discriminatory of women and minorities than well-educated prior to graduate training. The other disciplines in hiring and retention of interpretation that there is nothing wrong with faculty and in graduate admissions policies sociology (it's the students, not the discipline) (Davis 1994). D'Antonio (1992) cites increased begs the question of why sociology students undergraduate and graduate enrollments in would be over represented among students sociology, induding minority enrollments, as with fewer skills, etc. The answer might lie in signs of revitalization. 3 the discipline's relatively less rigorous admis­ D'Antonio (1992) views the formation of sions standards compared to other (but not all academic subunits as a positive direction for other) disciplines. Even if it is true that sociol­ sociology. Unlike Horowitz (1993), he believes ogy has lower admissions standards for gradu­ that the additions of ASA sections on aging, ate school, it does not necessarily follow that gender, Marxist sociology, environmental Page 80 Volume 24 No. 1, Msy 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology sociology, the study of populations, world ARE WE A SCIENCE? systems, collective behavior and social move­ FALLACIES AND FALSE COMPARISONS ments, and racial and ethnic minorities repre­ Weare nota science because we are not sent growth and stimulation. objective, or so the criticism goes. One of the Simpson and Simpson (1994) find that gravest concerns is that bias is inherent to our membership in the American Sociological work, that our theories are distorted by our own Association has experienced a slight upturn, values and therefore meaningless, that we see albeit a soft one with the Increase in student what we expect to see, and that we study that memberships. Moreover, all of our profession­ which is personally relevant (Faia 1993). Faia al associations, including regional and spe­ moreover desaibes an anti-science move­ cialized sociological organizations, can be ment currently present in the United States desaibed as •robusr (HaHiday 1992). Al­ which "wrongly asserts an ineluctable tension though sociology has experienced problems between science and interpretationism. • With underemployment and unemployment, The antipositivist argument suggests there is a trend toward more tenure track jobs that the study of humans is fraught with sub­ opening and being filled in the early 1990s. tleties and subjectivity which are not concerns Specifically, from 1978 to 1984 there was a 12 for •harder" sciences (Alexander 1988). The percent decline in full-time faculty positions fact is, as Becker (1987) points out: Neither but the number of tenure track positions have natural nor social scientists "work with total doubled between 1982 and 1991 (D'Antonio impersonality and objectivity: Faia (1993) 1992). concurs and writes that ,he truism about large Sociology, even in the lean and mean and inescapable biases" has been repeated so times, has experienced an increase in external many times that even sociologists believe that funding as well as increases in development of our work is negatively affected by it. This sponsored research, growth of research labs acceptance of presumed bias has resulted in and research centers. Throughout the 1960s, what Faia calls a -muure of nerve: 1970s, and 1980s, funding from the federal Scientific prostitution is a question con­ government and private foundations grew. sidered more pertinent to social and behavioral Funding has not always kept a steady pace but sciences than to the life and physical sciences. the economic situation is not bad on all counts; However, the history of science has estab­ for instance, funding for basic research more lished that no scientific line of inquiry escapes than doubled between 1975 and 1989 co-optation. Physics, chemistry, and math­ (D'Antonio 1992). ematics are pressured to ask •acceptable" Sociology is very much involved in all research questions, apply innovative though levels of government (ASA Footnotes 1994- inappropriate methodologies, and reach pal­ 95), anj sociology continues to make sub­ atable conclusions in exchange for funding, stantial and meaningful contributions to social publications, and other rewards (Smelser policy (D'Antonio 1992).4 Specifically, socio­ 1992). logical studies in demography, AIDS, medi­ Comparing sociology to biology and cine, poverty, race, homelessness, single physics, sociology allegedly is lousy at hy­ mother.>, teen pregnancy, population growth, pothesis-building, can not agree on socio­ the elderly. and third world countries has made logical matters whereas physicists agree on significant contributions by pointing out the physical matters, and sociology, ·unlike all sources of social trends and offering construc­ -.rue sciences," is not cumulative (Brinton tive, unbiased solutions to social problems. 1939). Judging from the works of Jencks (1994), A superior attitude on the part of some VVIIson (1987), Piven and Cloward (1971), and scientists leads them to believe that they can countless others, sociologists continue to be do sociology's work. Due to interdisciplinary Involved in disseminating an accurate under­ struggles within the university, biology has standing of social structure, organizations, attempted to override sociology by claiming and problems. that biology unlocks the secrets ofthe social as In sum, sociology appears to be vital on well as the biological wortd. Biology can ex­ many dimensions. Sociology seems to be plain the individual and collective foundations living up to Parsons' (1959) image of sociology of life; hence, there is no need for a social as a professlonwilh distinct societal obligations science separate from biology (Carnic 1989). to clarify society's •definition of the situation: Not all members of disciplines take Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page81 criticisms to heart. Economists, for example, consider three issues relevant to the state of are very unconcerned with their own failings sociology's heaHh: academic, economic, and and have been unruffled by challenges from socio-political issues. other sciences. Anthropologists have re­ sponded to challenges to their scientific in­ Academic Issues tegrity by carving out a distindive disciplinary We have the least to say about aca­ niche (Camic 1989). demic concerns because we have conduded, Discussions which rank sciences are based on recent literature, that sociology is as probably pointless. Gans has suggested that academically heaHhy as any science. Sociol­ one of the causes of supposed imperfection in ogy, like all scientific disciplines, has internal sociology is disagreements over appropriate and worth­ while content (research questions, topics), scientism, the modeling of sociological ... re­ methodology, theoretical applications, and search methods on a highly idealized version of other scholarly matters. It should not be other­ the methods of the [unspecified] natural sci­ wise that sciences carry on disagreements ences. (1989) within and without their ranks. What makes us different from the other disciplines with respect The key word here might be "idealized" be­ to our disagreements is that our disagree­ cause, as Glazer (1994) points out, the natural ments seem to provide ammunition to anti­ and physical sciences have some of the same sociologists (induding scientists from other methodological and interpretive difficuHies as disciplines, students, and university adminis­ social and behavioral sciences. Interestingly, trators) who discredit us and our worX. while no discipline is above reproach, there is much less debate about the fauHs of econom­ Economic Issues ics, political science, and other social sciences While we may have experienced some than there is about sociology (Meiksins 1995). highly profession-relevant divisions, these di­ visions seem to be growing doser to resolu­ CRITICISMS OF SOCIOLOGY: tion. Then why are some sociologists so wor­ OVERVIEW OF THE DEBATE ried about sociology's state of health? Be­ As has already been discussed, at least cause the criticisms, valid or not, persist. some of the bad news and some of the good Take the question of pay, for instance. news is impressionistic. We find little or no Sociological worX may be interpreted as worth documentation for the rather strong state­ less than the wor!( of engineers, economists, ments used to describe decomposition. Horo­ and other scientists who are paid more. Poor witz (1993) admits to a reliance on "precon­ salaries and poor working conditions (pres­ ceptions and prejudices· and uses highly sure to simuHaneously publish, get outside charged phraseology such as "tragic condi­ funding, teach heavy loads and achieve high tion" to describe a "once-grear discipline that teaching evaluations, and engage in commu­ "has turned sour if not rancid." Cole also nity service) may represent an anti-sociologi­ applies "senses" and "beliefs" in describing cal opinion of our worX as valueless. the state of sociology: Previously, in the good-news sedion, we mentioned that external funds are available Today there is a sense among many American for sociology. This is all very well, but it can be sociologists that all is not well with their disci­ argued that it is unreasonable to expect univer­ pline. Many of us believe that ... sociology is not sity facuHy who are teaching seven or eight making the kind of progress we would like. dasses a year to write grant proposals and to (1994) . condud an adive research program. None­ theless, when sociology or any discipline falls Many positive statements are also without from grace, internal funding from universities foundation; for example, to say that sociology may dry up. When internal funding dries up, is "fascinating subject matter" (Davis 1994) is academics are faced with the need to get a matter of opinion. outside funding. Indeed, it is an increasingly Thus far, we have seen that there are a applied contingency of university employment number of indicators, supportable or not, of that facuHy must draw in external funds. vitality and decomposition. To better un­ Outside funding sources may have their derstand the status of sociology, let us own agendas to "prove" something (for Page 82 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology example, that welfare does not work, that appropriate for us to be in charge of social incarceration does work, etc.) and funding engineering, we are not in positions of power may be based on the willingness of academ­ that allow us to manipulate society on a grand ics, not just sociologists, to reach the desired scale. Sociologists are more adept at social though invalid condusions (Halliday 1992; engineering than those who are positioned to Smelser 1992). Sociologists who have ob­ do so (Dye 1990; Lundberg 1947), but we are served lean and mean economic actions in not permitted the access necessary to allevi­ their own universities' funding, hiring, and ate social problems. retention practices may become anxious to the At the same time that anti-sociologists point that they place their own professional may put us on the spot for our inability to solve integrity at stake by engaging in non­ problems, they do not give us the benefit ofthe controversial teaching and research, in the doubt that they give other, harder scientists hope that they might survive in academics. relative to esoteric expertise. Anti-sociologists tell us that sociology is common sense, imply­ Socio-Political Issues ing that anti-sociologists know as much as The history of sociology is not obviously sociologists do about sociological matters. different from that of other disciplines, except Often, people without training in sociology tell that we are more involved in social move­ us that they know how to fix crime, teenage ments than many other sciences, at times pregnancy, and other social problems as though championing an unpopular cause or a disad­ these very complex problems are "simple" to vantaged segment of the population. This understand and control. Some nonsociologists involvement in social causes has labeled us as and, more obviously, anti-sociologists do not do-gooders and liberals, a criticism in some want to be bothered with social science fads. cirdes. Theories and research findings from sociology Strong public reactions to sociological are dismissed, sometimes vociferously. See, topics may influence or be influenced by po­ for example, Kaminer (1994) on the public's litical leaders. At the same time that the po­ and politicians' refusal to hear social fads litical arena would seem to be concerned about crime. about social problems (crime, unemployment, Sociology has a tradition of studying homelessness, poverty, etc.) and could be and, particularly in eartier days, attempting to informed by sociology, there are "pockets of remedy poverty, crime, and other problems hostility" mostly located in the right wing of the associated with the disenfranchised. s Soci­ government, that attack sociology's fundion ologists have had scientific and humanist in­ (Smelser 1992). Research in behavioral and terest in those who are disadvantaged, and as social sciences has been criticized from this such, we are guilty by association with the quarter as "trivial, obvious, and unimportant, • socially disadvantaged people that we study. "wasteful of public funds, • "basically unscien­ It is not difficult to imagine that external tific, • and yet "dangerous." As for being dan­ forces have taken their toll on the discipline of gerous, Meiksins (1995) says that sociology sociology to the point that sociology may have has been, of all scientific disciplines, routinely internalized these negative perceptions. The singled out for the pillory "because sociology impad of these negative evaluations should is just a bit more dangerous than people like to not be dismissed as having a minimal effed on admit" (personal communication). Glazer sociology. Subjugation to criticisms from the (1994), more specifically, suggests that soci­ anti-scientific community may lead to a feeling ology poses a threat to the conservative side "give-it-up-itis" (Faia 1993). of the government which hopes to coerce sociologists into being defenders ofthe status RECOMMENDATIONS quo. We should fix the problems that we can Sociologists are also criticized for our fix, such as retention of inappropriate students ineffectiveness at solving intractable social and the pressure to publish outweighing the problems, as though solving intractable social quality of research. This would be more likely problems is within our power. In fad, we know if we, as sociologists, were more cohesive in how social problems come about and we are our resistance to outside pressures. Beyond a able to offer ideas on how to minimize prob­ self-recognition of the problems we do have, lems that may never be solved. Unfortunately, we need to make dear to those who evaluate even though Auguste Comte thought it us (university administrators, funding Page 84 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Becker HS 1987 The writing of science Contemporaty Hargens LL 1988 Scholarly consensus and journal Soc/o/16 25-27 rejection rates Amer Soc/ol Rev 53 139-151 Berry B 1991 An account of a professional ethica HorowilziL 1993 TheDecompositionofSociologyNY: vlolallon In sociology AmerSoC:iolorjst22 261-288 Oxford u Preas 1994aArtlllclallty In theconslruc:tlon ofatme, Jenc:ka C 1994 The Homeless Cambridge: Harvard U -cr;m=::-r..inal juatic:e, and criminology Freelnq CINt PMaa Soc/o/2233-43 ' KaminerW1994FecleraloffenseAIJanticMonthly273 1994b The relalioiiShipbetween i ,,. i IQIITI8I1Is 102-114 --ontlie freedom to rasearch and teach and poor Kantrowitz B 1992 Sociology's lonely crowd NewsVJeek sociological pracllce AmerSociologlat25 53-65 11955-56 1994c The isolation ofcrime,law, and devi­ Komarovaky M 1987 Some persistent iaaueaofaocio­ ---aiiCii'tromthecoreofsoclology AmerSociologiat25 loglcal polemica SocioloQicaJ Forum 2 556-564 5-20 Upset SM 1994 The state of American sociology Brinton C 1939 What's the matter with sociology? Soc/oloDiCIII Forum9199-220 SatuR:Iay Rev LllwatiM8 20 3-4, 14 Lundberg GA 1947 Can Science Saw Us? NY: CemlcC 1989 Struc:bnatlier50yen: the anatomy of Longmana, Gl88n a charter Amer J Soc/o/95 38-107 Marsland D 1988 Seeds ofBankruptcy: Sociological ColeS 19941nlrodudion:what'awrongwilhsoc:lology? Bias AQ81nst Business and Freedom London: Claridge Preas Colllns~~n=politicaoftheASA Mebina 'P 1995 Internet communication via Pro­ AmerSodolodst21311 gruaive Sociologists Network, May 12 Couahlln EK 19SJ2 Soc:ioloalsts confront questions Merton RK 1961 The canons of the anti-sociologist iboutfield'a vilalty and chction Chtonlde HirllfK New Yodc Times July 16 Education August, Sedlon A 5-7 PIII'IOnS T 1959Some1'11pr'llloblel'llllnm••l'liCOIMnlnfroiMntilllilng'lllaociology D'Antonio W 1992 Recruiting sociologists In a time of as a prof8ulon Amer Soc/ol Rev24 547-559 changing opportunlles.ln TC Halktay, MJanowitz Pearson W Jr 1987 The c:riala In sociology and higher eds SoCiology and Its Publics: The Fotma and education. from Preaidential addreaa, delivered at Fates of DiC1p11nary Otganization Chicago: U the Annual Meeting of the Mid-South Sociological Chicago Press Auoc:iatlon, Menl»hla: October Davis JA 1994 What's wrong with aoclology? So­ Piven FF, RACioward 1971 Regulating the Poor. The ciological Forum9179-197 Functions ofPublic ~NY: Vintage Books Dye TR 1$90 ~·s Running America? Englewood Simpson IH, RLS~q)aon 1994 The transfOrmation of Cliffs: Prentice Hall theAmerican SoclologlcaiAaaociatlon SocJologJcal Faia MA 1993 ~s ~with the SociBI Sci­ Forum 9 259-278 ences? The Perils of the 1'ostmodem Lanham, SmelaerNJ 1992 Extemallntluencea on sociology.In MD: U Press of America TC HaHiday, M Janowitz eds Sociology and Its GaneHJ 1989Soc:iology In America: thedlaciplne and Publica: The Forms and Fates ofDisciplinaty Or­ the pUbllcAmer SOi::iol Rev 54 1-16 ganization Chicago: UChlcagoPreaa GlazerN 1994Atroublld social ac:ience: book review Stlnchcombe AL 191M ~rated disciplines and of Irving Horowllz'a(~ DecompoaiiJon of the future of sociology SociologJcal Forum 9 279- SociolcigylnAIIanllc 273127-131 291 HalidaYTC-f992Soclology'aflagile~· . \Nilson WJ 1987 The TrulyDisadvantagedChlcago: U in TC HallidaY, M.MnOwitz eda and Its Chicago Preas Publics: The'FotmsandFatesof Or- ganlzationChicago:UChlcagoPreaa Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page83

agencies, and so on) that our teaching and society, much in the tradition of sociologists research practices are greatly affected by historically. pressures to do the impossible and the unde­ In conclusion, we recommend that soci­ sirable. ologists discontinue accepting the blame for As to denunciations of sociology as ineffectual social policy, research, and educa­ nonscientific, those who criticize sociology tion. With greater solidarity and an activist should be put to the task of supporting their stance, it would be within our capacity to criticisms with fact. We could force the rec­ deflect invalid, anti-sociological criticisms. ognition that the problems with sociology are not unique to sociology, notably the concerns ENDNOTES with subjectivity and the emphasis on method­ 1. Nonsociologistsare people who are not sociologists. They have no particular opinion about sociology or ology overshadowing substance. sociologists. Anti-sociologists are people who at­ Relatedly, we can describe the weak­ tribute negative qualities to sociology as a discipline nesses and strengths of all sciences. If con­ and to sociologists as members Of the discipline. fronted, for example, we can compare soci­ Anti-sociologists' criticisms usually are about the presumed commonsensical nature of sociology, ology to math, economics, biology, law, phys­ the triviality ofwhatwestudy, the unscientific nature ics, or any academic discipline on the dimen­ ofourmethodo~,andthe"bleeding-heart"llberal sions of theory, methodology, interpretation, qualities thatsoaologists presumably possess. and the formulation of research questions. 2. Horowitz (1993) wrongly anticipated the closing of theSociologyDepartmentatSanOiegoStateUni­ Falsely criticizing any science can be allevi­ versity. The Department fought to stay open and ated with a recognition of mutual faults. It suc:ceeded. would also be helpful to gamer mutual support 3. For instance, undergraduate enrollments have in­ across sciences and among scientists for creased 20 percent from 1985 to 1990 and M.A. graduates have increased 10 percent from 1988 to intellectual pursuits. 1989,andatleasthalfofthenewPh.D.sintheearly We may not be able to convince our 1990s are women. critics of the value of our work. Skeptics prob­ 4. See the ASA Footnotes 1994-95 on the greater ably can not be convinced. We can, however, involvement during President Clinton's admini­ stration. Scanning the headlines ofthe ASA Foot­ instruct our critics as to the importance of notes, we see that there is reason for optimism standards and to the worth of sociological particularly in saying that sociology as a scientific work. We can do this by offering examples of discipline is very much involved in social and politi­ how we have made and do make a difference cal agendas. The following are amo"P. the recent topics discussed in the Footnotes: Social and in societal attitudes and social policies. If Behavioral Sciences Gain New Presence at NIH" necessary, we can cite studies and research (Vol. 23, No.5), "Sociologists Attend White House findings evidencing our worth. Affirmative Action ~.""[PresldentiaQAdmin­ On the other hand, there is also some­ istration Appoints Sociologists,• "ASA Sponsors Congressional Briefing on Social Security, • "Soci­ thing to be said for not providing such evidence logists Join White House Salute to Women Scien­ but rather forcing the anti-sociologists to de­ tists" (Vol. 23, No. 4), "SocioiOP,ists Meet with fend their position on the valuelessness of our Clinton, Gore" (Vol. 23, No. 2), Clinton Names work. Let those who criticize sociology define WiUiam J. Wilson to Committee on National Medal,· "NIMH Renews MFPwith Subtantial Growth" (Vol. and substantiate their criticisms. We should 22, No. 8), "Clinton Appoints Social Scientists to not be defensive for we have nothing to be ScienceBoard,"and"ASAMeetswithHHSSecre­ defensive about. tary Shalala" (Vol. 22, No. 9). Recruitment of high quality students is 5. Within sociology, there is greater and lesserguiltby an important initial stage to improving the association. Criminologists, sociologists who study crimeandcriminalbehavior,arewro~percelved future products and image of the discipline. In as not contributing to the core ofsocio as much addition to halting sociology's image as the as sociologists who study other social p nornena "cake" program in the university, the program (Berry 1994c). that students who fail in other programs fall REFERENCES back on as an alternative, we need to instill in Alexander JC 1988 The new theoretical movement. in our students a sense of optimism about NJ Smelser ed Handbook of Sociology Newbury sociology's ability to impact social problems. Park: Sage American Sociological Association Footnotes 1994- We need to not restrict our students' fantasies 1995 Washington DC: American Sociological As­ but to encourage them to think in ways that go sociation beyond what we have been able to do. We can Barber B 1987 Effective Social Science: Eight Cases impart the knowledge to our students that will in Economics, Political Science, ancJSociologyNY: Russell Sage · enable them to make a real difference in Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page85 FINDING OURSELVES IN EACH OTHER: BARNEY AND THE OTHER-DIRECTED CHILD Dianne Sykes, Texas A & M University

ABSTRACT The currenUy popular children's television program, Barney and Friends, is utilized as a vehicle for Illustrating what Riesman saw as a shift toward other.:.clirection in American society. Barney programs and merchandisedemonstratethattheemphasisonpeergroupsoclalizationisoccurrlnginthepreschoolmarket. Changesinparentingprac:tices,education,andpolitics,demonstratethatBameyandFriendsUiustratesalarger soclaf shift toward other-direction. It is argued that this shift leads to a packaging of friendships and emotions, and ultimately a loss of individuality and self awareness. INTRODUCTION directedness can also be examined in tenns of Theldeathatmenareaeatedfreeandequal changes in parenting practices, education, is both true and misleading; men are created politics, and the packaging of friends and different: They lose their social freedom and emotions. Bamey and Friends is used here as theirlndividualautonomyinseekingtobecome · a vehicle for discussing concerns raised by like each other. (Riesman 1962) Riesman.

David Riesman's book, The Lonely BARNEY: A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY Crowd (1962), documents a shift in American Barney has been described as, society to what he tenns, other-direction. Chil­ dren in an other-directe

Barney was not originally developed to be a very essential part of the program, as does the teaching tool, but rather, to be a baby-sitter for accompanying choreography performed by preschoolers. The emphasis toward teaching the children actors. seemed to shift once the program was picked Often, Baby Bop appears during the upbyPBS.Inaddition, Barneywasnotaeated middle of the program, and represents how a to model any adult behavior, because Leach two year old should be responding to the and her associates found that when adults activities presented. The children cater to her were present in videos, children lost interest. needs and she usually exits prior to the end of Leach describes Barney as, •a friend to kids. the show. Each show has a "lesson" and the He's an adult, but a playful, childlike, nurturing activities presented usually tie in to the lesson. adult. He celebrates the child" (cited in Bamey Each segment within a program is very short Press Packet 1993). Riesrnan (1962) saw this (less than two minutes), catering to the per­ trend occurring in the other-directed character ceived attention span of preschoolers. type when he noted that "children are more heavily cultivated in their own terms than ever THE ROLE OF NOSTALGIA­ before: TEACHING FOR A NON REAL WORLD Barney was originally conceived of as a If Big Bird reflects the hip urban lives of Ameri­ bear by Leach, but when her child demon­ cans in the 70s, Barney epitomizes a retreat strated an interest in dinosaurs, she altered from that, an embracing of life that is predictable her plans. According to Swartz (1993), Barney and bland. (Swartz 1993) originally sounded more like Perry Como, and Sandy Duncan appeared on the videos as a The three producers of Barney and Friends, singing mom. It was noted that children lost Leach, Parker, and DeShazer, all report happy, interest when Duncan sang, so she was stable middle dass childhoods. Leach feels dumped.Childactorswereintroducedinstead, that even though Barney is a product of the and have become a key component of Barney's 90s, he could have been a product of the 40s (now "Barney and Friendsj success. Later, in or the 50s (Bamey Press Packet 1993). The an effort to mirror the characteristics of two show is an effort to combine current shows year olds, Baby Bop, (a small, female dinosaur such as Sesame Street and Mr. Rogers with who is never without a blanket) was intro­ nostalgic remnants of Romper Room and duced. An older brother, B.J., was later added Captain Kangaroo (Swartz 1993). Old chil­ to reflect a rough-and-tumble older boy. These dren's songs are utilized, especially those with additions could have been intended to expand repetitious verses. Yankee Doodle Dandy be­ the age range of the viewing audience. Chil­ comes Barney's Theme Song, and This Old dren who appear as regulars on the show Man is turned into I Love You. Several advan­ seem to be an attempt to represent some tages can be noted in utilizing such music. multiculturalism; however, aitics have noted Parents can readily relearn these songs with that the racial diversity presented is not be­ new words. Much of the music is in the public lievable (Swartz 1993). domain; therefore, no permission for its use is While the producers of Barney will not required. Recyded music also takes little cre­ reveal their formula for success, after viewing ative effort to develop. Moreover, familiar songs the Bamey and Friends program, it is not from childhood allow adults to take a trip difficult to determine some of the major ingre­ through nostalgia land. Even though she is dients. Each show usually begins with a school highly critical of many aspects of Barney and room/yard or backyard setting. Children are Friends, Swartz admits that present, as well as the small stuffed version of Barney (available of course at many local retail ... he also makes me wishful of my own past; stores).Adults, especially parents, are notice­ what is portrayed as fantasy for today's kid is ably absent. Barney appears magically and simply my childhood - when I could talk to the children welcome him excitedly. The shows strangers and roam my neighborhood atwill ... are thematic: manners, numbers, shapes, (1993) colors, the seasons, a visit to the dentist, etc. As each program progresses, activities are Nostalgia, recycled songs and over­ broken by songs and choreographed move­ whelming sweetness present a world that is ments which appear to be spontaneous, but not real and lessons that are shallow and obviously are well-rehearsed. Music forms a bland. For instance, as the producers met to Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page87 discuss a show on playground safety, the popular among the young and yet so hated by major concerns noted were going down the many adults, it is important to consider how slide, running behind swings, and rock throw­ the role of parents has changed with the shift ing. In the real world, playgrounds across the toward other-direction. The way in which chil­ country are being fenced and locked, as chil­ dren are brought up by their parents is deeply dren are victimized by shooting, drugs and affected by the social and economic system in gang activity. In some areas, inner-city chil­ which the parents live (Wilkinson 1992). Ries­ dren are too scared to even venture to their man (1962) notes that along with other-direc­ local playgrounds. A recent article in the New tion comes an increasing need for socialized Yo1K Times describes the fear in which resi­ behavior. Permissive child care increases with dents of the Cooper Housing projects in New a relaxation of older patterns of discipline. The Orleans, Louisiana, live. Children often sleep peer group relationship becomes a primary under their beds at night in order to avoid stray mode of socialization, since children form bullets (Bragg 1994). On November 7, 1994, these relations at far younger ages (Riesman another New Yo1K Times article reported the 1962). Parents become increasingly doubtful conviction of Eric Smith, a fourteen year old, and anxious about raising their children and accused of bludgeoning a four year old to seek out others for advice. These "others" death. The young boy was Jured into the woods often include the mass media. Parental anxi­ by Smith while walking to a park play program ety has its effect on children as well, since two blocks from his home (Nordheimer 1994). parents Barney and Friends attempts to reflect the values and reality of a middle class, suburban ... cannot help but show their children, by their America that is as non-existent and unrealistic own anxiety, how little they depend on them­ as the Happy Days and Leave It To Beaver selves and how much on others. (Riesman reflections of the past. 1962) Dorothy Singer (cited in Rudolph 1993) argues that children need sweetness and light A study on changing toilet training prac­ when they are young so that they will eventu­ tices will help to illustrate both the growing ally be able to cope with adversity when they change toward other-directedness and the in­ are older. But Barney's world (which includes creasing dependency of parents on •others" such sweetness and light) is not real. Barney advice and counsel. Lieberman (1972) has is not a dinosaur. He is an eighty pound cos­ analyzed this shift through advice given on the tume with a man inside and a voice that comes subject of toilet training in Parents Magazine, from yet another man, bOth of whom remain which has been in print since 1926. During the unnamed. He can't help but smile, because his late 1920s and early 1930s, there was an em­ mouth does not move, nor do his eyes see. The phasis on strict regularity in infant and child children who appear with him are actors, with care. Infants were fed on a schedule which long lists of credentials, who do not use their helped to establish patterns of regularity. Moth­ real names. They are characters filling roles. ers were to chart feeding and bowel movement While nostalgia is comforting and there­ patterns, and infants were held over a pan to fore comfortable, it allows us to rewrite and promote early toilet training. The mother was glorify the past, while neglecting present real­ presented as efficient, in charge, and fully ity; a reality that even for toddlers may include capable of promoting self control in her young sorrow, abuse and neglect. Reality and Barney child. By the late 1930s a shift was occurring. hit each other head on when Leach teamed of Articles emphasized more patience and delay a bogus Barney who entertained at children's in training. In 1938, an article entitled, "Rules birthday parties. He was a convicted child Can Be Broken," appeared which questioned molester (Lefton 1993). Rarely does Barney a rigid conformity to routine and emphasized admit that teaming can also come through guides rather than rules (Lieberman 1972). conflict or sadness, which is amazing given This change may seem hard to understand the rampant moods of toddlers (Swartz 1993). unless we also consider that washing ma­ chines were becoming increasingly common­ WAIT UNTIL YOUR PEERS GET HOME, OR place in more households, and there was, of THE CHANGING ROLE OF PARENTS course, that wonderful invention -the dispos­ In order to understand why a program able diaper. such as Barney and Friends can become so Delaying toilet training not only became Page 88 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology more convenient, but it increased consumer­ and inadequate, but now they are faced with a ship as well. By 1940, articles were discussing televised surrogate parent in the form of a the possible emotional effects forced training dinosaur who pleases their children more than might have on young children. One article they do. Barney becomes an all encompass­ asserted that "the most a parent could do was ing "everything" to little children, as adults guide them [children] a little" (Lieberman 19n). become secondary. And while Barney can Emphasis shifted even further, encouraging teach little boys and gir1s to sing happy songs parents to wait until the child was willing to and hug each other, he cannot teach them how cooperate. The ability of middle dan families to be adults. He can only teach them how to be to purchase washing machines, the produc­ a childlike dinosaur. tion of disposable diapers and a man media that catered to consumerism, created a pow­ EDUCATION FOR THE SOCIAL: erful force in helping to change the direction of BARNEY AS A TEACHER child rearing practices. Leiberman's study also As parental authority becomes increas­ indicates a shift from self controlled, parent ingly relegated to the peer group of a child, the enforced behavior to flexible practices that role of a teacher also makes a shift. The teach­ required as much or more parental adaptation er's position in the inner-directed tradition is as children's. characterized by an emphasis on intellectual · The trend toward developing parental ability and social distance. "It affirms to the dependency on "experr opinion continues to child that what matters is what he can accom­ run strong in current issues of Parents Maga­ plish, not how nice is his smile or how coopera­ zine. In the November 1994 issue, Patrida tive his attitude" (Riesman 1962). As other­ McCormick (1994) offers advice for parents direction predominates, however, teachers trying to teach their children manners. She must concern themselves more with the social proposes teaching manners by appealing to a aspects of education. child's self interest: telling them that other This pattern is highly evident in the people will like them better. In addition, she Bamey and Friends videos. Barney has been notes that ,oday's parents are not confident called the "Pled Piper of children's television" teachers. • The magazine also offers a "prob­ (Lefton 1993). But where is the purple Pied lem of the month" section in which parents Piper leading little children, and what are they write of their concerns. These concerns usu­ learning along the way? Swartz (1993) com­ ally deal with issues of behavior and normalcy. ments that Barney is more than a kids show, And while the editors "solve" these worrisome it is a cause, and that children are consistently inues for the parents, other artides seem reminded to use their imaginations, rely on aimed at instiHing even more anxiety. For friends and give everyone a hug. Vllhile the example, the November and December 1994 videos do promote such cognitive skills as issues both had sections on child develop­ counting,learning colors, and learning shapes, ment, which discu88ed how and when teeth it is evident that the social aspects of children's appeared, what children were able to do at lives are of utmost importance. Spitzman notes specific stages of development, growth pat­ that "Barney is synonymous with the simple terns, etc. In other words, parents were invited values of life. He teaches kids to care about to compare their child with the "norm" and, of one another" (cited in Bamey Press Packet course, become anxious if he or she was not 1993). These "social skills" are taught through better than or equal to the standard. songs, through the modeling of the charaders, Parents, encouraged to be permissive, and through a strong focus on positive group and to socialize their children ear1ier and ear­ relations. lier, find parenting an ambiguous task. No Parents and teachers are responsible longer is one to model adult behavior for for getting children to want to do what they children, but instead, to engage in the child's must do (Riesman 1962), and Bamey's ap­ wortd of play. And the child, who once sought proach is to make everything a silly, happy to be like mommy or daddy, now must learn to game. "Please" and "Thank you" become be like other children. Barney and Friends magic words that provide even more friends as provides a way for little children to find them­ well as instant gratification. Baby Bop, for selves in eactl other. Barney is presented, in instance, wanted a certain color on the pro­ essence, as a teacher and leader of the 90s. gram, Shapes and Numbers. By saying, Not only have parents learned to feel anxious "please" and 1hank you,· she received what Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 P8ge89

she wanted. All lessons are taught by positive THE FOLLOWING LEADER: reinforcement. The answer is never "no, • and BARNEY AND POUTICS negotiations are never required, since no one Barney Is more, much mora than just a fun ever disagrees. So strong is this focus on the aeatureofkld'airn8gil.,_. He ita pro liberal, positive that Barney cannot tolerate any un­ pollticalyconed, tucherafcunentaocialval­ happiness. During the Bamey, Uve From New uea being promoted by a generation of one Yorlc video, the children are sad because it is wortdera. (Chambers 1994) raining. Barney leads them in song after song, ending with one that asks them to think of It is hard to imagine how a simple, purple and raindrops as candy, until the children brighten green dinosaur could in any W8Y be Involved up. Once the children become "adjusted• to with politics. Yet Barney is considered to be the thinking positively, the rain disappears. There most politically correct star on television (Cham­ is no room in Barney's world for sadness or bers 1994; Swartz 1993). He was even Invited depression. to play a part in Bill Clinton'' inaugural parade. Overbeck (1994) comments that "if our Two year old Elizabeth Wein and her father kids learn loving ways as toddlers, imagine were given the opportunity to ride on the . how they'll transform our mean streets as they "Barney Float.· Elizabeth was oveiWhelmed grow up: It is this type of naivete that charac­ by the dinosaur, who stands well over six feet terizes Bamey and Friends. It presupposes tall. Though she spoke to him, Barney could that children, by learning love and tolerance, only dance a response back to her, since of will be able to transform the wor1d. It is impor­ course he had left his voice at home. As the tant to note that children on the streets today float made its way down the street, "the young­ were raised with Sesame Street and Mr. est spectators shouted Barney's theme song Rogers, programs that also focus on self or stared at him in awe - as if he wem the esteem and positive relationships (Coates, purpleembodimentofBii/Ciinton" (Weisl1993). Pusser, Goodman 1976). To assign toddlers Even Peter Jennings commented on Barney's the task of transforming violence to love ne­ popularity: "Boy is he popular! Big Bird is an glects the need for any formal societal change, institution, but Barney is a rage• (cited in and places that burden on the next generation Bamey Pmss Packet 1993). of adults rather than on the present orie. It also The Barney float was a 24 foot red reinforces what Slater refers to as the toilet wagon with high walls to protect the famous assumption-- dinosaur. There were about a dozen kids on the float, each provided with Barney tee shirts, the notion that all unwanted matter, unwanted cowboy hats, neckerchiefs, and American flags dillicultles, unwanted con lplediesandobstades to "aeate the impression that we just hap­ will disappear if they are removed from our pened along on a patriotic hay ride• (Weiss immediate field ofvision ... (1993) 1993). While Clinton did not appear to notice Children are taught to imagine away all the float, Weiss (1993) did not feel slighted. He sadness and sorrow. comments that "when you're an 'FOB' -Friend of Barney - life is too sweet to care: And Thustheother-directedchildiataughtatschool perhaps this is the political platform Barney (and on Barney and Friends) to take his place could utilize, should he care to run -life is too in a society where the concern of the group is sweet to care. less with what it produces than with its Internal Barney emulates the perfect other-di­ group relations, its morale. (Riesman 1962) rected leader; one who is more concerned with popularity than issues, sincerity rather than That morale is based on a shallow, feeJ..good truth. The following leader checks the polls always ideology which must, in tum, be totally and determines how to lead by following the intolerant of any negativity, individual thought, ups and downt of public opinion. He Is not a initiative or creativity which might oppose that believer in laissez faire politic:.; he hat no trust order. Children following Barney are taking In in his followers 01 c::awork8rl. Rllther, he ma­ more than cognitive lessons because thoee nipulates through popularity and sincerity. lessons are packaged in the Bamey and Decisions are made far in advan<:e; proper Friend's Ideology. marketing atrategles and I1'Mtdia representa­ tion• create the image that people ·are really Page 90 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Ff981nquiry In Cleative Sociology making choices. In one of the Barney and even willing to pay scalpers' $200 for tickets to Friends shows, Baby Bop wants to play a the Barney Uve Concert at Radio City Music game. It is decided to have a vote, and, of HaD (Overbeck 1994). course, the children "vote• unanimously to Commercials are seldom used and don't play a game. What if someone had voted no? appear to be necessary. Perhaps a key reason But of course that could not occur in Barney's is that the products target a group of children, wortd, for all answers and actions are saipted rather than individuals~ This collective has far in advance. Adomo notes that many separate parent billfolds and credit cards. To little children, these products represent the majority oftelevision shows today aim at what other children have. Parents, who worry producing or at least reprodudng the very to­ that their children must have what others have talitarian creeds even lfthe surface message of to be successful, follow suit. In addition, Barney the show may beantitotafitarian. (1991) presents an image of cooperation, love and sharing, which many parents would love to see Even as toddlers, Barney's followers are learn­ expressed by their child. ing not only how to find themselves in each While little fonnal advertising is utilized, other but to accept the style, authority, and each Barney video does begin with a stuffed sincerity of the following leader. version of Barney, waiting for the children to imagine him to life. The Bamey doll is not just Thus the children ara supposed to leam de­ any doll-Barney's ability to appear and to be mocracy by underplaying the skills of intellect your friend depends on this doll. No commer­ and overplaying the skills of gregariousness cials are needed here. During the Christmas and amiability. (Riesman 1962) video, Barney provides the children with clothes in which to travel. Every shirt had a very visible LESSONS IN CONSUMERISM insignia of Barney. While children's wear such Barney products have become highly as Osh Kosh B'Gosh symbolize a quality of martetable commodities. J. C. Penney's re­ fabric and style, Barney wear and products ported more than $60 miHion in Barney busi­ symbolize a set of values. Children wearing ness in 1992. Executives at Macy's are plan­ these products •belong• and so do their par­ ning to open Barney shops filled with ready to ents. wear, accessories, toys, and novelties (Reda 1993), and Barry Slotnick, a lawyer for the PACKAGED FRIENDSHIPS AND Lyons Group (consisting of Leach, Parter, and EMOTIONS DeShazer), has sued over one hundred imita­ tors of Barney goods in a six month period /love you, you love me, we'nt a happy family (Lefton 1993). Barney is big business, so big ~a gt88t big hug and a Kiss from me to you that public appearances are limited because Won't you say you love me too. too many people show up. In addition, coordi­ I love you, you love me nating a voice and costume in public probably We'nt best friends like friends should be aeates some unique problema, and the •myth• ~a great big hug and a kiss from me to you of Barney must remain intact. The high de­ Won't you say you love me too. mand for Bamey paraphernalia and the will­ (Words by Paul DeShazer) ingness of adults to purchase such items, aid in the establishment of consumership patterns In addition to Bamey products such as among preschoolers. Barney and Friends tar­ dothing toys and novelties, the program itself gets an audience who is highly dependent on also offers prepackaged friends and prepack­ parental willingness to purchase their prod­ aged emotions to children. These "friends· ucts. If we consider, however, that the other­ have been chosen for the viewers and repre­ directed type of parent is anxious and .con­ sent a fairty even distribution of gender and cerned that his or her child ftt in with peers, then ethnicity. Seven days a week, and often more one can also understand why people such as than once a day, •Barney's Backyard Gang• is Peggy Charren (former director of Action for prepared to laugh, sing, dance, and play with Children's Television) who, although finding the viewing audience. They always get along, the program somewhat deceptive, still pur­ and always remember to say, •please• and chased a. Barney doll for her three year old ~ank you. • If Bamey represents a surrogate grandchild (Jordon 1993). Some parents were parent, his child friends can be considered Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page91 surrogate friends to the child audience. This other. Slowly, and perhaps imperceptibly, the becomes a matter of critical concern if we mass child is being formed. consider just how essential friends are for other-directed types: DETERMINISTIC IMAGINING: THE LOSS OF CREATIVITY But his need for approval and direction from There is an air of excited anticipation. others-and contemporary others rather than Radio City Music Hall is filled to capacity. The ancestors-goes beyond the reasons that lead camera pans an audience filled with anxious most people in any era to care very much what youngsters and their parents. They are wait­ people think ofthem. While all people want and ing. The lights dim, and the Bamey ·Theme need to be liked by some of the people some of Song begins. Children from the "Backyard the time, it Is only the modem other-directed Gang• appear on stage. The excitement types who make this theirchiefsourceofdirec­ mounts as Barney's name is announced. And tion and chief area of sensitivity. (Riesman announced again. The spotlight searches for 1962) the hard to miss dinosaur. Children are asking mommy and daddy, "Where is he?" Parents Other-directed children are not just are probably wondering how one explains a making friends; they are busy finding them­ missing dinosaur, or whether they can get a selves in each other. Iftheir relations with other refund. But then, the answer! Barney is a children are mediated by mass media, then, dinosaur from our imagination! The children perhaps, they are left with finding themselves are instructed to close their eyes and imagine in surface images and emotions. These emo­ Barney into existence. The camera once again tions as well, are conveniently packaged for pans the audience full of children and parents consumption. They are, however, only the with tightly closed eyes. Barney enters, to the emotions necessary for the morale of the happy cheers of young children and relieved Barney group. Lasch warns us not to overes­ parents. timate the degree to which impulse can be The use of imagination is an essential socialized: part of every Barney video. Children imagine him into existence, participate in pretend ac­ the American cult of friendliness conceals but tivities and are at times led on pretend jour­ does not eradicate a murderousCOf'l1l8tition for neys. This type of pretend, however has goods and position; indeed this COfl1)8tition has changed with the increase in other-directed­ grown more savage in an age of diminishing ness. Children viewing Bamey and Friends are expectations. (1992) asked to participate in group imagining and pretending, and participation is not optional. In Other-directed children are told to be good addition, what is to be imagined is predeter­ sports, good friends, good students, eat good mined and pre-created. Barney, of course, foods, and even to get a good nighfs sleep. already "exists, • as do all of the pretend envi­ The littlest of children are reminded that Santa ronments and other creations that children are won't bring them presents ifthey have not been asked to imagine into existence. The imagina­ good. Being good becomes the all encom­ tion, which was once internal and personal, passing moral duty. now becomes a group property involving no As legitimate outlets for aggression be­ creativity on the part of the individual. come increasingly limited within society, voy­ French and Pena (1991) have also noted eurism may increase. Our society feasts daily another significant change in the use of imagi­ on a vicarious diet of violence and aggression. nation and pretend play. They conducted a Studies indicate that viewing violence on tele­ study of pre and post television viewers to vision desensitizes children to actual violence determine if hero and play themes differed. (Cashmore 1994). If this is true, then perhaps While other age groups remained relatively Bamey and Friends, which allows children to stable, they found that post television viewers become voyeurs offriendship,love, and emo­ had significantly more heroic play themes in tion, also limits their ability to respond to and early childhood. While they found that histori­ express themselves genuinely. As the Pied cally. preschool age children tended to pretend Piper leads his followers down the path of the roles of people who were clole to them and tolerance and mindless conformity, they begin which they desired to model, there has been a to look, think, act and feel a bit more like each growing trend toward fantasy heroes with Page 92 Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

limited qualities and limited emotional ranges. gradually died, still gazing at his reflection. He French and Pena expressed concern for this fell in love with an Image of himself; a shallow shift away from the preschoolers preferring to representation of self. Other-directed children model family members and other real people: find only shallow images of themselves in others. And, as with a pool of water, those Today's young child may not be exploring and images are fragile and changing, requiring rehearsing to the fullest extent the subtleties of that children utilize their radar to pick up and daly Ire. Theymaybemlsslngtheplaylngoutof respond to those changes. "Thus true indi­ 0011ITIOI!placeevenlaandpersonlllnlllillolllhlps viduality goes together with pride, while want which make up the life experience of most of individualism frequently appears in our people. They may not be working on the tun culture 88 selfishne88" (Riesman 1954). VVhen ~W~g~tofemotions-nulturing, guidance, nego­ the heart Is disengaged from the mind the tiating, bossing, disciplining. (1991) ability to act spontaneously and therefore out of "genuine human goodness" (Mestrovic Detenninlstic imagining robs children of 1993) Is restrained. their creativity. VVithout aeativity, they cannot Some may argue that Bamey and pretend play the role of the adults they wiU Friends places great emphasis on what is someday be, and 88 the Imagination becomes termed self-esteem. SWartz (1993) finds the an external rather than internal force, it be­ most commonly used word in the Barney comes oppressive rather than freeing. programs is the word, "special.· In addition, It is constantly reinforcec;t in the You AI& Special WHEN HEART AND MIND NO LONGER song: COMMUNICATE: THE LOSS OF INDIVIDUAUTY You at& .,.Cia/, you'l8 the only one Once the ability to be creative is di­ You'l8 the only one like you minished and children are led to use their 1'hefe Isn't another in the whole wide world imaginations as a group and to benefit the ~can do the things you do. group, they ant left with little reason or ability Oh you'l8 .,.cia/, special, evei)'Ofle is to find and to utilize their own aeative pro­ .,.a.~ cesses, and to 8CC888 their own unique emo­ E~ In h/sorherown way tions. Children who ftnd themselves in each You're Important, oh you 18ally 818 other cannot afford to find any uniqueness You'l81he only one ofyou within themselves. The world Is better, just because you'l8 here All emotional Identifications are limited You should know that we love you. by the code of the peer group (Riesman 1962). (Words and music by Paul DeShazer) The adjusted other-directed child, Once again, one can detect a shal­ haaleameclto look lbthose others with whom lowness that is characteristic of Barney and he has been brought up, with whom he has Friends. Special does not mean autonomous. learned cooperalion, tolerance, and ..traintof In one particular instance where the idea of temper.ln this process he 11M lellmedtoforget being special was introduced, the children aspec:taofhlscNraclerthatantnot'soc:lal,'not held their arms together to show the differing other-diredld. (Riesman 1962) shades of their skin. Special applies to exter­ nals, and is reminiscent of the politically cor­ When the heart and mind no longer com­ rect tenn, multicultural. "Special. becomes municate because what was once Internal is the politically correct preschool term. This type now introduced externally, one may only find of"speciar does not lead to autonomy, It leads the shallowest of emotions, the perfect breed­ to adjustment. This is defined by Riesman ing ground for narcl881sm. (1962) as an individual who is • ... able to Narcl88us, If one remembers, was a respond through their character structure to handsome youth who spumed the love of the demands of society.• It is reminiscent of beautiful maidens. The nymph, Echo, was Marcuse's (1964), "happy consciousness; In madly in love with him but was also rejected. that, As a punishment, Nemesis caused Narcissus to fal hopelasaly in love with his Image 88 he ... the child's nice childhood, described by saw It reflected in a pool of water. Narci88US Riesman, prepared him or her for the happy Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 24 No. 1, May 1996 Page93

adulthood found in Marcuse's writings. The REFERENCES nice and happy consciousness ensures that Adorno TW 1991 The Cufful8 Industry London: Routledge one will obey without thinking, join without hesi­ Barney Pt8ss Packet 1993 Allen, TX: The Lyons tation, and be part of a society without opposi­ tion. (Mestrovicforthcoming) Bragg~994Whereachiklonthestoopcanalrikefear New York Times, 2 December, Section A 1 Cashmore E 1994 And Then Thel8 WU Television A FINAL LOOK AT BARNEY AND HIS NY· Routledge FRIENDS Chambers JR 1994 Barney: an abomination unto the Barney is a dinosaur from ourimaginat;on Lord Hatp81'S March pp ~ 1 . and when he's he's what call Coates B, HE Pusser,l Goodman 1978 The influence tan we of Sesame Street and Hster Rogets Neighbor­ a dinosaur sensation hood on children's social behavior in preschool B8mey'sfrlends818bigandsmal; Theycome Child Development47138-144 from lots ofplaces FrenchJ, S Pena 1991 Children's heroplayofthe 20th After school they meet play and sing with Qentury: changearesultlna fromtefevfslon's influ­ to ence Child StUdy J 21 6 79-94 happy faces. Goleman D 1995 Emot/onallntei/Qenoe NY: Bantam Barney shows us lots ofthings like how to play Grfffith-RobertsC, GO Ford 1993 Through the eyes of ptBtend a child Soulhem l.Mng28 October pp 100+ ABC's and one two thtees and how to be a LaschC 1992Theculuntolnardssism.lri RV\Ititson edAmeticanSoclaJChatacter. Modem,.,.. friend. t;ons from the 40's to the Pt8sent (orlglnal1979) Barney comes to play with us NY: Harper-Collins Barney can be your friend too Ifyou just make Lefton T1993Hasbro'sown Barney boom BlancMtlelc believe him. 1 February p 4 Lieberman L 1972 The changing ideology of sociali­ (Words by Paul DeShazer) zation: toilet training, mass media and society lntemat J Corltempot8ly Soclology910 188-199 If the only way autonomy can be Mc:CormickP 1994 Mind yourmannersPatwrtaM!Ig&­ zlne Novemberpp48-52 achieved is through self awareness (Riesman Marcuse H1964 One-Dimensional MllnLondon:Aba­ 1962), we must seriously consider what is lost cus when we allow Barney to baby-sit our children. Mestrovic SG 1993 The Barbarian T~t: Yet, Bamey is merely indicative of a society that is shifting further and further towards the T~:.=::rn~=:~ AOial1iiner J 1994 Y"outh 14 Is sentenced to of hegemony of other-directedness. V\lhile per­ boy 4 New York Times 8 November section A 3 haps this has led us to become more respon­ OverbeckJ 19941 toveyou ... you hate me? T.v. Guide sive to others, that responsiveness appears to 23April pp 30-2 Red8 S 1993 The Barney boom Strws June 56-7 be shallow and based on our own selfish Rlesman D 1954lndlvldualism Reconsidered Glen­ needs. coe,IL: Free Press In order to be autonomous, we must ~~,1962 Thel.onelyCtowdoriginalypublished have what Riesman terms, 1950 New Haven: Yale U Press RudoiDh 11993 When Barney meets TRex T.V. Guide 7August2 the neNeoffailunl[which is]thecouragetoface SlalerPE 1892Thepursuitoflonelineu. pp201-18 in aloneness and the possibility of defeat in one's R Wilkinson edAmerican Social Chai'8cter. Mod­ personal Jil'eorone'sWOft(withoutbelng moraDy em lntetJ;Netallonfrom the 40's to the PresentNY: destroyed: HIs in a large sense the to be' Harper-Collins nerve Swartz M 1993 lnvaion of the giant purple dinosaur oneselfwhensocletymaydisapprove.(1954) Texas Monthly21 April pp 124-127 Weiss MJ 1993 Barney and me Washingtonian 28 Barney and Friends is a reftection of a March176 \NIIclnson R 1992Ametleen SoclaJChanlcler. Modem society in which individual's are rapidly losing lnterpretatkxls from the 40's to the Present. NY: their social freedom and ability to act autono­ Harper-CoUins mously, in exchange for being more like each other (Riesman 1962). As little children inno­ cently follow the Pied Piper, one must wonder if individuality is being locked away; repressed by the overwhelming necessity to find oneself in each other. Not only are our children losing themselves; perhaps we are also losing a generation of creativity, imagination, and com­ passion. Page 94 Vo/u/116 24 No. 1, May 1996 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

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