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Race and Disorder: Addressing Social Disadvantages Through State Regeneration in a Multi-Ethnic Community in Leeds

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Race and Disorder: Addressing Social Disadvantages Through State Regeneration in a Multi-Ethnic Community in Leeds View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Northumbria Research Link Race and Disorder: Addressing Social Disadvantages through State Regeneration in a Multi-Ethnic Community in Leeds Oluwarotimi Osidipe A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Northumbria at Newcastle for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2011 Abstract This thesis critically examines governmental responses to physical and social disorder in inner-city neighbourhoods through urban regeneration policies. Through an exploration of historical, social and political narratives on urban areas, the thesis identifies that the concept of dangerous places and faces has been a dominant discourse and feature in Britain for the past 200 years. Using Chapeltown, Leeds as a case study, this thesis explores the urban regeneration interventions in this area. Chapeltown is selected because it is, historically, a community with a high population of minority ethnic people and immigrants. Thus, „race‟ and racism, and a critique of public policies as they affect UK Black and minority ethnic communities are the primary concerns of this thesis. It is argued that the tools of urban regeneration aimed at tackling physical and social disorder such as partnership, participation and community involvement/engagement are mere „rhetorical devices‟ that are out of sync with normative standards of citizenship and fairness. The thesis has adopted a case study research methodology. It argues that for social and physical disorder to be tackled, there is the need to consider how the concept of citizenship should be the central issue in urban regeneration policies. The thesis concludes that the processes that result in some urban neighbourhoods being considered „bad‟, „dangerous‟ or „criminal‟ must be understood as part of a broader set of political-economic forces which shapes the spatial distribution of urban populations and, in particular, the „placing‟ of the poor in urban space. Hence there is the need to examine the social and physical disorder using the lens of citizenship. i List of Contents Abstract i List of Contents ii List of Tables and Diagrams vi Acknowledgement vii Declaration viii Introduction 1 Chapter 1- Theoretical and Political Debates on the Concept of ‘Disorder’ 1.0. Introduction 12 1.1. Theoretical Debates on Neighbourhood Disorder 15 1.1.1 Chicago School and the Concept of Social Disorganisation 15 1.1.2 Hunter‟s Symbol of Incivilities 23 1.1.3. Broken Windows Theory 25 1.1.4. Disorder and Decline 31 1.1.5. Collective Efficacy 36 1.1.6 Marxist and Conflict Theories 42 1.2. Political definition of Disorder 43 1.3. Summary 51 Chapter Two: Historical Precedents to the Social Construction of ‘Race’ and ‘Disorder’ in Britain 2.0. Introduction 54 2.1. The Irish Immigrants 56 2.2. The Jewish Immigrants 68 2.3. Post Second World War Immigrants 77 2.4. Summary 89 ii Chapter Three: Political Construction of Problem Areas through Urban Regeneration Policies 3.0. Introduction 92 3.1. Urbanisation and Industrialisation: Geographies of Exclusion in Victorian Britain 97 3.2. The Emergence of Urban Regeneration in the 20th Century 104 3.2.1 The Urban Experiments 112 3.2.2. The Urban Experiment and the Challenge to the Culture of Poverty Thesis 115 3.3. De-industrialisation and Polarisation of Cities in the mid- and late-20th Century 118 3.4. The language of Urban Regeneration under New Labour: Brief Overview 127 3.5. Summary 128 Chapter Four: Research Methods and Methodology 4.0. Introduction 130 4.1. Case Study Method: the raison d'être 132 4.1.1. What is a Case? 132 4.1.2 Case Study: theoretical discussion and justification 135 4.1.3. Definitions, Scope and Types of Case Studies 137 4.1.4. Case Study and the Question of Generalization 145 4.2. Data Collection Methods 149 4.2.1. Semi-Structured Interviews with „Key Actors‟ 150 4.2.2. Questionnaire Survey of Residents 155 4.2.3. Sampling 158 4.2.4. Documentary Data 160 4.2.5. Direct Observation 161 4.2.6. Validity and Reliability 162 4.2.7. Access 167 4.3. Reflection on the „Insider‟ and „Outsider‟ Debate 167 4.4. Summary 169 iii Chapter Five: Chapeltown, Leeds: Experiences of Regeneration 5.0. Introduction 170 5.1. Chapeltown, Leeds 171 5.1.1. Chapeltown 172 5.1.2. Social Cohesion, Community Cohesion and Disorder 179 5.1.2.1. Community Cohesion and Disorder: The Residents‟ Views 189 5.1.2.2. Community and Disorder: Neighbourhood Perception 191 5.2. Regeneration Activities in Chapeltown 197 5.3. Summary 204 Chapter Six: Public Participation and Community Engagement in Urban Regeneration 6.0. Introduction 206 6.1. Modernisation, Community Participation and Partnership 207 6.1.1. Research Findings on Community Participation and Engagement 214 6.2. The Concept of Community 224 6.3. Summary 230 Chapter Seven: Citizenship, Welfare, Social and Physical Disorder 7.0. Introduction 235 7.1. Concept of Citizenship and Welfare Provisions: Discourses and Debates 236 7.1.1. The Creation of the Welfare State in Britain 240 7.2. Race, Ethnicity, Citizenship and Welfare 244 7.3 Summary 250 Summary and Conclusion 254 Bibliography 261 iv Appendix 1 281 Appendix 2 283 v List of Tables and Diagrams Figure1: The Construction and Reproduction of Disorder 10 Figure 2: Symbol of incivilities 24 Figure 3: Broken Windows Theory 29 Figure 4: Disorder and Decline Thesis 33 Figure 5: Ethnicity of respondents 157 Figure 6: Chapeltown Ethnic Composition 173 Figure 7: Map of Chapeltown 174 Figure 8: Chapeltown Faith Groups 175 Figure 9: Households and Economic Inactivity 176 Figure 10: Domain Summary of Chapeltown 176 Figure 11: Five Dimensions of Social Cohesion 183 Figure 12: Community Cohesion in Chapeltown 189 Figure 13: Residents‟ Perception of Disorder 192 Figure 14: Arnstein‟s Ladder of Citizen Participation 211 Figure 15: Regeneration and Awareness 215 Figure 16: Awareness and Consultation 216 Figure 17: Consultation and Views 217 Tables Table 1: Conceptual map for answers to “What is a Case?” 133 Table 2: Three types of case studies 143 vi Acknowledgement Gratitude is not only the greatest of virtues, but the parent of all the others. Cicero To God who is able to do exceedingly and abundantly above all we might ask or think; I give all the glory. I wish to acknowledge the support, kindness, love, and encouragement of my family. I really appreciate all that you have done I also wish to express my gratitude to Martin and Patricia for their words of encouragement and support. Special thanks to Dr Bankole Cole, a great mentor and a total legend. Your advice, encouragement and critical views proved useful in the writing up of this thesis. Most importantly, to my dear EM, who stood by me throughout the writing period. vii Declaration I declare that the work contained in this thesis has not been submitted for any other award and that it is all my own work Name Signature Date viii Introduction There is a long history of public disorder in Britain. These disorders were underpinned by political, economic, religious, social and even cultural factors. Examples include the Peasants‟ Revolt of 1381, 1667 Corn Excise riots, 1842 General Strike, the Suffragette Marches 1910-14, the 1919 race riots, Brixton Riots 1981, Coal dispute 1984-5, Poll Tax Revolt 1990 and, most recently, the 2011 urban riots. However, in this thesis disorder is considered from the lens of conditions and events which signal that a neighbourhood is in decline, which is both physical and social in nature. Physical disorder is indicated by junk and trash in vacant lots, poor maintenance of homes, boarded- up buildings, vandalism of public and private property, graffiti, and abandoned vehicles. Social disorder will include bands of teenagers congregating on street corners, public solicitation for prostitution, joblessness, begging, public drinking, verbal harassment, and drug use. According to Skogan (1988) disorder within neighbourhoods involves both visual signs of physical deterioration and behavioural evidence of social disorganisation. The concepts of disorderly population and disorderly places have a long history in Britain. Indeed, they are presented and represented in diverse ways and forms in political and social discourses on urban problems. Phrases such as „rebellious mobs‟, „dangerous classes‟, „paupers‟, „pimps‟, „vagrants‟, „pickpockets‟, „beggars‟, „filthy‟, „worse than wild animals‟, „contagious‟, „chaotic‟, „underclass‟, welfare- junkies/dependants‟, „foreign‟, „criminal race‟ and „alien‟ have been used to describe the urban poor. In addition, the areas inhabited by the working class have been described as „problem areas‟ „locales of social disorganisation‟, „lawless zones‟, „wild district of the city‟, „inner-cities‟ and „excluded communities‟. Most importantly, there is an enduring legacy of historical continuity and a powerful resonance of immigration and „race‟ entrenched in the debate on disorderly population and places. 1 Consequently, disorder is bound up with racially and spatially understood meanings, and these have become institutionalised and legitimised. Central to modern debates on urban problems is the notion of „problematic citizens‟ - those (British citizens) with pathological traits and behaviours such as problems of indiscipline, lack of self-control or social control, in need of „remoralising‟, „responsibilizing‟ and „recitizenisation‟ in order to fit into mainstream society. This is noticeable in the language of the New Labour government in relation to social inclusion. For instance, those labelled as socially excluded are clearly not viewed positively, since to be validated as a full citizen, it is necessary to achieve „inclusion in the cultural mainstream and labour market participation‟ (see Haylett, 2003). As such public and social policies in Britain since the 19th Century have probably done more to stigmatise, exclude and polarise groups especially those that live in inner-city communities.
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