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Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) Cabang Padang Pariaman (1968-1971)
Analisis Sejarah Vol.9 No. 2, 2020 Labor Sejarah Unand Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) Cabang Padang Pariaman (1968-1971) Irmun Guru SMP Negeri 5 Payakumbuh, Sumatera Barat Abstrak Partai Islam memainkan peranan penting dalam proses pendewasaan masa awal Orde Baru, ia mempunyai peranan yang lebih kompleks, meskipun sering terpinggirkan oleh kebijakan politik pemerintah. Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) sebagai salah satu kekuatan politik pada masa itu, turut serta membangun sistem demokrasi di negeri ini, meskipun dalam perjalanan sejarahnya sering dikooptasi pemerintah. Parmusi Cabang Padang Pariaman adalah partai yang juga ikut turut serta dalam membangun sistem demokrasi di daerah Padang Pariaman dan akhirnya nafas partai ini berakhir setelah adanya fusi partai dibawah kendali pemerintahan Orde Baru. A. PENDAHULUAN Sejak awal kelahirannya Orde Baru ditandai dengan produktivitas yang meningkat, swasembada beras tahun 1984, perkembangan ekonomi nasional rata- rata 7% setahun dari 1960-1980 an.1 Hal yang lebih mengagumkan lagi adalah kemampuan pemerintah di bawah arsitek ekonomi Widjojo Nitisastro mampu mengatasi krisis ekonomi di awal 1960-an. Terlepas dari prestasi ekonomi yang dicapai pemerintah Orde Baru, juga diikuti pengendalian pemerintah terhadap kehidupan sosial politik. Penegasan mengenai stabilitas politik ini menurut Eep Saefulloh Fatah dimulai dengan penghancuran musuh negara yang secara historis bisa menjadi potensi memusuhi dan merongrong kewibawaan Orde Baru.2 Kelompok ini terdiri dari kekuatan loyalis Soekarno, kekuatan Komunis, Kelompok PSI, dan kelompok Masyumi. Pada awal kelahiran Orde Baru, eks pendukung Masyumi yang berjasa dalam menumbangkan Orde Lama, berharap dapat merehabilitasi Masyumi yang diberangus oleh Soekarno pada masa Demokrasi Terpimpin.3 Namun usulan dan harapan itu ditolak mentah-mentah oleh Soeharto, berdasarkan suratnya kepada Prawoto Mangkusasmito tanggal 6 Januari 1967. -
Elections in Indonesia
Not logged in Talk Contributions Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Search Wikipedia Elections in Indonesia From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Main page Elections in Indonesia have taken place since 1955 to elect a legislature. At a national level, Indonesian people did not elect a head Indonesia Contents of state – the president – until 2004. Since then, the president is elected for a five-year term, as are the 560-member People's Featured content Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) and the 128-seat Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Current events Daerah).[1] Random article Donate to Wikipedia Members of the People's Representative Council are elected by proportional representation from multi-candidate constituencies. Wikipedia store Currently, there are 77 constituencies in Indonesia and each returns 3-10 Members of Parliament based on population. Under Indonesia's multi-party system, no one party has yet been able to secure an outright victory; parties have needed to work together in Interaction coalition governments. Members of the Regional Representative Council are elected by single non-transferable vote. There, This article is part of a series on the Help Indonesia's 34 provinces treated as constituencies and, regardless of the size and population, every provinces return 4 senators. politics and government of About Wikipedia Indonesia Community portal Starting from the 2015 unified local elections, Indonesia started to elect governors and mayors simultaneously on the same date. Pancasila (national philosophy) Recent changes The voting age in Indonesia is 17 but anyone who has an ID card (Indonesian: Kartu Tanda Penduduk (KTP)) can vote, since persons Contact page Constitution under 17 who are or were married can get a KTP. -
The Rise of Islamic Religious-Political
Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi THE RISE OF ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN INDONESIA The Background, Present Situation and Future1 Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi The Institute for Islamic Studies of Darussalam, Gontor Ponorogo, Indonesia Abstract: This paper traces the roots of the emergence of Islamic religious and political movements in Indonesia especially during and after their depoliticization during the New Order regime. There were two important impacts of the depoliticization, first, the emergence of various study groups and student organizations in university campuses. Second, the emergence of Islamic political parties after the fall of Suharto. In addition, political freedom after long oppression also helped create religious groups both radical on the one hand and liberal on the other. These radical and liberal groups were not only intellectual movements but also social and political in nature. Although the present confrontation between liberal and moderate Muslims could lead to serious conflict in the future, and would put the democratic atmosphere at risk, the role of the majority of the moderates remains decisive in determining the course of Islam and politics in Indonesia. Keywords: Islamic religious-political movement, liberal Islam, non-liberal Indonesian Muslims. Introduction The rise of Islamic political parties and Islamic religious movements after the fall of Suharto was not abrupt in manner. The process was gradual, involving numbers of national and global factors. 1 The earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference “Islam and Asia: Revisiting the Socio-Political Dimension of Islam,” jointly organized by Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA) and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM), 15-16 October, Tokyo. -
Studia Islamika
Volume 24, Number 2, 2017 ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻭﻥ، ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ٢، ٢٠١٧ T R K S S O S S: E L, E G Achmad Ubaedillah ‘R’ N -S: A B B D Mehmet Özay E I S L C S T C اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻳﺦ Raihani واﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء اﻟﺤﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ Priangan: P E C D ( I I U P (PSII اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻷﺧﻀﺮ ١٩٤٢-١٩٢٠ ﻧﻤﻮذﺟﺎ Valina Singka Subekti ﳏﻤﺪ ﺇﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ E-ISSN: 2355-6145 STUDIA ISLAMIKA STUDIA ISLAMIKA Indonesian Journal for Islamic Studies Vol. 24, no. 2, 2017 EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Azyumardi Azra MANAGING EDITOR Oman Fathurahman EDITORS Saiful Mujani Jamhari Didin Syafruddin Jajat Burhanudin Fuad Jabali Ali Munhanif Saiful Umam Ismatu Ropi Dadi Darmadi Jajang Jahroni Din Wahid INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD M. Quraish Shihab (Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta, INDONESIA) Tauk Abdullah (Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), INDONESIA) M.C. Ricklefs (Australian National University, AUSTRALIA) Martin van Bruinessen (Utrecht University, NETHERLANDS) John R. Bowen (Washington University, USA) M. Kamal Hasan (International Islamic University, MALAYSIA) Virginia M. Hooker (Australian National University, AUSTRALIA) Edwin P. Wieringa (Universität zu Köln, GERMANY) Robert W. Hefner (Boston University, USA) Rémy Madinier (Centre national de la recherche scientique (CNRS), FRANCE) R. Michael Feener (National University of Singapore, SINGAPORE) Michael F. Laffan (Princeton University, USA) ASSISTANT TO THE EDITORS Testriono Muhammad Nida' Fadlan Endi Aulia Garadian ENGLISH LANGUAGE ADVISOR Dick van der Meij Daniel Peterson ARABIC LANGUAGE ADVISOR Tb. Ade Asnawi COVER DESIGNER S. Prinka STUDIA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 0215-0492; E-ISSN: 2355-6145) is an international journal published by the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta, INDONESIA. -
Political Parties and Voter Mobilisation in Local Government Elections in Indonesia: the Case of Manado City
Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government of the University of Canberra Stefanus Sampe Political Parties and Voter Mobilisation in Local Government Elections in Indonesia: the case of Manado City January 2015 Abstract Democratisation and decentralisation in Indonesia have brought significant changes in local politics, especially concerning elections. Since the enactment of Law 32/2004 on Local Government, the local executive elections in Indonesia, which were previously done by the local councils, have been carried out directly by the people. People have been given the opportunity to exercise their right to determine their leaders at the local level. Likewise, political parties have seized the opportunity to participate in local elections by recruiting candidates and mobilising voters. The direct local government election has become a central element in Indonesia’s decentralisation policy. Through the election, the local people are encouraged to participate in choosing their leaders and passing judgment on government’s performance. However, there is far less research and writing on local elections than on national elections, both in Indonesia and in developing countries more generally. This thesis aims to make a contribution to filling this gap in the literature on local election by in-depth case study research on electoral mobilisation undertaken by political parties in the local government elections in Indonesia. The research examines in detail the ways in which political parties in an Indonesian city, Manado, go about mobilising citizens to vote for their candidate and seeks different actors’ views on the effectiveness on the various mobilisation techniques. This research uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches to examine the 2010 local government election in Manado City. -
How Islamic Parties Organize at the Local Level in Post-Suharto Indonesia
HOW ISLAMIC PARTIES ORGANIZE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA An Empirical Study of Six Major Islamic Parties In The Tasikmalaya District, West Java Province Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades Dr. rer. pol. im Fach Politischewissenschaft vorgelegt von MADA SUKMAJATI Eingereicht an der Fakultät für Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg im Wintersemester 2010/11 Erster Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Aurel Croissant. Zweiter Gutachter: Prof. Subrata K. Mitra, Ph.D. Erklärung zur Vorlage bei der Fakultät für Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften Hiermit erkläre ich, dass meine Dissertation über das Thema: How Islamic Parties Organize at the Local Level in Post-Suharto Indonesia An Empirical Study of Six Major Islamic Parties In the Tasikmalaya District, West Java Province 1. selbständig angefertigt und andere Quellen und Hilfsmittel als die angegebenen nicht benutzt wurden, 2. in dieser oder einer anderen Form noch an keiner anderen Fakultät vorgelegt worden ist, 3. als Ganzes oder Teile daraus noch nicht anderweitig als Prüfungsarbeit bei einer akademischen oder Staatsprüfung verwendet worden ist. Name und Adresse des Promovenden: Frau / Herrn: Mada Sukmajati Anschrift: Hauptstraße 241, 69117 Heidelberg Tel./E-mail: [email protected] Geburtsdatum: 25 April 1976 Geburtsort: Madiun, Ost-Java, Indonesia Heidelberg, den 31. Januar 2011 Unterschrift: _____________________ Fakultät für Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften Voßstr. 2, D-69115 Heidelberg Telefon: (+49)06221/54-3445, Fax: -3496 www.uni-heidelberg.de/institute/fak18 Abstract Many studies have explored the phenomena of Islamic parties in Indonesia, the largest predominantly Muslim country in the world. However, little effort has been made to explore the organizational structures of Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia. -
The Role of Islam in the Construction of the Foreign Economic Relations of the Republic of Indonesia
Ph.D. Thesis — M.S. Williams McMaster University — Political Science ISLAM AND THE FOREIGN ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF INDONESIA 1 THE ROLE OF ISLAM IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE FOREIGN ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA By MARK S. WILLIAMS, B.A.H, M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Mark S. Williams, November 2012 Ph.D. Thesis — M.S. Williams McMaster University — Political Science DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (2012) McMaster University (Political Science) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Role of Islam in the Construction of the Foreign Economic Relations of the Republic of Indonesia AUTHOR: Mark S. Williams, B.A., M.A. SUPERVISOR: Professor Richard Stubbs NUMBER OF PAGES: viii, 280 ii Ph.D. Thesis — M.S. Williams McMaster University — Political Science Abstract American IPE has traditionally marginalized the role that social forces, and particularly religion, have played in the construction of the international political economy. This dissertation is an examination into the foreign economic relations of the Republic of Indonesia from the perspective of the British school of International Political Economy (IPE). British IPE is used to critically assess what role, if any, the religion of Islam has had in the construction of Indonesia’s foreign economic relations. This research demonstrates that Islamic social forces have influenced the political debates that construct Indonesia’s foreign economic relationships. Mainstream Islamic organizations pushed the state to engage with international institutions of trade and finance throughout the pre‐independence period when Indonesian national identity was being forged, as well as during the parliamentary democracy that followed independence, and into Sukarno’s “Guided Democracy.” The trend from the Suharto era to the early twenty‐first has been the appropriation of Islamic discourse by the state to legitimize its economic policies of engagement with the international political economy. -
Persatuan Pembangunan Party in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Province 1973-1998
Persatuan Pembangunan Party in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Province 1973-1998 Alfian1, Suprayitno1, Warjio1 1Universitas Sumatera Utara (USU), Medan [email protected] Abstract : After the establishment of PPP in the provincial area which is explained in the previous section, it was immediately based on instructions from the center to establish DPC- DPC in Daerah Istimewa Aceh Province. The establishment of the Branch Board (DPC) began in 1974. This article uses a theoretical and approach approach in pilitik science. For research methods, this study uses historical methods. This article explains how PPP can exist or survive in the face of government party hegemony namely Golkar. In this research, the campaign system, election results, PPP vision and party goals are also described. Keyword : PPP (Persatuan Pembangunan Party); Aceh; Election I. Introduction During the New Order government, it was known as the era of national development which sought to improve the condition of the Indonesian people. By putting forward the development mission, the New Order government made improvements to the system of implementing the government which during the Old Order government did not work with it. As a development order, the New Order had three characteristics in implementing a development strategy policy consisting of development, agriculture and industrialization, and Indonesian political integration.1 From the policy of the development strategy, one of them is development in the political field where the government makes policies by combining various socio-political forces into three groups. Based on this, the government made a policy by simplifying the party or social political organization in Indonesia (orsospol). Simplification of political organizations is considered as a way out to achieve the political stability that the New Order government wants to achieve.2 On this policy, the government then merged the political organizations into three major groups namely the Golongan Karya (Golkar), Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI), and Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP). -
Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 01:16:39PM Via Free Access | Islam and the Making of the Nation
5 The ‘War of the Roses’ The Islamic state and the Pancasila Republic (1949-1962) [The government] should not consider [the Darul Islam] an enemy, rather like a father his son. Regardless of how naughty the son, if taught a lesson he should not be beaten to death, rather given a lecture, or dealt just one blow, drenched in affection. It is similar with a domestic rebellious movement.1 Disillusioned by the Republic’s acquiescence to Dutch demands, under pressure by the TNI’s operations in West Java and let down by Masyumi’s inability to make political Islam relevant in parlia- mentary politics, on 7 August 1949 Kartosuwiryo and the dewan imamah had officially proclaimed the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia. As shown in the previous chapter, Masyumi’s political leadership and some elements of the TNI reached out to Kartosuwiryo’s NII in the following months to find a political solution to what had become known as the ‘Darul Islam problem’ (soal Darul Islam). This chapter follows the relationship between the Islamic state and the Indone- sian Republic in the aftermath of the surrender of Dutch sovereignty, focusing in particular on how the transformation from the federal RIS to a unitary state affected NII’s attitude and activities. Diplomacy had dictated the rhythm of Indonesian politics for years, with treaties followed by ceasefires followed by their infringe- ment. Some provinces in the archipelago were slowly warming up to the idea of a federal Republic under the patronage of the House of Orange, but the population of West Java – regardless of its alle- giance to the Islamic state – remained unimpressed by the Roem- Van Royen agreement, which, far from confirming the country’s independence, had established the Negara Pasoendan as an instru- ment of The Hague. -
Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy. -
ISLAMIC PARTY and PLURALISM the View and Attitude of Masyumi Towards Pluralism in Politics (1945-1960)
Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e) Vol. 54, no. 2 (2016), pp. 273-310, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2016.542.273-310 ISLAMIC PARTY AND PLURALISM The View and Attitude of Masyumi towards Pluralism in Politics (1945-1960) Firman Noor Centre for Political Studies, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) Jakarta, Indonesia email: [email protected] Abstract This article discusses Masyumi’s response towards pluralism, particularly about the political diversity in the first fifteen years of Indonesia independent era. As the largest Islamic party in Indonesian history, Masyumi was well known by many as the champion of democracy and one of the essential elements in the nationalist movement. However, regarding pluralism, for some, Masyumi positive attitude on this matter has been doubtful, regarding this party as the guru of intolerance for some contemporary Islamic organisations. By exploring the ideals and practical aspects of this party, this article wants to show the nature of Masyumi’s view and attitude in answering political diversity that in the long run indicates the real position of this party in pluralism in politics. The discussion indicates that despite some weaknesses in undergoing the spirit of honouring diversity, in particular when dealing with the communists, Masyumi, in general, had proven its position as one of the essential elements in Indonesian political history that in many ways eager to develop and maintain the spirit of pluralism. [Tulisan ini mendiskusikan perihal respons Masyumi terhadap pluralisme, khususnya terkait dengan politik keragaman dalam rentang limabelas tahun setelah Indonesia merdeka. Sebagai partai Islam terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia, Masyumi dikenal luas sebagai terdepan dalam praktik Firman Noor demokrasi dan pemain penting dalam gerakan nasionalisme. -
Chapter One 'Introduction'
Indonesian Democracy: The impact of electoral systems on political parties, 1999–2009 Reni Suwarso College of Arts Victoria University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April 2016 ABSTRACT This study analyses the impact of electoral systems and electoral mechanics on political parties and party systems, 1999–2009. Throughout this period, Indonesia conducted nearly 500 elections. These elections have their own systems (proportional representation, SNTV (Single Non-Transferable Vote) and majoritarian systems) and each has different mechanics (ballot structure, electoral threshold, electoral formula and district magnitude). They are conducted in the same political, social and cultural environment and are participated in by the same parties and voters. This study was conducted as qualitative research and involved elite interviews with 75 informants during fieldwork in the provinces of DKI-Jakarta, West Java, East Java, South Sulawesi and Riau Islands. This study shows that institutions do matter and electoral systems and electoral mechanics are powerful instruments for institutional engineering with far-reaching impacts for parties and party systems. However, institutionalism has difficulty in explaining the various different processes, unforeseen problems and unexpected impacts. It finds that the changes to electoral systems and electoral mechanics since reformasi 1998 have restored the importance of elections, whereby the ruling elite are no longer able to legitimise themselves through methods other than elections. The importance of political parties has been reinstated by granting them exclusive authority in determining who will control the government and dominate the political system. However, this study finds that practices, such as money politics, vote buying and abuse of authority remained; older figures, such as former members of Golkar, senior government officials and retired military officers, dominated electoral results.