The Impact of SARS on China by Xiaohong Xu
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Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
OCTOBER 2005 Home Office Science and Research Group
OCTOBER 2005 CHINA Home Office Science and Research Group COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION SERVICE 1 OCTOBER 2005 CHINA Country of Origin Reports are produced by the Science & Research Group of the Home Office to provide caseworkers and others involved in processing asylum applications with accurate, balanced and up-to-date information about conditions in asylum seekers’ countries of origin. They contain general background information about the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the UK. The reports are compiled from material produced by a wide range of recognised external information sources. They are not intended to be a detailed or comprehensive survey, nor do they contain Home Office opinion or policy. 2 Disclaimer: “This country of origin information report contains the most up-to-date publicly available information as at 31 August 2005. Older source material has been included where it contains relevant information not available in more recent documents.” OCTOBER 2005 CHINA Contents 1. Scope of document 1.1 2. Geography 2.1 Languages 2.5 Mandarin (Putonghua) 2.5 Pinyin translation system 2.6 Naming conventions 2.7 Tibetan names 2.8 Population 2.9 3. Economy 3.1 Shadow Banks 3.2 Poverty 3.4 The Environment 3.9 State owned enterprises (SOEs) 3.11 Unemployment 3.16 Currency 3.18 Corruption 3.20 Guanxi 3.26 Punishment of corrupt officials 3.28 4. History 4.1 1949-1976: The Mao Zedong era 4.1 1978-1989: Deng Xiaoping as paramount 4.3 leader Tiananmen Square protests (1989) 4.4 Post-Tiananmen Square 4.7 Jiang Zemin as core leader 4.9 Hu Jiantao: chairman of the board 4.10 5. -
Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership
Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership ZHENG YONGNIAN & LYE LIANG FOOK* The personnel reshuffle at the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party is widely regarded as the first smooth and peaceful transition of power in the Party’s history. Some China observers have even argued that China’s political succession has been institutionalized. While this paper recognizes that the Congress may provide the most obvious manifestation of the institutionalization of political succession, this does not necessarily mean that the informal nature of politics is no longer important. Instead, the paper contends that Chinese political succession continues to be dictated by the rule of man although institutionalization may have conditioned such a process. Jiang Zemin has succeeded in securing a legacy for himself with his “Three Represents” theory and in putting his own men in key positions of the Party and government. All these present challenges to Hu Jintao, Jiang’s successor. Although not new to politics, Hu would have to tread cautiously if he is to succeed in consolidating power. INTRODUCTION Although the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress ended almost a year ago, the outcomes and implications of the Congress continue to grip the attention of China watchers, including government leaders and officials, academics and businessmen. One of the most significant outcomes of the Congress, convened in Beijing from November 8-14, 2002, was that it marked the first ever smooth and peaceful transition of power since the Party was formed more than 80 years ago.1 Neither Mao Zedong nor Deng Xiaoping, despite their impeccable revolutionary credentials, successfully transferred power to their chosen successors. -
Crisis and Governance: Sars and the Resilience of the Chinese Body Politic
CRISIS AND GOVERNANCE: SARS AND THE RESILIENCE OF THE CHINESE BODY POLITIC Patricia M. Thornton How crisis-prone is the reform-era Chinese state? Recent scholarly contributions yield no shortage of dire predictions, ranging from the regime’s imminent collapse 1 to the steady deterioration of the state’s extractive capacities due to persistent bureaucratic corruption and inefficiency.2 Lurking behind the “glitzy skylines of Shanghai, Beijing and other coastal cities”, Minxin Pei finds “a hidden crisis of governance” provoked by a range of pathologies, including élite cynicism and mass disenchantment due to deteriorating government performance.3 Bruce Gilley recently described a political system on the cusp of impending breakdown following the élite consolidation of power that began in 1994, the latest iteration of four such cycles that have unfolded since 1949. Gilley predicts that, driven by the inherently volatile “logic of concentrated power” and barring democratic breakthrough, the current leadership will probably rely on Party purges and increased social repression to maintain control, setting off periodic waves of crisis and consolidation into the foreseeable future.4 1 Jack A. Goldstone, “The Coming Chinese Collapse”, Foreign Policy, No. 99 (June 1995), pp 35-52; Gordon Chang, The Coming Collapse of China (New York: Random House. 2001). 2 Wang Shaoguang and Hu Angang, The Chinese Economy in Crisis: State Capacity and Tax Reform (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2001). 3 Minxin Pei, “China’s Governance Crisis: More than Musical Chairs”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 81, No. 5 (September–October 2002), pp. 96-109; on China’s “governance crisis”, see also Shaoguang Wang, “The Problem of State Weakness”, Journal of Democracy, Vol. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics
Li, China Leadership Monitor No.4 The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics Cheng Li China’s ongoing political succession has been filled with paradoxes. Jockeying for power among various factions has been fervent and protracted, but the power struggle has not led to a systemic crisis as it did during the reigns of Mao and Deng. While nepotism and favoritism in elite recruitment have become prevalent, educational credentials and technical expertise are also essential. Regional representation has gained importance in the selection of Central Committee members, but leaders who come from coastal regions will likely dominate the new Politburo. Regulations such as term limits and an age requirement for retirement have been implemented at various levels of the Chinese leadership, but these rules and norms will perhaps not restrain the power of Jiang Zemin, the 76-year-old “new paramount leader.” While the military’s influence on political succession has declined during the past decade, the Central Military Commission is still very powerful. Not surprisingly, these paradoxical developments have led students of Chinese politics to reach contrasting assessments of the nature of this political succession, the competence of the new leadership, and the implications of these factors for China’s future. This diversity of views is particularly evident regarding the ubiquitous role of mishu in the Chinese leadership. The term mishu, which literally means “secretary” in Chinese, refers to a range of people who differ significantly from each other in terms of the functions they fulfill, the leadership bodies they serve, and the responsibilities given to them. -
CHAPTER 6: Governance and Order in a Networked World
6 GOVERNANCE AND ORDER IN A NETWORKED WORLD Niall Ferguson “ s the world slouching toward a grave systemic crisis?” asked the his- Itorian Philip Zelikow at the annual gathering of the Aspen Strategy Group earlier this summer, the kind of “deep system- wide crisis . when people all over the world no longer think the old order work[s].” Among the reasons he gave for anticipating such a crisis was “the digital revolution and the rise of a networked world.” To grasp the scale and nature of this coming crisis, we must begin by recognizing how drasti- cally the balance of power has shift ed in our time from hierarchically ordered empires and superpowers (the euphemism for empire developed to suit American and Soviet sensibilities) to distributed networks. To be sure, the formal “org. chart” of global power is still dominated by the vertically structured super- polities that gradually evolved out of the republics and monarchies of early modern Europe, the colonies they established in the New World, and the older empires of Asia. Th ough not the most populous nation in the world, the United States is certainly the world’s most powerful state, despite—or perhaps because of—the peculiarities of its political system. Its nearest rival, the People’s Republic of China, is usually seen as a profoundly diff erent kind of state, for while the United States has two major parties, the People’s Republic has one, and only one. Th e US government is founded on the separation 159 119106-Shultz_BeyondDisruption.indd9106-Shultz_BeyondDisruption.indd 159159 33/23/18/23/18 77:12:12 PMPM 160 Niall Ferguson of powers, not least the independence of its judiciary; the PRC subordi- nates all other institutions, including the courts, to the dictates of the Communist Party. -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
Implications of SARS Epidemic for China's Public Health Infrastructure
Implications of SARS Epidemic for China’s Public Health Infrastructure and Political System Testimony before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China Roundtable on SARS May 12, 2003 Yanzhong Huang Assistant Professor of Political Science Grand Valley State University* The Return of the God of Plagues Since November 2002, a form of atypical pneumonia called SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) has spread rapidly from China to Southeast Asia, Europe, and North America, prompting World Health Organization (WHO) to declare the ailment “a worldwide health threat.” According to the organization, as of May 10, 2003, a cumulative total of 7,296 cases and 526 deaths have been reported from 33 countries or regions. The country that is particularly hit by the disease is China, where the outbreak of SARS has infected more than 4,800 people and killed at least 235 nationwide (excluding Hong Kong and Macao). The worst-hit city is China’s capital Beijing, which has more than 2,200 cases - nearly half China’s total - and 116 deaths. History is full of ironies: the epidemic caught China completely off guard forty-five years after Mao Zedong bade “Farewell to the God of Plagues.” The SARS epidemic is not simply a public health problem. Indeed, it has caused the most severe social- political crisis to the Chinese leadership since the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown. Outbreak of the disease is fueling fears among some economists that China’s economy might be headed for a serious downturn. It already seems likely to wipe out economic growth in the second quarter and possibly reduce the growth rate for the entire year to about six percent, well below the level the government says it required to absorb millions of new workers who need jobs. -
China Perspectives, 2007/4 | 2007 Karl Taro Greenfeld, China Syndrome
China Perspectives 2007/4 | 2007 China and its Past: Return, Reinvention, Forgetting Karl Taro Greenfeld, China Syndrome. The True Story of the 21st Century's First Great Epidemic; Thomas Abraham, Twenty-First Plague. The Story of SARS. Frédéric Keck Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2763 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2763 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 décembre 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Frédéric Keck, « Karl Taro Greenfeld, China Syndrome. The True Story of the 21st Century's First Great Epidemic; Thomas Abraham, Twenty-First Plague. The Story of SARS. », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/4 | 2007, mis en ligne le 09 avril 2008, consulté le 23 septembre 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2763 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives. 2763 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 23 septembre 2020. © All rights reserved Karl Taro Greenfeld, China Syndrome. The True Story of the 21st Century's Fir... 1 Karl Taro Greenfeld, China Syndrome. The True Story of the 21st Century's First Great Epidemic; Thomas Abraham, Twenty-First Plague. The Story of SARS. Frédéric Keck 1 The SARS crisis in 2003 very quickly gave rise to a number of analyses on its consequences in terms of public health by setting China and the World Health Organisation (WHO) if in opposition to each other in a global and quite general way1. Few accounts, however, take into consideration the plurality of the actors who were involved in this crisis, the brevity of which (a few months between December 2002 and April 2003) disguises somewhat the intensity of the efforts to bring it to an end. -
SARS and the Response to SARS in China
University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law 2004 Atypical Pneumonia and Ambivalent Law and Politics: SARS and the Response to SARS in China Jacques deLisle University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Health Law and Policy Commons, Health Policy Commons, Immunology and Infectious Disease Commons, International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Law and Society Commons, Medicine and Health Commons, Respiratory Tract Diseases Commons, and the Virus Diseases Commons Repository Citation deLisle, Jacques, "Atypical Pneumonia and Ambivalent Law and Politics: SARS and the Response to SARS in China" (2004). Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law. 980. https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/980 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law by an authorized administrator of Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ATYPICAL PNEUJ\tl0NIA AND AMBIVALENT LAW AND POLITICS: SARS AND THE RESPONSE TO SARS IN CHINA Jacques deLisle 1. INTRODUCTION: SARS, CHINA, AND INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC LAW AND POLITICS The"atypical pneumonia" (or jeidian, as it soon came to be called by the shortened version of its full Chinese name) that erupted in southeastern China in late 2002, and the responses by the People's Republic of China ("PRC") to the outbreak, exposed a familiar and worrisome ambivalence in the PRe's engagement with the outside world and its approach to legal and political change at home. -
And the Rule of Administrative Law in China
ADMINISTRATIVE “SELF-REGULATION” AND THE RULE OF ADMINISTRATIVE LAW IN CHINA Shen Kui* From a historical perspective, the formation and evolution of administrative law in many countries and regions have relied upon the important role and contribution of the judiciary. China is no exception in this respect. Over the past roughly thirty years, since the promulgation of the Administrative Litigation Law in 1989, Chinese courts have worked hard to secure the compliance of administrative actions with laws and regulations, and have acted as disguised lawmakers in fashioning new norms in regulating administrative agencies. The development of administrative law in China has also been propelled by legislation. The National People’s Congress (NPC) and its Standing Committee have promulgated several laws regulating particular types of administrative action, such as administrative punishment, administrative licensing, and administrative compulsion, among others. Moreover, the NPC has passed many laws regulating specific areas of public administration, including but not limited to environmental protection, land administration, taxation, insurance, banking, and securities. In addition to making laws to regulate public administration, the legislature also monitors agencies’ statutory compliance through its “law enforcement inspection” power.1 * Professor, Peking University School of Law. I am very grateful to Neysun Mahboubi for his kind and helpful comments and edits on an earlier draft. I also am indebted to the comments from the participants of the 9th Administrative Law Discussion Forum at the Institutum Iurisprudentiae, Academia Sinica in Taipei on June 10-11, 2014, as well as the participants of the roundtable discussion centered on this special issue of the University of Pennsylvania Asia Law Review held at Peking University Law School in Beijing on June 21, 2014.