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“Mano Dura”: Authoritarian Legacies and Policing in Brazil and the Southern Cone
The Persistence of the “Mano Dura”: Authoritarian Legacies and Policing in Brazil and the Southern Cone Anthony Pereira Department of Political Science Tulane University Mark Ungar Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars LASA Congress Las Vegas, October 2004 Abstract Democratic transitions in Brazil and the southern cone have had relatively little impact on patterns of policing. Close military-police ties, militarized training and doctrine, high rates of violence, a lack of effective court oversight, and continuity of organizational forms and personnel are all characteristics of the police in contemporary Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. Why has there been so little change in policing in these new democracies? Some scholars argue that these patterns are a legacy of recent military rule, but we argue that they are a legacy of an authoritarian state rather than just of specific authoritarian regimes. Other scholars attribute variation in new democracies to different modes of transition, but we assert that civil society support and political interests are more important than the initial transition in the enactment of police reforms (or the lack of them). Finally, we explain that the degree of police centralization powerfully influences reform efforts in these Latin American democracies. Introduction In Latin America, violence by the police – and its support by the law, courts, and state agencies – was an integral part of authoritarianism. But the transitions to democracy did not have the impact on police forces that they did on more prominent actors such as political parties and military high commands. “Police” here refers to state security forces responsible for domestic “law and order,” which includes military and intelligence agencies as well as police forces. -
“Anarchists Are More Animal Than Human”: Rationality, Savagery, and the Violence of Property
“Anarchists Are More Animal than Human”: Rationality, Savagery, and the Violence of Property Benjamin Abbott When I first read Chris Hedges’ now infamous denunciation of “Black Bloc anarchists” in the Occupy Wall Street movement, I felt as if I had stepped back in time to the turn of the twentieth century. Hedges’ charges of senseless aggression motivated by primal passions and bent only on universal destruction would fit seamlessly into an 1894 issue of the New York Herald-Tribune or Los Angeles Times. However, as Doreen Massey reminds us, such attempts to assign contemporaries to the past denies how we share space in the world and implies belief in a teleological narrative of progress. Invoking tropes of animality to rhetorically construct political opponents as – to use Chandan Reddy's words – “the enemies of modern political society” remains a key persuasive strategy as well as an enduring technology of capitalism, colonialism, and imperialism here in the twenty-first century. Even a cursory look at language of the war on terror and its production of the Islamic terrorist as national bête noire demonstrates this. Though I would like to simply dismiss Hedges’ anti-anarchist piece as an anomalous echo of discredited reactionary hyperbole, I instead interpret it as representative of a thriving modern phenomenon. The Occupy Wall Street movement has prompted a proliferation and reemphasis of the preexisting discourse of anarchists as the inhuman and unreasonably violent enemies of humanity.1 This essay takes the Hedges article as a point of departure to explore earlier expressions of this discourse specifically through the lens of property. -
Americas Overview
AMERICAS OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments The October 1998 arrest in London of Chile=s former military ruler, Augusto Pinochet, rekindled hopes for victims of human rights abuses around the world. The case marked a significant step forward in the struggle to achieve justice for egregious human rights violations, spawning the development of similar efforts to pursue former dictators enjoying retirement in the comfort of impunity. Accustomed to seeing impunity as the norm, human rights activists worldwide were encouraged by Pinochet=s detention. In Latin America, in particular, impunity for major violations continued to be one of the principle obstacles to human rights protection. Although democracies in the region remained stable for the most part, human rights violations took place throughout, nowhere more brutally than in Colombia. And even as the Pinochet precedent broke new ground, fresh challenges to international human rights mechanisms arose. Significantly, Chile did not face political instability as a consequence of the legal action taken against the general in Spain and the United Kingdom. Opponents of the Spanish prosecution had predicted dire political consequences if it moved forward, in part as a means to pressure the two European countries into ensuring that Pinochet was returned to Chile without facing charges in Spain. Yet by the end of October 1999, Chile was preparing without turmoil for a presidential election in December in which Pinochet was not a major issue. Meanwhile, judges detained and charged numerous former officers of his government for grave human rights abuses. Moreover, a majority of Chileans, according to public opinion polls, believed that Pinochet should be brought to account for the human rights violations that accompanied his coup. -
Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina
Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina Terence Roehrig Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 31, Number 3, August 2009, pp. 721-747 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/hrq.0.0097 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/hrq/summary/v031/31.3.roehrig.html Access Provided by Stetson University at 01/17/11 6:18PM GMT HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina Terence Roehrig* ABSTRACT After Argentina transitioned from military rule to democracy, the new civilian government attempted to prosecute members of the former military regime for human rights abuses. However, military rebellions, pardons, and amnesty laws prevented all but a few from being held accountable for past crimes. In 2003, President Néstor Kirchner along with the Argentine legislature and Supreme Court opened the door for further prosecution. Though many contributed to the revival of these efforts to prosecute military personnel and police, it was the actions of President Kirchner that were most crucial in removing the obstacles necessary to resume judicial proceedings. * Terence Roehrig is an Associate Professor in the National Security Decision Making Depart- ment at the U.S. Naval War College. He is a co-author of a forthcoming book entitled South Korea since 1980: Democratization, Economic Struggle, and Nuclear Crisis (Cambridge University Press, 2010) with Uk Heo. In addition, he is the author of two books, From De- terrence to Engagement: The U.S. Defense Commitment to South Korea (Lexington Books, 2006) and The Prosecution of Former Military Leaders in Newly Democratic Nations: The Cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea (McFarland Press, 2002), and coeditor of Ko- rean Security in a Changing East Asia (Praeger, 2007). -
Nineteenth Century
1804 Napoleon crowns himself Emperor. 1838 Le Bon Marché, the first department store in Paris, opens. Department stores originated in Britain, arguably as early as 1734. With economies of scale, new 1815 Napoleon abdicates. The Bourbon monarchy is restored patterns of production and consumption emerge. ILLUSTRATED TIMELINE under the reign of Louis XVIII. The Catholic Church in TH France regains some of its power and influence. Lenoir 1841 France passes its first child labor laws, setting the minimum age for employment at THE LONG 19 CENTURY returns much of the “national” collection to the Catholic eight years and prohibiting children under twelve from working more than eight Church and other private owners. hours per day. Children were also prohibited from working at night, on Sundays, or The collection at the Snite Museum is especially strong in French art of the nineteenth legal holidays. In the 1840s, French factories employed about 150,000 children or July Revolution and Monarchy. Louis-Philippe becomes century, compelling us to focus on historical events in that country in order to provide some 1830 about twelve percent of the workforce. Bouguereau’s Portrait of a Young Girl reveals the “citizen-king” with plans to convert the Palace of an emerging sympathy for children of the working classes. context for the art on view here. In addition to political and military events, several social Versailles into a public museum dedicated to the history themes are highlighted, including the relationship of the Catholic Church to the French of France. 1842 Father Sorin, a priest of the Congregation of Holy Cross, and his colleagues take state; the educational system in a democracy; and economic issues, such as labor, commerce, possession of 524 acres in Indiana given to them by the Bishop of Vincennes. -
PATTI: MANUAL DEL Buen TORTURADOR
PATTI: MANUAL DEL buen TORTURADOR DOSSIER del CENTRO de DOCUMENTACIÓN CELS – Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales MANUAL DEL buen TORTURADOR Nombre: Luis Abelardo Patti Profesión: policía, asesino, torturador, experto en picana, intendente y candidato a gobernador bonaerense Fecha de nacimiento: 26/11/52 Lugar de nacimiento: Baigorrita, partido de general Viamonte, provincia de Buenos Aires. DNI: 10.635.503 Padres: Leonardo y Manuela Pressi Estado civil: casado el 7 de marzo de 1975 con Beatriz Isabelina Malagrida y con tres hijos: Luis, Mario y Maximiliano. Legajo policial: 11.541 Legajo Conadep: 2530 Estudios cursados: hasta sexto grado Hobby: volar aviones ultralivianos, torturar, escuchar folclore. INTRODUCCIÓN “Tengo la impresión de que memorizar los nombres de los torturadores tiene un sentido y sabe por qué, porque la tortura es una responsabilidad individual, la obediencia a una orden superior no es tolerable, demasiada gente se ha escondido tras esa miserable justificación, haciéndose un escudo legal de ella Antonio Tabucchi La cabeza perdida de Damasceno Monteiro LUIS ABELARDO PATTI PRESTÓ LOS SIGUIENTES SERVICIOS EN LA INSTITUCIÓN POLICIAL Legajo 11541 Cadete de la Escuela “J.Vucetich”, alta 1º de Marzo de 1970 • El 30 de diciembre de 1971 asciende a oficial subayudante segundo en Escobar • El 30 de diciembre de 1975 asciende a oficial subinspector segundo • El 30 de Marzo de 1977 pasa a la Brigada de Tigre • El 30 de agosto de 1977 pasa a la Brigada de San Martín • El 30 de Mayo de 1978 pasa a la División Delitos Económicos -
THE “NORMALIZATION” of ARGENTINE POLITICS Steven Levitsky
Levitsky.new created from email by SL on 1-27 (6185 words). Levitsky.txt created by ME on 2/ 1 (5878 words). PRE created from TXT by SL on 2/2. Chart created in PRE by SL on 2/4. MP edits entered by ME on 2/4 (5879 words). AA’s entered by ME on 2/7 (5910 words). Further AA’s entered on 2/23 (5914 words). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 2/23. PGS created from PRE by SL on 2/23. THE “NORMALIZATION” OF ARGENTINE POLITICS Steven Levitsky Steven Levitsky, assistant professor of government at Harvard University, is the author (with David Collier) of “Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research,” published in April 1997 in World Politics. His essay “Fujimori and Post-Party Politics in Peru” appeared in the July 1999 issue of the Journal of Democracy. On 24 October 1999, Fernando de la Rua of the opposition Alliance for Jobs, Justice, and Education was elected president of Argentina, defeating Eduardo Duhalde of the incumbent Justicialista (or Peronist) Party (PJ) by a margin of 49 percent to 38 percent. Former economics minister Domingo Cavallo, running on the center-right Action for the Republic party ticket, finished third with 10 percent. The election was unprecedented in several respects. De la Rua’s assumption of the presidency marked the first time that Argentine democracy had survived two consecutive transfers of power from one party to another, as well as the first time that a Peronist had been removed from national office by democratic means. -
And They Called Them “Galleanisti”
And They Called Them “Galleanisti”: The Rise of the Cronaca Sovversiva and the Formation of America’s Most Infamous Anarchist Faction (1895-1912) A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Andrew Douglas Hoyt IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Advised by Donna Gabaccia June 2018 Andrew Douglas Hoyt Copyright © 2018 i Acknowledgments This dissertation was made possible thanks to the support of numerous institutions including: the University of Minnesota, the Claremont Graduate University, the Italian American Studies Association, the UNICO Foundation, the Istituto Italiano di Cultura negli Stati Uniti, the Council of American Overseas Research Centers, and the American Academy in Rome. I would also like to thank the many invaluable archives that I visited for research, particularly: the Immigration History Resource Center, the Archivio Centrale dello Stato, the Archivio Giuseppe Pinelli, the Biblioteca Libertaria Armando Borghi, the Archivio Famiglia Berneri – Aurelio Chessa, the Centre International de Recherches sur l’Anarchisme, the International Institute of Social History, the Emma Goldman Paper’s Project, the Boston Public Library, the Aldrich Public Library, the Vermont Historical Society, the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, the Library of Congress, the Historic American Newspapers Project, and the National Digital Newspaper Program. Similarly, I owe a great debt of gratitude to tireless archivists whose work makes the writing of history -
Individualterrorism
INDIVIDUALTERRORISM INDICATORS OF LONE OPERATORS Liesb eth van der Heide (3042405) / University of Utrecht / Master Thesis / International Relations / Date: 2011-08-15 / Professor B.G.J. de Graaff / Co-reader Professor J. Pekelder It’s the lone-wolf strategy that I think we have to pay attention to as the main threat to this country.1 Leon Panetta, CIA Director, February 2010 While nothing is easier than denouncing the evildoer, nothing is more difficult than to understand him. Fyodor M. Dostoevsky, Russian novelist, 1821 – 1881 1 USA Today, ‘Intelligence Chief: Al-Qaeda likely to attempt attack’, February 2010, http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2010-02-03-terror-threats-cia_N.htm (retrieved on June 22, 2011). 1 Table of Contents Page Introduction 4 Chapter 1 – What is terrorism? Introduction 9 1.1 US State Department definition of terrorism 10 1.2 European Union definition of terrorism 11 1.3 Dutch Criminal Law definition of terrorism 12 1.4 Definition of terrorism by Alex Schmid 13 1.5 GTD definition of terrorism 14 Conclusion 15 Chapter 2 – What is lone operator terrorism? Introduction 17 2.1 The history of individual terror 17 2.2 Individual revolutionary terrorism in Russia 19 2.3 Iviansky’s definition of individual terror 20 2.4 Individual terror in the twenty-first century 20 2.5 Definitions of lone operator terrorism 22 2.6 Leaderless resistance 22 2.7 The COT definition of lone operator terrorism 23 2.8 Definition of lone operator terrorism in The Netherlands 23 Conclusion 24 Chapter 3 – Research frame Introduction 26 3.1 -
Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America
Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Loxton, James Ivor. 2014. Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070023 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America A dissertation presented by James Ivor Loxton to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, MA July 2014 © 2014 James Loxton All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Steven Levitsky James Ivor Loxton Dissertation Advisor: Professor Jorge I. Domínguez Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America Abstract Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were “authoritarian successor parties,” or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. -
Attacks Justice
ATTACKS ON JUSTICE The Harassment and Persecution of Judges and Lawyers June 1990 - May 1991 Edited by Reed Brody CENTRE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF JUDGES AND LAWYERS of the INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS THE CENTRE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF JUDGES AND LAWYERS (CIJL) The Centre for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers was created by the International Commis sion of Jurists in 1978 to counter serious inroads into the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession by: - promoting world-wide the basic need for an independent judiciary and legal profession; - organising support for judges and lawyers who are being harassed or persecuted. In pursuing these goals, the CIJL: - intervenes with governments in particular cases of harassment or persecution and, in some in stances, solicits the aid of a network of jurists and lawyers' organisations throughout the world to do likewise; - works with the United Nations ~n setting standards for the independence of judges and lawyers and the impartial administration of justice. The CIJL was instrumental in the formulation of the UN Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary adopted at the Seventh Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders in 1985 and endorsed by the UN General Assembly. lt is now working with the UN on similar principles on the role of lawyers; - organises conferences and seminars on the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession. Regional seminars have been held in Central America, South America, South Asia, South-East Asia, East Africa, West Africa and the Caribbean. Several national seminars have also been organised. -
Contesting the Iron Fist: Dilemmas of Advocacy Networks in Controlling Police Abuses in Argentina1
Contesting the Iron Fist: Dilemmas of Advocacy Networks in Controlling Police Abuses in Argentina1 By Claudio Fuentes FLACSO-Chile [email protected] The Problem Most citizens in the Western world consider that controlling crime and delinquency are main priorities governments should focus on. The problem is what are the costs a society should pay for public safety. In some cases, like in the province of Buenos Aires, a governor suggested that “we need to shoot delinquents. I am not saying kill them, but shoot them in their arms or legs.”2 In other less extreme cases, delivering public safety means providing the police with more legal tools to arrest individuals. In most cases, politicians frame the problem as a trade-off between protecting citizens’ rights and providing public safety. While all democratic societies have accepted the inviolability of citizens' physical integrity as a core principle of social life, there is a constant tension between the protection of such right and the actual use of force by security forces to prevent crime, delinquency, and even terrorism. This trade-off is particularly acute in the developing world where governments faces simultaneous pressures to solve socioeconomic problems, reinforce the rule of law, generate a more efficient state apparatus, and overcome institutional and political legacies of past authoritarian regimes. Social protests are likely to rise in a context in which structural economic reforms have increased social inequality and reduced the capacity of the state to deliver services. As an expected outcome, governments are tempted to use force to deal with internal conflicts. Moreover, higher levels of unemployment and poverty have been generally associated with higher levels of crime which, in turn, affect policies regarding the use of force to control crime.