Town Planning versus Urbanismo

Michael Hebbert University of Manchester, UK

Giorgio Piccinato (1987) has explained the the distinction between town planning and distinction between urbanismo and town urbanism. Cherry was Anglo-Saxon planning planning as follows. Town planning is Anglo- personified. Born in 1931 and educated as a Saxon, urbanism is Latin. Planning sees itself geographer, he entered local government in as a professional activity distinct from archi- 1953 and became a leading figure in the tecture and engineering, urbanism is a fight to establish town planning as a profes- shared culture or common ground between sional discipline in its own right. One of his these professions. Planning is rooted in social earliest published papers - ‘The Town Planner reformism, giving its practitioners a happy and his Profession’ (1962) - was an angry sense of their own rectitude, urbanism owes young man’s attack on the supercilious atti- more to the pluralism of real urban politics. tude of architects, engineers, and surveyors Anglo-Saxon planning dominated the post- towards a town planning profession which war years with its social-democratic values they regarded as inferior and secondary. and its simple scenario of planners (good) Cherry called upon universities to focus their versus speculators (bad). Piccinato observes educational curricula onto the planner’s that Leonardo Benevolo opened the history distinctive attributes, which he defined as the of modern planning, in his widely-read Le promotion of ‘amenity and convenience’. He Origini dell’ Urbanistica Moderna (1963), with summonsed the Town Planning Institute to Robert Owen’s social experiment at New be more aggressive in advancing the profes- Lanark. In Italian encyclopedias and texts of sion’s cause. the 1960s ‘urbanistica’ used to be synony- For the next five years, from 1963-8, he mous with new towns and housing policy. would work as Research Officer in the City But this hegemony of Anglo-Saxon attitudes Planning Department of Newcastle upon had been broken. Its social reform project Tyne under Wilfred Burns, who was then one was discredited and its elaborate apparatus of the very few British town planners to hold of paper-based socio-economic regulation the post of chief officer and head his own had stalled. For Piccinato, the future rested department within the city administration. with an urbanismo that allowed architects to Cherry described the winning of chief officer take tangible and realisable responsibility for positions in Newcastle and other cities as urban space. ‘Battle Honours in the war of attrition . . to secure professional recognition’. It is one of the milestones in the Diamond Jubilee history of the Royal Town Planning Institute (Cherry Here at the conclusion of IPHS2004 in 1974), a narrative of the long march of the Barcelona, the Gordon Cherry Memorial chartered town planning profession from lecture offers a perfect opportunity to revisit small beginnings in 1914 to the granting of a [email protected] 89 Royal Charter (1970), establishment of univer- by its shift from architectural design towards sity programmes, a membership of thou- ‘a wider, interpretative fusion to a concern sands, and general public recognition. In this with social welfare’ (1982 147). Planning narrative, Cherry’s view of professional town historiography takes a parallel path from art planning matches Giorgio Piccinato’s. He does history to social sciences (1981 4). The roots not see it as a design profession: its tech- of the narrative are Anglo-centric, finding niques derive from social science and its the reward for Britain’s role in the Industrial values from social reformism. He himself had Revolution in its pioneership of garden cities a powerful sense of this reformist legacy, and green belts. Cherry helped to articulate a being as active the Bournville Village Trust sense of national leadership of a worldwide (trustee, chairman 1992-6) as he was in the movement, a notion which - despite the best Royal Town Planning Institute (service on its efforts of Stephen Ward (2002) - undergradu- Council for a quarter of a century, Presidency ates somehow still imbibe and regurgitate in 1978-9, Outstanding Service Medal 1995). the summer examinations : Cherry left Newcastle City Council in 1968 These many events make the proffession to become Deputy Director of the Centre for of Town Planning want it is today and Urban and Regional Studies (CURS) at the helps British Town Planning be amongst University of Birmingham. Entering academic the most succsesfull in the world. life at the age of 37, he had a short but Gordon himself was a good enough intensive university career. By the time of his historian to recognise that this march of death, age only 65, he had authored or coau- progress had not been altogether straighfor- thored nine books, edited a further four, and ward. The definition of our subject which he (with Tony Sutcliffe) launched both the jour- bequeathed to the IPHS website is ‘planning nal Planning Perspectives and the Spon book as a process, with all the quirks of the unex- series Studies in History, Planning and pected en route’. False hopes and disappoint- Environment. Above all, he had first founded ments are a recurring theme in his writing, and nurtured the Planning History Group discouraging any optimism about the making then transformed it into an International of place or the shaping of space. He regarded Planning History Society, an improbable the city as a ‘tantalizingly indifferent ‘ mech- concept brought to life by his own sheer anism for sustaining social contact or inspir- energy and enthusiasm. Glimpsed on an ing human aims and ideals (1972 246). envelope in the daily pile of post, Gordon’s handwriting was instantly recognisable - A long established European idea of regular, rounded, relentless. His hand urbanism is breaking down… Form is expressed both the talent for personal friend- disintegrating and the city is vanishing as ship by which he nurtured our global a central embodiment of collective art network of scholarship, and the qualities of and technics. New systems of communi- genial persistence by which he shaped it into cation have exploded the centuries-old institutional permanence. We are all in his association between place and people. debt. Suburban culture is quite different, and a loose metropolitan form of cities will change the urban way of life (1972 241). As an academic geographer Gordon The two sides of Gordon Cherry’s career fit Cherry arrived at the bleak conclusion that together like an arch. In his writing of plan- these polyform processes of metropolitan ning history we are always aware of that change were uncontrollable, and planners’ teleological drive towards independent efforts to shape them doomed to disappoint- professional status within a freestanding ment (1982 149). Perhaps it was his sense of policy sector. Planning’s progress is defined an impasse in contemporary town planning

90 that made him focus his energies so produc- and urban space shaped by time and infused tively on the past. by collective memory. Urbanism reoccupied a terrain that had been abandoned by modernism, the intermediate scale between the global concerns of the economic planner One point on which the narratives of Giorgio and the architectural building-as-object (Solà- Piccinato and Gordon Cherry coincide is the Morales 1997). Its defining methodology was international impact of Anglo-Saxon plan- analysis of plan-form (Moudon 1994), first ning in the immediate postwar years. It through the elaborate typomorphological extended even to France, birthplace of surveys of Saverio Muratori, Gianfranco urbanisme. Raymond Unwin, Lewis Mumford Caniggia and Carlo Aymonino, then through and the Reith Report were guiding influences a widening repertoire of cadastral study, in the Nouvel Urbanisme of the 1950s (Cohen figure-ground mapping and spatial typology 1996). At the high water mark, the to which seminal contributions were made by Sorbonne’s l’IUUP (Institut d’Urbanisme de Jean Castex and Philippe Panerai (Formes l’Université de Paris) replaced its conventional Urbaines 1977), Robert Krier (Stadtraum in syllabus of architectural design and urban Theorie und Praxis 1975), Colin Rowe and history with a curriculum of law, social Fred Koetter (Collage City 1978) and science and management theory. Henri Christopher Alexander (Pattern Language Léfèbvre, who taught social theory at the 1977). institute, advised his students that their new Searching a postmodern meaning for role-model was the robot-planner, pulling urbanity and citizenship, its intellectual roots apart the living tissue of towns so as to extended into richer territory than Ebenezer recombine the pieces into the synthetic Howard’s late Victorian temperance utopia: commodity-ensembles required by interna- to the idealism of Henri Bergson (Calabi tional neo-capitalism. Out in the villes 1996), to Maurice Halbwachs’ concept of nouvelles, planning’s supposed modernisation collective memory (Rossi 1982), and the criti- created landscapes of repression and submis- cal rationalism of Theodor Adorno and the sion to the ‘poisonous flower’ of Frankfurt school (Berndt 1967). The move- Americanization. The Institute was appropri- ment’s engagement with the city was highly ately punished after the 1968 riots by reloca- practical, emphasizing project over plan. As tion to the singularly unpleasant concrete Henri Léfèbvre had hoped, urbanism became campus of Université de Paris XII-Créteil, but principal instrument in the European left’s Léfèbvre and his fellow-critics of the Anglo- efforts to revive the legitimacy of municipal Saxon functionalist model brought about a politics and reconnect it to the grassroots of lasting paradigm shift in the discipline. From neighbourhood activism. Formative episodes 1970 onwards urbanisme meant a return to were the battle for La Marolle in Brussels, the the urban spaces of street and square, with mass squatting along the metro line in their complexity and richness of memory, and Amsterdam, the community-based renewal of a return to the mother-discipline of architec- the historic centre of Bologna, and the anti- ture. freeway coalition of squatters, immigrants Similar episodes were taking place all and environmentalists who saved the over Europe as students and workers took to Luisenstadt quarter of Berlin. the streets to defend ‘the street’. An urban- The last-mentioned episode led in the ism purged of Anglo-Saxon influences 1980s to the new urbanism’s equivalent of became the universal counter-project to town Letchworth Garden City, a bold demonstra- planning (Ellin 1996). Its object, as defined in tion project with international resonance, the the seminal work of Aldo Rossi, was the international building exhibition IBA-Berlin, ‘architecture of the city’, a gestalt of building (Kleihues and Klotz 1986, Uhlig 1994,

91 Kündiger 1997). Under the non-Anglo-Saxon and cornice lines (Krier 1978). His slogan motto ‘the inner city as a place to live’, L’avenir à reculons combined the rhetoric of organisers Josef Paul Kleihues and Hardt- class struggle with a utopian evocation of Walter Hämer declared a clean break with preindustrial neighbourhoods (Barey 1980): postwar traditions of land use zoning, town For the first time in the history of archi- planning and highway engineering. Aiming tecture since the Industrial Revolution to ‘rebuild the city of streets’, they looked to there appears a coherent European proj- Franco-Italian morphological methods to put ect capable of opposing the brutal repre- new life into the historic forms of perimeter cussions of profit - a convergence of street-block and courtyard tenement. IBA thought, a convergence of directions combined contextual design with grassroots (Culot and Krier 1978) community participation in a process known The convergence in the minds of Maurice as critical reconstruction. It involved a Culot and Léon Krier was of a revived urban- hundred architects, a third of them non- ism with a return to artisan skills, stone build- German - including Carlo Aynonimo, Peter ing and the timeless aesthetic of the classical Eisenman, Bernard Huet, Aldo Rossi, Colin orders (Galle and Thanassekos 1984). With Rowe, Alvaro Siza and James Stirling - and seriously rich patrons and clients replacing intense publicity both for the initial drawings Marxist agitprop, architectural ultraconserva- exhibited at the Milan Triennale of 1985 (de tives have sustained this imagery through a Michelis 1985) and for the real buildings series of overlapping networks - the which would soon make Berlin ‘la Mecque Movement for the Reconstruction of the des architectes et gestionnaires de l’urbain’ European City, l’altra Modernità, Urban (Bédarida 1985). There was delibately wide Renaissance, the New Architecture Group, stylistic variation amongst the architectural Vision for Europe and the Council for contributions within the common morpho- European Urbanism. Suggesting that wealthy logical framework, though it did not stretch private clients had a better sense of public as far as Rem Koolhaas, who dropped out of preferences than the modernist-dominated IBA-Berlin at an early stage on the grounds establishment, Krier hailed Seaside, that instead of romantically trying to revive Kentlands, Poundbury, Port Grimaud, its streets the stagnant (pre-unification) city Potsdam-Drewitz and La Heredia as ‘the first should be decentralising into a picturesque concrete demonstrations of a form of moder- territorial archipelago, ‘a system of architec- nity that is not alienating, kitsch or aggres- tural islands surrounded by forests and lakes’ sive but serene and urbane’ (Krier 1998 16). (Koolhaas 1989). That was exactly the Classical pastiche may have some merit as modernist future from which most urbanists a basis for infill schemes in historic towns but were agreed they wanted to escape. is hardly a mode of modernity. The attempt to claim this architecture for the revival of European urbanism has been equally harmful for history and for urbanism, reinforcing I am afraid Rem Koolhaas may have been mainstream architectural opinion against turned off by the minority of IBA participants both. The stronger the link between architec- more interested in neohistorical revivalism ture and urbanism in a handful of tradition- than critical reconstruction. In those turbu- alist academies such as San Sebastian, Notre lent times political radicalism could find itself Dâme and Ferrara, the less its influence else- in bed with strange companions. Thus, Léon where. In the US the impetus of the Congress Krier’s contribution to the fight against the for New Urbanism has been stalled by its onward march of International style office association with neo-trad design and the towers was a cartoon-like propaganda for a same is true of the Prince of Wales’s modest ‘rational architecture’ of pediments, columns attempts at institution-building in the UK. 92 Europe’s most ambitious urban design experi- a physical urbanism - fisicalismo - bringing ment, the morphological reconstruction of the techniques of Italian and French post-Wende Berlin has been dragged into morphology to repair the public realm, revive acrimonious controversy by neohistoricist the block, reclaim streets and boulevards design requirements. While IBA-Berlin of from obras publicas, and restore the dignity 1984-7 demonstrated the scope for architec- of urban greenspace (Gotlieb 1998). tural diversity within the common frame of Barcelona was bound to be at the fore- critical reconstruction, the post-unification front of the new urbanism (Monclus 2003). Planwerk Innenstadt Berlin has, rightly or Historically the city embodies Europe’s most wrongly, become associated with a reac- extraordinary morphological experiment, the tionary homage to Schinkel: stone facades, 1859 extension plan of Ildefons Cerdà. Cerdà uniform cornice heights and vertical windows almost invented the word urbanismo - his (Ladd 1997, Neill & Schwedler 2001). neologism was urbanizacion - and the Javier Monclus reminds us that twenty Eixample still provides a point of departure years ago Oriol Bohigas cited Berlin as the for comparative analysis of urban form clearest exemplar of the new urbanism: (Magrinya & Tarrago 1996). Already before a reconstruction of the centre starting Franco’s death, Catalan architects were from the absolute respect for the road deploying the rigorous morphological tech- and the traditional form of the street niques of the Italian school in oppositional (2003 406). community-based ‘counterplans’. The coun- terplan for Poble Nou published by Manuel Today, urbanism in Berlin stands compro- de Solà-Morales and colleagues in 1974 was mised by neohistoricist dogma. By common one of Europe’s earliest systematic exercises consent the exemplar city for European in repair of an urban quarter. Solà-Morales urbanism today is one as celebrated for its recalls the radical impact within Barcelona contemporary architecture as for the restored next year, when Philippe Panerai and Jean continuities of its streets, plazas, boulevards, Castex published the first edition of Formes parks and promenades: Barcelona. Urbains, their powerful study of the ‘agony’ of the European street block (Panerai 1997). Over the next three decades Barcelona’s Laboratorio de Urbanismo would be an inter- In Spain the switch from town planning to national centre of excellence both for its urbanism was heightened by the death of practical assistance to towns and neighbour- Franco and the transition to democracy. Town hoods wrestling with development pressure, planning had been an intrusive presence and as the Iberian point of entry for practi- during the last decades of the dictatorship. In tioners such as Aldo Rossi, Carlo Aynomino the opening up of the Spanish economy (IUAV, Venice), Philippe Panerai (Versailles) under the aegis of the World Bank, a specula- and Josef-Paul Kleihues (IBA-Berlin). And, tive building boom had been facilitated by from 1980 onwards, the municipality of highways construction and a relaxation of Barcelona would give urbanismo the highest building controls. The suburbs of Spanish quality of political attention under its three cities began to take a loose autocentric form, Socialist mayors, Narcis Serra, Paqual with free-standing blocks in a dusty ‘hyper- Maragall and Joan Clos. trophy’ of public open space (Lopez de Lucio Appointed head of urbanism in the 1995 15). By the time of the first municipal restored democratic municipality, Oriol elections in 1979 there was widespread Bohigas’s first reaction was an excoriating public demand for measures to stop the attack on town planning. His paper erosion of urban quarters and ‘Barcelona, el urbanismo no es posible’ (1981) desperdigamiento urbana, that is, sprawl. closely resembled the contemporary Out went Anglo-Saxon planning and in came 93 onslaught on British planners by Mrs Terán 1999). Significant issues have been Thatcher’s cabinet minister Michael Heseltine. raised in the debate between plan and proj- Bohigas and Heseltine had both made ect, top-down versus bottom up. However, in successful careers in commercial publishing practice Barcelona and Madrid combined and found nothing to admire in multi- both approaches, as did other Spanish cities volume development plans - our library (Gotleib 1998, Gaja 1999, Monclus 2003). The shelves are still full of them - the cherished common ground was what Manual de Solà output of procedural planning, supposedly Morales (1987) called an urbanismo urbano - comprehensive documents supported by a morphological urbanism, respectful of elaborate consultation, chapters of socio- embedded memory, combining precise initia- economic analysis and elaborate but senseless tives with a global vision, which in Barcelona phasing provisions. As Bohigas observed, long centred around reintegration of the suburbs term planning is a ‘sin of pride’ permitted and a bold reorientation to the sea, chrys- only to despots. While planners spent their tallised in Olympic projects and their support- time on planeamientos, their vacuous ing infrastructure. bureaucratic diversion allowed speculators to The city’s urbanism has its limitations. plunder historic districts and public works Javier Monclús (2003) reminds us to see the engineers to destroy the public realm in the design achievements of the historic centre name of traffic efficiency (Bohigas 1981, and ensanches of the core city against their 1999). wider setting of an unsustainable and appar- In his four years as a city functionary, ently uncontrollable sprawl. Here as else- Bohigas aimed to desplanificar Barcelona. where in Europe the most urgent tasks for From Mayors Serra and Maragall he sought spatial planning are on the metropolitan and got control over the public works depart- scale. Rem Koolhaas (1995) would have us ment, releasing the municipal technicians think that the one annuls the other, and that from their technical isolation, and making the face of the future is to be found in the them partners in the sequence of outstand- sprawl, not the consolidated city. I prefer to ing boulevard designs and public realm think the reverse is true. The multiple chal- improvements around the city. He brought in lenges of diffuse metropolitan growth can the private sector as a development partner only be tackled through consolidation, place- in neighbourhood revitalization. Resources making, the creation of new centralities. The and energy were focussed into 150 concrete solution to the sprawl is to be found in the projects and the general policy framework centre. American New Urbanism, by the way, was left on the shelf. Though Bohigas’s full- sees this well ( Leccese and McCormick 2000, time commitment to the municipality ended Hebbert 2003). in 1984 the momentum of project focus was What CNU doesn’t always see is how to brilliantly sustained by Josep Acebillo as encourage architectural creatives back into Director of Urban Projects 1980-88 and the urban canyon. Barcelona’s most precious Director of the Municipal Institute for contribution to urbanism is less the primacy Urbanistic Promotions in 1988-93. of projects over plans than the dialogue From his reflections upon Barcelona between urbanism and contemporary archi- Bohigas has drawn a general proposition that tecture. The city has reinstated the primacy urbanism should be based on projects rather of the street, the square, the park and the than plans (Bohigas 1999, Monclus 2003). It public ream without any compromise to its so happened that the Plan General de century-long affair with modernism. The Madrid of the 1985 - selfstyled ‘spearhead of European school of neotraditionalism has the new urbanism’ - came down equally never gained a foothold in Barcelona strongly in favour of an urbanism of plans (Monclus 2003 404). Again, we should rather than projects (Lopez de Lucio 1995, de acknowledge the seminal role of Oriol

94 Bohigas, which extends far beyond his two 1848, it awarded the Royal Gold Medal not stints with the municipality as officer and to an individual but ‘to Barcelona, its govern- elected politician. In 1981, the year he took ment, its citizens and design professionals of responsibility for urbanism in Barcelona, his all sorts’ (JA 1999). practice MBM had taken first prize in IBA- Berlin for their project for a city block in Friedrichstadt. As an architectural historian and commercial practitioner, and head of the Josep Acebillo and Oriol Bohigas travelled to Escola Tècnica Superior d’Arquitectura, he London in 1999 with the three Socialist took a very different architectural stance mayors to receive the RIBA Gold Medal. from romantic non-practitioners such as Léon Presenting the five men at the award cere- Krier and Maurice Culot. One constant mony, Robert Maxwell drew a contrast which throughout his long career has been the I think you will recognise : desire to reconcile sense of place with moder- City planning is a modern subject, about nity. The enigmatic title ‘Grup R’ which he as old as modern architecture, almost as adopted with Josep Martorell in 1951 stood old as Le Corbusier’s concept of equally for regionalism, for realism and for urbanism. But does this subject really rationalism. While staunchly upholding the exist ?… City planning was meant to be a principle of morphological continuity, science, but standards change as fast as Bohigas has not accepted architectural the practical measures taken, so that pastiche - in his words, ‘historical stylised evaluation becomes difficult. Analytical buildings do not make a historical city’ (Drew concepts may not last for very long, 1993, Frampton 1996). Barcelona’s street- statistics have little effect on appear- based urbanism may be called ‘traditional’, ances… Attempts to reshape existing but it never seeks to annul the formal and cities like our own Birmingham, using typological conquests of the modern move- analytical concepts like motorway box, ment : neighbourhood unit, tower block have This is surely one of the most interesting not been very successful. Appearances challenges of the new urban design. It is have been against them… Could it be not trying to reorganise urban space that city planners need to be more sensi- with residential typologies borrowed tive to what buildings can do to shape from the Baroque or Neo-classicism, but the city and give it meaning ? Because to give them enough autonomy and this seems to have been the crucial idea articulation to allow cohabitation with that has resulted in the conspicuous the constructional formulae already success of Barcelona. (JA 1999) endorsed by the modern movement. Maxwell went on to acknowledge Aldo (Bohigas 1987 73) Rossi as the inspirational text. Scientific town Bohigas has continued to wrestle with planning had failed. An urbanism based these challenges. His manifesto Ten Points on upon Architecture of the City succeeds. an Urbanistic Methodology (1999) calls So we come full circle to Giorgio equally for architecture that innovates and Piccinato and the eclipse of the Anglo-Saxon challenges custom, and for an urbanism that concept of planning as ‘process’. The full sustains the shared urban language of street, significance of the Gold Medal became square, block and park. We can see the work- apparent when Pasquall Maragall came back ing of that dialectic of received typology and to London to help launch the report of an inventive form in the Nova Icaria Olympic Urban Task Force chaired by the architect Village, master-planned by MBMP, which the Richard Rogers, Towards an Urban Royal Institute of British Architects singled Renaissance (1999, Hebbert 2001). Maragall’s out in 1999 when, for the first time since radiant optimism about the role of the cities 95 as centres of creativity and exchange proved infectious for Anglo-Saxons. With Birmingham in the lead, British cities have been rediscovering the power of a morpho- logical strategy for the public realm. National policy guidance and frameworks began to speak the language of European urbanism, albeit with an American New Urbanist accent. The Royal Town Planning Institute redefined its professional mission, giving less emphasis to procedure and process, and more to fisicalismo - the mediation of space, the making of place. Reducing postgraduate programmes to a mere twelve months it tacitly abandoned that historic claim of equivalent professional standing to the archi- tect and the engineer. This has been a paper about a struggle between two paradigms. Paradoxically for a memorial lecture its outcome is the triumphant ascendancy of the urbanism para- digm represented by Barcelona over the model of planning to which Gordon Cherry committed his life-work. This may seem strange homage, but to quote again from his words on the IPHS home page, the history of planning is a journey with all the quirks of the unexpected en route. He might have been surprised at the turn in our discipline, but he would have been proud of Birmingham’s leading role. He would be delighted at the geographical range and quality of scholarship assembled at the conference. Who could ask for a better legacy than IPHS2004 Barcelona ?

96 — ALEXANDER, C. (1977) A Pattern — ELLIN, N. (1996) Postmodern Urbanism, Language New York: Oxford University Oxford : Blackwell Press — FRAMPTON, K. (1996) ‘Prospects for a — BAREY, A. ed. (1980) Declaration de Critical Regionalism’ in Nesbitt K ed Bruxelles Brussels : Archives Theorizing A New Agenda for d’Architecture Moderne Architecture, New York : Princeton — BÉDARIDA, M. (1985) ‘Retour à la ville’ Architectural Press Ésprit 109 60-66 — GAJA DIAZ, F. (1999) ‘Una experiencia de — BERNDT, H (1967) ‘Der Verlust der urbanismo reformista : España 1979-85’ Urbanität im Städtebau’ Das Argument Urbana, 24 37-48 44 9 263ff — GALLE, H. & THANASSEKOS, Y. (1984) — BOHIGAS, O. (1981) ‘Barcelona, el L’Architecture de la Raison, Brussels : J M urbanismo no es posible’ Arquitectura Colet 232 — GOTLIEB, C. (1998) Architecture et Projet — BOHIGAS, O. (1987) ‘Espaces publics et Urbain en Espagne [web-resource of urbanisme de projet’ pp. 65-78 in Centre de Documentation de GERMAIN, A. & MARSAN, J-C. eds. l’Urbanisme] Aménager l’Urbain - de Montréal à San www.urbanisme.equipement.gouv.fr/cdu/a Francisco, Montréal : Méridien ccueil/bibliographie/espagne/Espagne.htm — BOHIGAS, O. (1999) ‘Ten Points on an — HEBBERT, M. (2001) ‘El Grupo de Trabajo Urbanistic Methodology’ Journal of - Task Force - y el nuevo enfoque del Architecture 4, 3 240-4 urbanismo británico’, Urban, 4, 82-90 — CALABI, D. (1996) ‘Marcel Poëte : pioneer — HEBBERT, M (2003) ‘New Urbanism - the of “l’urbanisme” and defender of “l’his- movement in context’ Built Environment, toire des villes” Planning Perspectives, 11 29, 3, 193-209 pp. 413-36 — JA (1999) ‘The Royal Gold Medal 1999: — CHERRY, G. E. (1962) ‘The Town Planner the City of Barcelona’ Journal of and his Profession’ Journal of the Town Architecture, 4, 3, 229-44 Planning Institute, 128-31 — KLEIHUES, J. P. and KLOTZ, H. eds (1986) — CHERRY, G. E. (1972) Urban Change and International Building Exhibition Berlin Planning, Henley-on-Thames : Foulis 1987, London : Academy Editions — CHERRY, G. E. (1974) The Evolution of — KOOLHAAS, R. (1989) ‘Toward the British Town Planning, Leighton Buzzard: contemporary city’ L’Architecture Leonard Hill d’Aujourd’hui reprinted in Nesbitt K ed — CHERRY, G. E. (1981) Pioneers of Btitish (1996) Town Planning, London : Architectural — KOOLHAAS, R. (1995) S, M, L, XL, (New Press York: Monacelli Press) — CHERRY, G. E. (1982) The Politics of Town — KRIER, R. (1975) Urban Space, London : Planning London : Longman Academy Editions — COHEN, J-L. (1996) ‘Le “nouvel urban- — KRIER, L. et al (1978) ‘La declaration de isme” de Gaston Bardet’, Le Visiteur,2, Palerme’, Archives d’Architecture 134-47 Moderne, 14 — CULOT, M. & KRIER, R. (1978) ‘The only — KRIER, L. (1998) Architecture - Choice or path for architecture’ Oppositions, 14, Fate, Windsor : Andreas Papadakis 39-44 — KÜNDIGER, B. (1997) ‘Berlin: urban plan- — DREW, P. (1993) Real Space : the architec- ning between history and modernity’ in ture of Martorell, Bohigas, Mackay, BOSMA, K. and HELLINGA, A. eds Puigdomènech, Berlin : Wasmuth Mastering the City, Rotterdam : NAI Publishers

97 — LADD, B. (1997) The Ghosts of Berlin : — PICCINATO, G. (1987) ‘Las teorías del confronting German history in the urban urbanismo; un intento de análisis’ landscape, Chicago : University of Urbana, 7, 9-14 Chicago Press — ROSSI, A. (1982) The Architecture of the — LECCESE, M. & McCORMICK. K. eds (2000) City, Cambridge : MIT Press Charter of the New Urbanism, New York : — ROWE, C. and KOETTER, F. (1978) Collage McGraw-Hill City, Cambridge : MIT Press — LOPEZ de LUCIO, R. (1995) Los Nuevos — SOLÀ-MORALES M de, BUSQUETS, J. Ensanches de Madrid, Madrid : DOMINGO, M. FONT, A, GÓMEZ Ayuntamiento de Madrid ORDÓÑEZ, (1974) Barcelona, — MAGRINYÀ, F. and TARRAGÓ, S. eds Remodelación Capitalista o Desarrollo (1996) Cerdà Urbs i Territori : planning Urbano en el Sector de la Ribera Oriental beyond the urban, Barcelona : Electa Barcelona : Gustavo Gil — de MICHELIS, M. et al (1985) La — SOLÀ-MORALES, M. de, PARCERISAS, J. Ricostruzione della Città : Berlino-IBA (1987) ‘El Urbanismo Urbano’ Estudios 1987 Milano : Electa Editrice Territoriales, 24, 48-9 — MONCLÚS, F-J. (2003) ‘The Barcelona — SOLÀ-MORALES, M. de (1997) introduc- model, an original formula ? from recon- tion to Panerai P et al (1997) struction to strategic urban projects — de TERÁN, F. (1999) Madrid Ciudad- 1979-2004’, Planning Perspectives, 18, Región II - entre la ciudad y el territorio 399-421 en la segunda mitad del siglo XX — MOUDON, A. V. (1994) ‘Getting to know Madrid: Comunidad de Madrid the built environment: typomorphology’ — UHLIG, G. (1994) ‘IBA Berlin 1984-7’ in pp 289-314 in Franck and Schneekloth DETHIER, J. and GUIHEUX, A. eds La Ville eds : art et architecture 1870-1993 Paris : — NEILL, W. & SCHEDLER, H-U. eds (2001) Editions du Centre Pompidou Urban Planning & Cultural Inclusion : — WARD, S. V. (2002) Planning the lessons from Belfast and Berlin, Twentieth-Century City Chichester : John Basingstoke : Palgrave Wiley — PANERAI, P. CASTEX, J. and DEPAULE, J-C. (1997) Formes urbaines : de l’îlot à la barre, Paris : Éditions Parenthèses

98 MICHAEL HEBBERT is Professor of Town tan government include ‘Transpennine : Planning at the University of Manchester, and imaginative geographies of an interregional was formerly Director of the Planning Studies corridor’ (Transactions of the IBG 2000), programme at the London School of ‘Greater Manchester – ‘up and going’ ?’ Economics. He edits the Elsevier research (Policy & Politics 2000), Dismantlers : The journal Progress in Planning, which uniquely London Residuary Body 1986-1992 (with publishes monograph-length papers (25- Anne Edge 1994), Unfamiliar Territory : the 35,000 words) on all aspects of urban and reshaping of European Geography (edited regional planning, and he plays an active role with Jens-Christian Hansen 1990), British in contemporary British urbanism through his Regionalism 1900-2000 (edited with Patricia involvements in the Urban Design Group and Garside, 1989), The London Government the journal Municipal Engineer. Through the Handbook (with Tony Travers 1988), Ancoats Buildings Preservation Trust he is also “Regionalism - a Reform Concept and its involved in the conservation of the Spanish Application” (Government and Policy Manchester’s (and the world’s) first industrial 1987) “Regional Autonomy and Economic suburb. Action in the First Catalan Government 1980- Born in Glasgow, Michael read modern 1984” (Regional Studies 1985), and history at Oxford, prepared his PhD in geog- “Regionalism versus Realism” (Society and raphy under the supervision of Peter Hall in Space 1984). at the University of Reading, and taught Work on urbanism includes “New town planning history for six years at Oxford Urbanism - the Movement in Context” (Built Polytechnic. His academic career has always Environment 2003), “A City in Good Shape : combined the three disciplines of history, town planning and public health” (Town geography and town planning. He was a Planning Review 1999), London: More by founder member of the Planning History Fortune than Design (1998), ‘The City of Group and served on its council through the London Walkway Experiment’ (Journal of the successful mutation into an International American Planning Association 1993), ‘Town Planning History Society. In 1985-7 he edited Planner as Social Scientist’ (Society and Space the Planning History Bulletin. He is also active 1992), How Tokyo Grows - planning and land in the Regional Studies Association and for development on the metropolitan fringe many years chaired the management commit- (with Norihiro Nakai 1988), and several book tee of its journal Regional Studies. chapters on aspects of the history of the His research interests revolve around the garden cities movement, London govern- themes of regionalism and urbanism. ment, Spanish regionalism, Japanese plan- Contributions on regionalism and metropoli- ning and other topics.

99 100