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280 the Question of Russo-Ukrainian Unity and Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Early Modem Ukrainian Thought and Culture Zenon E

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280 the Question of Russo-Ukrainian Unity and Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Early Modem Ukrainian Thought and Culture Zenon E #280 The Question of Russo-Ukrainian Unity and Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Early Modem Ukrainian Thought and Culture Zenon E. Kohut Zenon E. Kohut is the author of numerous works on Early-Modern Ukraine, historiogra­ phy, and the development of Ukrainian identity, including Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Autonomy: Imperial Absorption ofthe Hetmanate (English version, 1988; revised Ukrainian version, 1996). He has taught at the "University of Pennsylvania and Michigan State Univer­ sity and was a long-time associate of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. Currently he is the director of the Canadian Ir.stitute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta. The Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars The Kennan Institute fer Advanced Russian Studies is a division of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Schola:s. Through its programs of residential scholarships, meet­ ings, and publications, the Institute encourages scholarship on the former Soviet Union, embracing a broad range of fields in the social sciences and humanities. The Kennan Insti­ tute is supported by contributions from foundations, corporations, individuals, and the United States Goverrunent. Kennan Institute Occasional Papers The Kennan Institute makes Occasional Papers available to all those interested . Occa­ sional Papers are submitted by Kennan Institute scholars and visiting speakers. Copies of Occasional Papers ar_d a list of papers currently available can be ob~ained free of charge by contacting: Occasional Papers Kennan Institute One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20004-3027 (202) 691-4100 This Occasional Paper has been produced with support provided by the Russian, Eurasian, and East European Research and Training Program of the U.S. Department of State (funded by the Soviet and East European Research and Training Act of 1983, or Title VIII). We are most grateful to this sponsor. The views expressed in Kennan Institute Occasional Papers are those of the authors. © March 2001 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. The Kennan Institute Named in honor of Ambassador Kennan's relative, George Kennan "the Elder," a nineteenth­ century explorer of Russia and Siberia, the Kennan Institu:e is commited to improving American expertise and knowledge about the former Soviet Union. It is one of several area studies programs at the Woodrow Wilson Center. Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars The Center is the nation's living memorial to Woodrow Wilson, president of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Created by law in 1968, the Center is Washington, D.C.'s only independent, wide-ranging institute fo r advanced study where vital current issues and their deep historical background are explored through research and dialogue. Visit the Center on the WorldWide Web at http:/ /www.wilsoncenter.org. Director Lee H. HamLton Bo11rd ofTn~stees Joseph A. Cari, Jr., C'lair ·Steven Alan Bennett, Vice Chair Ex o/ficio trustees: Colin L. Powell, Secretary of State · James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress· John W. Carlin, Archivist of the United States· William R. Ferris, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities· Lawrence M. Small, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution · Roderick R. Paige, Secretary of Education · Tommy G. Thompson, Secretary of Health and Human Services · Pn'vate citizen trustees: Carol Cartwright · John H. Foster · Jean L. Hennessey · Daniel L. Lamaute · Doris 0. Matsui · Thomas R. Reedy · Nancy M. Zirkin 17te Wilson Council B.i3. Andersen · Cyrus A. Ansary · Charles F. Barber · Laurence E. Bathgate II · Joseph C. Bell · Thomas J. Buckholtz · Conrad Cafritz ·Nicola L. Caiola· Raoul L. Carroll· Scott Carter· Albert V. Casey· Peter B. Clark· William T. Coleman, Jr. · Michael D. DiGiacomo· Donald G. Drapkin ·F. Samuel Eberts Ill· I. Steven Edelson · J. David 3ller · Sim Farar · Susan Farber· Barbara Hackman Franklin · Morton Funger · Chris G. Gardiner · Eric Garfinkel · Bruce S. Gelb · Jerry P. Genova · Alma Gildenhom · Joseph B. Gildenhom David F. Girard--diCarlo · Michael B. Goldberg· William E. Grayson · Raymond A. Guenter · Vema R. Harrah· Carla A Hills· Eric Hotung ·Frances Humphrey Howard· Jchn L. Howard · Darrell E. Issa ·Jerry Jasinowski · Brenda LaGrange Johnson · Dennis D. Jocgensen · Shelly Kamins · Anastasia D. Kelly · Christopher J. Kennan · Michael V. Kostiw · Steven Kotler · William H. Kreme!' · Harold 0. Levy · David Link · DavidS. Mandel· John P. Manning· Edwin S. Marks · Robert McCarthy· C. Peter McColough ·Stephen G. McConahey ·James D. McDonald· J. Kenneth Menges · Philip Merrill· Jeremiah L. Mwphy ·Martha T. Muse· Della M. Newman· Gerald L. Parsky ·Michael]. Polenske · DonaldRobertQuartel, Jr. ·]. Steven Rhodes· John L. Richardson · Margaret Milner Richardson· Edwin Robbins · Philip E. Rollhaus, Jr. · Otto Ruesch· B. Francis Saul, III · J. Michael Shepherd · George P. Shultz· Raja W. Sidawi ·Deborah Siebert · Thomas L. Siebert · Ron Silver· William A Slaughte::- ·Timothy E. Stapleford · Mark C. Treanor· Christine M. Warnke· Pete Wilson· Deborah Wince-Smith · Herbert S. Winokur, ;r. · Joseph Zappala Kl!lllllln Institute Advisol'!f Council Chair, Herbert J. Ellison, \JIT.versity of Washington· Timothy J. Colton, Harvacd University · Catharine S. Nepornnyashchy, Barnard College and Columbia University · Oleksandr Pavliuk, EastWest Institute · Elizabeth Pond, Bonn, Germany · Linda Randall, University of Rhode Island · Jane Sharp, University of Maryland, College Park · Ambassador Thorr,as W. Simons, Jr., Stanford University · Grace Kennan Warnecke, Winrock International, Chief of Party, Kyiv ·Larissa G. Zakharova, Moscow State University THE QUESTION OF RUSSO-UKRAINIAN UNITY AND UKRAINIAN DISTINCTIVENESS IN EARLY MODERN UKRAINIAN THOUGHT AND CULTURE Introduction areas did they seek links with Russia Many present-day Russians stiJ and in which ones did they hold on to consider Ukraine to be part of Russia, what they considered essential differ­ historically, culturally, and even spiri­ ences? In order to get to the root of these questions, it is necessary to at tually. So pervasive has been the myth of Russo-Ukrainian unity that any least touch upon the Ukrainian out­ look prior to the encounter with attempt at asserting a Ukrainian Russia. identity has been viewed by many Russians as betrayal or as foreign The Polish-Lithuanian Experience intrigue. Despite the persecution of When in 1654 Hetman Bohcan Ukrainian culture in both Imperial Khmel'nyts'kyi placed Ukraine under Russia and the Soviet Union, Ukrai:U­ the protection of the Muscov:.te tsar, ans have developed the idea of a the country had experienced more distinct Ukrainian nationhood. Many than half a century of political, reli­ of the current misunderstandings gious, cultural, and social turmoil. Up between Russia and Ukraine have as to the 1654 Pereiaslav agreement, and their base a fundamental clash over ·:he even after it, Ukrainian (Ruthenian) historical role of Ukraine. Are Ukraini­ elites were trying to find a place within ans and Russians the same people? Are the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Ukrainians somewhat distinct only Only after the failure to reach an because their "Russianness" has been accommodation within Poland­ corrupted by Polish practices? Are Lithuania did Ukrainian elites begin Ukrainians really a distinct nation bot.'L looking toward Muscovy and involv­ in the past and in the present?1 ing it in Ukrainian affairs. In their In this c~ash, both sides are looi<­ encounter with Russia in the seven­ ing at the same historical experience teenth century, Ukrainian elites were but reaching diametrically opposed primarily focusing on and reacting to conclusions. To a large extent, each political, social, religious, and cultL:ral side selects examples that corroborate issues within the Polish-LithLaniar. its own interpretation and ignores or Commonwealth. explains away evidence to the contrary. By the sixteenth century, the But the problem is deeper than this, fer Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth there is ar. ambiguity to the Russo­ w as, in theory, a "Republic of the Ukrainian encounter from its very Nobles" of two territories, the King­ inception in the seventeenth century. dom of Poland and the Grand Duchy Much of the ambiguity comes from of Lithuania. The nobles, encompass­ posturing; from what Kliuchevsky has ing the political nation, could be of said about the 1654 Pereiaslav agree­ diverse ethnic origins-Polish, ment, in which both sides "did not sc.y Lithuanian, Ruthenian, or German­ what they thought and did what they and diverse faiths-Roman Catholic, did not wish ·:o do."2 In these encour.­ Protestant, or Eastern Orthodox-but ters both sides found it convenient t0 had individual liberties and equal overlook differences and concentrate rights. Reality differed greatly from on areas of real o:- imagined unity. But theory, particularly in the territories of how did Ukrainian elites view the the Commonwealth inhabited by relationship witr. Russia? In which Ruthenians (Ukrainians and 1 Belarusians). There was no equality the Protestant reforms. =n the program­ among the nobles: political leadership matic vision of the Jesuit ideologue, was exercised by the princely houses Peter Skarga, confessional unity was of the Rurikids and the Gedyminids, essential for political unity, and East­ while the nobles, descended from the ern Orthodoxy was considered :tot boyars, acted as subordinates and only erroneous, but also s·.1bversive of
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