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The Long Con of Civility
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2021 The Long Con of Civility Lynn Mie Itagaki Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Itagaki, Lynn Mie, "The Long Con of Civility" (2021). Connecticut Law Review. 446. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/446 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 FEBRUARY 2021 NUMBER 3 Article The Long Con of Civility LYNN MIE ITAGAKI Civility has been much on the minds of pundits in local and national political discussions since the 1990s. Periods of civil unrest or irreconcilable divisions in governance intensify concerns about civility. While its more archaic definitions refer to citizenry and civilization, civility is often promoted as the foundation or goal of deliberative democracies. However, less acknowledged is its disciplinary, repressive effects in maintaining or deepening racial, gendered, heteronormative, and ableist hierarchies that distinguish some populations for full citizenship and others for partial rights and protections. In Part I, I examine a recent series of civility polls, their contradictory results, and how these contradictions can importantly expose the fissures of our contemporary moment and our body politic. In Part II, I describe the historical background of civility around race, gender, and sexuality and the unacknowledged difficulty in defining civility and incivility. In Part III, I extend this discussion to address the recent cases before the Supreme Court concerning LGBTQ+ employment discrimination and lack of accessibility. In conclusion, I identify what it would mean to analyze civility in terms of dignity on the basis of these cases about the equal rights and protections of their LGBTQ+ and disabled plaintiffs. -
Media Interaction with the Public in Emergency Situations: Four Case Studies
MEDIA INTERACTION WITH THE PUBLIC IN EMERGENCY SITUATIONS: FOUR CASE STUDIES A Report Prepared under an Interagency Agreement by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress August 1999 Authors: LaVerle Berry Amanda Jones Terence Powers Project Manager: Andrea M. Savada Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540–4840 Tel: 202–707–3900 Fax: 202–707–3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage:http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/ PREFACE The following report provides an analysis of media coverage of four major emergency situations in the United States and the impact of that coverage on the public. The situations analyzed are the Three Mile Island nuclear accident (1979), the Los Angeles riots (1992), the World Trade Center bombing (1993), and the Oklahoma City bombing (1995). Each study consists of a chronology of events followed by a discussion of the interaction of the media and the public in that particular situation. Emphasis is upon the initial hours or days of each event. Print and television coverage was analyzed in each study; radio coverage was analyzed in one instance. The conclusion discusses several themes that emerge from a comparison of the role of the media in these emergencies. Sources consulted appear in the bibliography at the end of the report. i TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ................................................................... i INTRODUCTION: THE MEDIA IN EMERGENCY SITUATIONS .................... iv THE THREE MILE ISLAND NUCLEAR ACCIDENT, 1979 ..........................1 Chronology of Events, March -
Systemic Racism, Police Brutality of Black People, and the Use of Violence in Quelling Peaceful Protests in America
SYSTEMIC RACISM, POLICE BRUTALITY OF BLACK PEOPLE, AND THE USE OF VIOLENCE IN QUELLING PEACEFUL PROTESTS IN AMERICA WILLIAMS C. IHEME* “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.” —Martin Luther King Jr Abstract: The Trump Administration and its mantra to ‘Make America Great Again’ has been calibrated with racism and severe oppression against Black people in America who still bear the deep marks of slavery. After the official abolition of slavery in the second half of the nineteenth century, the initial inability of Black people to own land, coupled with the various Jim Crow laws rendered the acquired freedom nearly insignificant in the face of poverty and hopelessness. Although the age-long struggles for civil rights and equal treatments have caused the acquisition of more black-letter rights, the systemic racism that still perverts the American justice system has largely disabled these rights: the result is that Black people continue to exist at the periphery of American economy and politics. Using a functional approach and other types of approach to legal and sociological reasoning, this article examines the supportive roles of Corporate America, Mainstream Media, and White Supremacists in winnowing the systemic oppression that manifests largely through police brutality. The article argues that some of the sustainable solutions against these injustices must be tackled from the roots and not through window-dressing legislation, which often harbor the narrow interests of Corporate America. Keywords: Black people, racism, oppression, violence, police brutality, prison, bail, mass incarceration, protests. Summary: 1. INTRODUCTION: SLAVE TRADE AS THE ENTRY POINT OF SYSTEMIC RACISM. -
POLICE FOUNDATION REPORTS October 1992
POLICE FOUNDATION REPORTS October 1992 Spouse Abuse Research Raises New Questions About Police Response to Domestic Violence Introduction by Hubert Williams President, Police Foundation Of all calls for service to police departments, those for reported spouse everal replications of a study abuse traditionally rank among the most numerous. The magnitude of finding that arrest of spouse the domestic violence problem is wide and deep. Indeed, for all the cases Sassault suspects helped that are reported, it is probable that many more go unreported. prevent repeat assaults have shown mixed results. A number of the For many years, police officers who responded to these calls often felt a replications found no deterrent sense of frustration knowing when they left the scene that they might effect of arrest, while a Police soon have to return to confront again the pain and humiliation of the Foundation replication seems to domestic violence situation. There were no clear answers to handling reinforce the original findings. these cases, no way to assure that the violence would cease. Close examination of the foundation’s research, however, may In recognition of this, the National Institute of Justice funded a Police point to different policy conclusions Foundation study several years ago to see if police treatment of offenders than those suggested by the earlier had an impact on recidivism. The study, conducted in Minneapolis, was study. the first in the history of policing that permitted experimentation with officers’ responses to a situation involving a specific offense. Police That 1984 study, conducted by the Foundation researchers found that arrest of the suspect was more Police Foundation in Minneapolis, effective in deterring future violence than were counseling or sending the found that arrest was a more suspect away from home for several hours. -
Policing Terrorism
Policing Terrorism A Review of the Evidence Darren Thiel Policing Terrorism A Review of the Evidence Darren Thiel Policing Terrorism A Review of the Evidence Darren Thiel © 2009: The Police Foundation All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of The Police Foundation. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Police Foundation. Enquires concerning reproduction should be sent to The Police Foundation at the address below. ISBN: 0 947692 49 5 The Police Foundation First Floor Park Place 12 Lawn Lane London SW8 1UD Tel: 020 7582 3744 www.police-foundation.org.uk Acknowledgements This Review is indebted to the Barrow Cadbury Trust which provided the grant enabling the work to be conducted. The author also wishes to thank the academics, researchers, critics, police officers, security service officials, and civil servants who helped formulate the initial direction and content of this Review, and the staff at the Police Foundation for their help and support throughout. Thanks also to Tahir Abbas, David Bayley, Robert Beckley, Craig Denholm, Martin Innes and Bob Lambert for their insightful, constructive and supportive comments on various drafts of the Review. Any mistakes or inaccuracies are, of course, the author’s own. Darren Thiel, February 2009 Contents PAGE Executive Summary 1 Introduction 5 Chapter -
The Rodney King Riots
1 Framing Perspective: How Video has Shaped Public Opinion An Honors Thesis (HONR 499) by Jason W. Puhr Thesis Advisor Terry Heifetz Signed Ball State University Muncie, Indiana May 2015 Expected Date of Graduation May 2,2015 q,pCo) J U nd Ci d h c- J-zc' -r 2 L Abstract Video cameras have come a long way since Charles Ginsburg created the first practical videotape recorder in 1951. Today millions ofAmericans live with cameras in their pockets. The growth of video has changed the communication industry into one that is shown rather than described. Video has created a direct window into the world, one that cannot be achieved equally by other communication methods and one that reaches into the hearts of its viewers. This window has shaped public opinion, as we know it, bringing images directly into the homes of millions from who knows how far away. In this thesis, I will examine major moments in U.S. history that influenced public opinion. I will explain the event itself, what was captured on camera, the effects and aftermath of the video and how the world may be different without the coverage. Acknowledgements I want to thank all the members of the Ball State faculty and staff who helped me to come up with the idea for this project, particularly Terry Heifetz and Stephanie Wiechmann. I also want to thank Terry for working and editing this project with me over the last ten months. I am very grateful to Indiana Public Radio as well, for providing a quiet and productive workspace. -
Private Conflict, Local Organizations, and Mobilizing Ethnic Violence In
Private Conflict, Local Organizations, and Mobilizing Ethnic Violence in Southern California Bradley E. Holland∗ Abstract Prominent research highlights links between group-level conflicts and low-intensity (i.e. non-militarized) ethnic violence. However, the processes driving this relationship are often less clear. Why do certain actors attempt to mobilize ethnic violence? How are those actors able to mobilize participation in ethnic violence? I argue that addressing these questions requires scholars to focus not only on group-level conflicts and tensions, but also private conflicts and local violent organizations. Private conflicts give certain members of ethnic groups incentives to mobilize violence against certain out-group adversaries. Institutions within local violent organizations allow them to mobilize participation in such violence. Promoting these selective forms of violence against out- group adversaries mobilizes indiscriminate forms of ethnic violence due to identification problems, efforts to deny adversaries access to resources, and spirals of retribution. I develop these arguments by tracing ethnic violence between blacks and Latinos in Southern California. In efforts to gain leverage in private conflicts, a group of Latino prisoners mobilized members of local street gangs to participate in selective violence against African American adversaries. In doing so, even indiscriminate forms of ethnic violence have become entangled in the private conflicts of members of local violent organizations. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, The Ohio State University, [email protected]. Thanks to Sarah Brooks, Jorge Dominguez, Jennifer Hochschild, Didi Kuo, Steven Levitsky, Chika Ogawa, Meg Rithmire, Annie Temple, and Bernardo Zacka for comments on earlier drafts. 1 Introduction On an evening in August 1992, the homes of two African American families in the Ramona Gardens housing projects, just east of downtown Los Angeles, were firebombed. -
Community Policing: a Practical Guide for Police Officials
U.S. Department of Justice Office of Ju\tice Program\ NLIIIOIIN/111$ttffftrof./l(.sftcc pea: September 1989 No. 12 A publication of the National instituteof Justice, U.S. Department of Justice, and the Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management. John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University Community Policing: A Practical Guide for Police Officials By Lee Y. Brown Like many other social institutions, American police depart- ments are responding to rapid social change and emerging This is one in a series of reports originally developed with problems by rethinking their basic strategies. In response to some of the leading figures in American policing during their problems such as crime, drugs, fear, and urban decay, the periodic meetings at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government. The reportsare published so that police have begun experimenting with new approaches to Americans interested in the improvement and the future of their tasks. policing can share in the information and perspectives that were part of extensivedebates at the School's Executive Among the most prominent new approaches is the concept of Session on Policing. community policing. Viewed from one perspective, it is not a The police chiefs, mayors, scholars,and others invited to the new concept; the principles can be traced back to some of meetings have focused on the use and promise of such policing's oldest traditions. More recently, some of the impor- strategies as community-based and problem-oriented policing. tant principles of community policing have been reflected in The testing and adoption of these strategies by some police particular programs initiated in a variety of places within agencies signal important changes in the way American policing now does business. -
The Shift Length Experiment What We Know About 8-, 10-, and 12-Hour Shifts in Policing
THE SHIFT LENGTH EXPERIMENT What We Know About 8-, 10-, and 12-Hour Shifts in Policing POLICE FOUNDATION THE SHIFT LENGTH EXPERIMENT What We Know About 8-, 10-, and 12-Hour Shifts in Policing By Karen L. Amendola, David Weisburd, Edwin E. Hamilton, Greg Jones, Meghan Slipka With Anneke Heitmann, Jon Shane, Christopher Ortiz, Eliab Tarkghen Washington, DC The Police Foundation is a national, nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to supporting innovation and improvement in policing. Established in 1970, the foundation has conducted seminal research in police behavior, policy, and procedure, and works to transfer to local agencies the best new information about practices for dealing effectively with a range of important police operational and administrative concerns. Motivating all of the foundation’s efforts is the goal of efficient, humane policing that operates within the framework of democratic principles and the highest ideals of the nation. ©2011 by the Police Foundation. All rights, including translation into other languages, reserved under the Universal Copyright Convention, the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, and the International and Pan American Copyright Conventions. For information about using Police Foundation copyrighted material, please visit www.policefoundation.org/docs/copyright.html. Police Foundation 1201 Connecticut Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036-2636 (202) 833-1460 (202) 659-9149 fax [email protected] www.policefoundation.org ISBN 978-1-884614-25-5 Library of Congress Control Number: 2011943533 This project was supported by award 2005-FS-BX-0057 from the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Justice. -
The Flawed Emergency Response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riots (C)
KS1029 Case Number 1588.0 The Flawed Emergency Response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riots (C) In many respects, it was not surprising that Governor Pete Wilson would offer the services of the California National Guard to help quell the riots that had engulfed South Central Los Angeles. The Guard had played a prominent role in responding to civil disturbances during the 1960s, with more than 13,000 troops deployed during the Watts riots alone. As in other parts of the country, Guard troops had also been mobilized to respond to anti-Vietnam protests and other student demonstrations in the 1960s and early 1970s. But over the following two decades, federal and state support to fund National Guard preparedness for civil disturbance responses had tailed off as law enforcement agencies’ need for military support seemed to lessen. Beginning in 1989, staff officers from the Guard had attended a series of meetings with the state Office of Emergency Services (OES) and other law enforcement groups, in part to discuss the National Guard role in mutual aid. Based on the meetings, some officials at the National Guard headquarters concluded that the state’s improved mutual aid system had largely negated the need for Guard troops to respond to civil unrest. As stated in the OES Law Enforcement Mutual Aid Plan, dated October 1991, “Normally, military support will be provided to local jurisdictions only after a request is made by the chief executive of a city or county or sheriff of a county, and only after the disturbance has been determined to be, or to likely become, beyond the capabilities of local law enforcement forces, as supplemented by forces made available under the existing mutual aid agreements.” Under the mutual aid plan, therefore, a police department such as the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) would first call on the Sheriff’s Department and other local agencies before considering state or federal resources. -
Property Coverage for Riot-Related Claims Is Not Automatic by Scott Seaman, Judith Selby and Matthew Ferlazzo (June 18, 2020, 6:54 PM EDT)
Portfolio Media. Inc. | 111 West 19th Street, 5th Floor | New York, NY 10011 | www.law360.com Phone: +1 646 783 7100 | Fax: +1 646 783 7161 | [email protected] Property Coverage For Riot-Related Claims Is Not Automatic By Scott Seaman, Judith Selby and Matthew Ferlazzo (June 18, 2020, 6:54 PM EDT) In the days following the death of George Floyd while in the custody of Minneapolis police officers, many Americans took to the streets to protest. The peaceful protests have been marred — and in some instances overshadowed — by extensive rioting, looting and vandalism, resulting in injuries to individuals and damage to the property of individuals and businesses in various areas of the country. Curfews have been imposed in some cities in an attempt to limit further violence. There has been a downturn in some of the violent activity as of the time this article was prepared, but the nation watches as events continue to unfold. Scott Seaman It is clear that losses arising from these events will be significant. For the first time in its history, the property claims services unit of the Insurance Services Office Inc., on June 1, designated the recent riots and civil commotion as a catastrophe event in more than 20 states, meaning that insured losses for each event are predicted to exceed $25 million. For context, according to the Insurance Information Institute, insurers paid $775 million for losses arising from the 1992 Los Angeles riots. Adjusted for inflation, that translates into $1.4 billion in 2020 dollars for losses in a single city. -
If You Have Issues Viewing Or Accessing This File Contact Us at NCJRS.Gov
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. 1/' -:-l COMMUNITY POLICING IN THE 1980'S: RECENT ADVANCES IN POLICE PROGRAMS L-. Edited by Donald J. Loree and Chris Murphy Research and Program Ministry Secretariat Development Branch Solicitor ~eneral Canada Canadian Police College Ottawa, Ontario March 17-19, 1986 J ~ ~ mfftl:11\ft~ H § L. This Conference was jointly sponsored by the Canadian Police College, a Canadian police service of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and by the Secretariat of the Ministry of the Solicitor General of Canada. Published under the authority of the Hon. James Kelleher, P.C., M.P., Solicitor General of Canada. © Minister of Supply and Services Canada 1987 Cat. No. JS 42-34/1987E ISBN 0-662-15807-5 U.S. Department of Justice 108794 National Institute of Justice This document has been reproduced exactly as received from the pers?n or organization originating it. Points of view or opinions stated In this documen~ ~re tho.s.e of the authors and do not necessarily repr~sent the official pOSitIOn or policies of the National Institute of Juslice. Permission to reproduce this copyrighted material has been granted by Minister of S11pply and Services Canada to the National Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS). F.urther reproduction outside of the NC"RS system requires permis sion of the copyright owner. The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the Canadian Police College, the Ministry of the Solicitor General or any government department or agency. Egalement disponible en fran9ais sous Ie titre La police et la collectivite dans les annees 80: progres recents au niveau des programmes.