Locked and Loaded: Taking Aim at the Growing Use of the American Military in Civilian Law Enforcement Operations
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The Long Con of Civility
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2021 The Long Con of Civility Lynn Mie Itagaki Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Itagaki, Lynn Mie, "The Long Con of Civility" (2021). Connecticut Law Review. 446. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/446 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 FEBRUARY 2021 NUMBER 3 Article The Long Con of Civility LYNN MIE ITAGAKI Civility has been much on the minds of pundits in local and national political discussions since the 1990s. Periods of civil unrest or irreconcilable divisions in governance intensify concerns about civility. While its more archaic definitions refer to citizenry and civilization, civility is often promoted as the foundation or goal of deliberative democracies. However, less acknowledged is its disciplinary, repressive effects in maintaining or deepening racial, gendered, heteronormative, and ableist hierarchies that distinguish some populations for full citizenship and others for partial rights and protections. In Part I, I examine a recent series of civility polls, their contradictory results, and how these contradictions can importantly expose the fissures of our contemporary moment and our body politic. In Part II, I describe the historical background of civility around race, gender, and sexuality and the unacknowledged difficulty in defining civility and incivility. In Part III, I extend this discussion to address the recent cases before the Supreme Court concerning LGBTQ+ employment discrimination and lack of accessibility. In conclusion, I identify what it would mean to analyze civility in terms of dignity on the basis of these cases about the equal rights and protections of their LGBTQ+ and disabled plaintiffs. -
Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) ‘Whose Vietnam?’ - ‘Lessons learned’ and the dynamics of memory in American foreign policy after the Vietnam War Beukenhorst, H.B. Publication date 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Beukenhorst, H. B. (2012). ‘Whose Vietnam?’ - ‘Lessons learned’ and the dynamics of memory in American foreign policy after the Vietnam War. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:02 Oct 2021 Bibliography Primary sources cited (Archival material, government publications, reports, surveys, etc.) ___________________________________________________________ Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (RRPL), Simi Valley, California NSC 1, February 6, 1981: Executive Secretariat, NSC: folder NSC 1, NSC Meeting Files, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (RRPL). ‘News clippings’, Folder: ‘Central American Speech April 27, 1983 – May 21, 1983’, Box 2: Central American Speech – Exercise reports, Clark, William P.: Files, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (RRPL). -
Media Interaction with the Public in Emergency Situations: Four Case Studies
MEDIA INTERACTION WITH THE PUBLIC IN EMERGENCY SITUATIONS: FOUR CASE STUDIES A Report Prepared under an Interagency Agreement by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress August 1999 Authors: LaVerle Berry Amanda Jones Terence Powers Project Manager: Andrea M. Savada Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540–4840 Tel: 202–707–3900 Fax: 202–707–3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage:http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/ PREFACE The following report provides an analysis of media coverage of four major emergency situations in the United States and the impact of that coverage on the public. The situations analyzed are the Three Mile Island nuclear accident (1979), the Los Angeles riots (1992), the World Trade Center bombing (1993), and the Oklahoma City bombing (1995). Each study consists of a chronology of events followed by a discussion of the interaction of the media and the public in that particular situation. Emphasis is upon the initial hours or days of each event. Print and television coverage was analyzed in each study; radio coverage was analyzed in one instance. The conclusion discusses several themes that emerge from a comparison of the role of the media in these emergencies. Sources consulted appear in the bibliography at the end of the report. i TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ................................................................... i INTRODUCTION: THE MEDIA IN EMERGENCY SITUATIONS .................... iv THE THREE MILE ISLAND NUCLEAR ACCIDENT, 1979 ..........................1 Chronology of Events, March -
PROTEST ACTIVITIES in SOUTHERN UNIVERSITIES, 1965-1972 Except
PROTEST ACTIVITIES IN SOUTHERN UNIVERSITIES, 1965-1972 Except where reference is made to the work of others, the work described in this thesis is my own or was done in collaboration with my advisory committee. This thesis does not include proprietary or classified information. ________________________________________ Kristin Elizabeth Grabarek Certificate of Approval: _________________________ ________________________ Angela Lakwete David Carter, Chair Associate Professor Associate Professor History History _________________________ ________________________ Ruth Crocker Stephen L. McFarland Alumni Professor Acting Dean History Graduate School PROTEST ACTIVITIES IN SOUTHERN UNIVERSITIES, 1965-1972 Kristin E. Grabarek A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of History Auburn, Alabama May 11, 2006 PROTEST ACTIVITIES IN SOUTHERN UNIVERSITIES, 1965-1972 Kristin E. Grabarek Permission is granted to Auburn University to make copies of this thesis at its discretion, upon request of individuals or institutions and at their expense. The author reserves all publication rights. ______________________________ Signature of Author May 11, 2006 Date of Graduation iii THESIS ABSTRACT PROTEST ACTIVITIES IN SOUTHERN UNIVERSITIES, 1965-1972 Kristin E. Grabarek Master of History, May 11, 2006 (B.A., Greensboro College, 2003) 162 Typed Pages Directed by Dr. David Carter, Dr. Angela Lakwete, and Dr. Ruth Crocker This thesis examines the existence and character of protest movements in southern universities from the fall of 1965 through the spring of 1972, and offers an explanation for the student dissent in the South in these years while also accounting for its relevance to the study of the anti-Vietnam War and civil rights movements. -
Systemic Racism, Police Brutality of Black People, and the Use of Violence in Quelling Peaceful Protests in America
SYSTEMIC RACISM, POLICE BRUTALITY OF BLACK PEOPLE, AND THE USE OF VIOLENCE IN QUELLING PEACEFUL PROTESTS IN AMERICA WILLIAMS C. IHEME* “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.” —Martin Luther King Jr Abstract: The Trump Administration and its mantra to ‘Make America Great Again’ has been calibrated with racism and severe oppression against Black people in America who still bear the deep marks of slavery. After the official abolition of slavery in the second half of the nineteenth century, the initial inability of Black people to own land, coupled with the various Jim Crow laws rendered the acquired freedom nearly insignificant in the face of poverty and hopelessness. Although the age-long struggles for civil rights and equal treatments have caused the acquisition of more black-letter rights, the systemic racism that still perverts the American justice system has largely disabled these rights: the result is that Black people continue to exist at the periphery of American economy and politics. Using a functional approach and other types of approach to legal and sociological reasoning, this article examines the supportive roles of Corporate America, Mainstream Media, and White Supremacists in winnowing the systemic oppression that manifests largely through police brutality. The article argues that some of the sustainable solutions against these injustices must be tackled from the roots and not through window-dressing legislation, which often harbor the narrow interests of Corporate America. Keywords: Black people, racism, oppression, violence, police brutality, prison, bail, mass incarceration, protests. Summary: 1. INTRODUCTION: SLAVE TRADE AS THE ENTRY POINT OF SYSTEMIC RACISM. -
The Kent State Shootings After Nearly 50 Years
The Kent State Shootings after Nearly 50 Years One Lawyer’s Remembrance Sanford Jay roSen Sanford Jay Rosen was the lead attorney for the dead and wounded students of the May 4, 1970, shootings at Kent State. Rosen came to the case in 1977 as lead counsel for the appeal following the victims’ loss of their cases in federal district court in Ohio. After he won the appeal, the cases were sent back to the district court for retrial. Rosen continues to practice law in San Francisco and is a founding partner at the San Francisco law firm Rosen, Bien, Galvan & Grunfeld, LLP. This piece was written in 2019. To understand my involvement in the Kent State cases, we begin with my father’s mother long before I was born in December 1937. Aida Grudsky was born in the late 1860s in Kiev, Ukraine. In 1905, she fled to America with her husband and two sons from Czarist Russia’s latest oppression of Jews. Neither son survived the journey. Her eldest, born in the United States, also died as a child. Perhaps because of her unspeakable suffering, Aida had an innate sense of injustice, which she passed on to me. My late wife Catherine was born in January 1940, just three weeks af- ter she was smuggled into the United States in her mother’s belly. Pregnant Jewish women were not allowed into the United States on visitors’ visas dur- ing World War II. The Nazis murdered Cathy’s maternal grandmother and that branch of Cathy’s family, except my mother-in-law. -
The Rodney King Riots
1 Framing Perspective: How Video has Shaped Public Opinion An Honors Thesis (HONR 499) by Jason W. Puhr Thesis Advisor Terry Heifetz Signed Ball State University Muncie, Indiana May 2015 Expected Date of Graduation May 2,2015 q,pCo) J U nd Ci d h c- J-zc' -r 2 L Abstract Video cameras have come a long way since Charles Ginsburg created the first practical videotape recorder in 1951. Today millions ofAmericans live with cameras in their pockets. The growth of video has changed the communication industry into one that is shown rather than described. Video has created a direct window into the world, one that cannot be achieved equally by other communication methods and one that reaches into the hearts of its viewers. This window has shaped public opinion, as we know it, bringing images directly into the homes of millions from who knows how far away. In this thesis, I will examine major moments in U.S. history that influenced public opinion. I will explain the event itself, what was captured on camera, the effects and aftermath of the video and how the world may be different without the coverage. Acknowledgements I want to thank all the members of the Ball State faculty and staff who helped me to come up with the idea for this project, particularly Terry Heifetz and Stephanie Wiechmann. I also want to thank Terry for working and editing this project with me over the last ten months. I am very grateful to Indiana Public Radio as well, for providing a quiet and productive workspace. -
Private Conflict, Local Organizations, and Mobilizing Ethnic Violence In
Private Conflict, Local Organizations, and Mobilizing Ethnic Violence in Southern California Bradley E. Holland∗ Abstract Prominent research highlights links between group-level conflicts and low-intensity (i.e. non-militarized) ethnic violence. However, the processes driving this relationship are often less clear. Why do certain actors attempt to mobilize ethnic violence? How are those actors able to mobilize participation in ethnic violence? I argue that addressing these questions requires scholars to focus not only on group-level conflicts and tensions, but also private conflicts and local violent organizations. Private conflicts give certain members of ethnic groups incentives to mobilize violence against certain out-group adversaries. Institutions within local violent organizations allow them to mobilize participation in such violence. Promoting these selective forms of violence against out- group adversaries mobilizes indiscriminate forms of ethnic violence due to identification problems, efforts to deny adversaries access to resources, and spirals of retribution. I develop these arguments by tracing ethnic violence between blacks and Latinos in Southern California. In efforts to gain leverage in private conflicts, a group of Latino prisoners mobilized members of local street gangs to participate in selective violence against African American adversaries. In doing so, even indiscriminate forms of ethnic violence have become entangled in the private conflicts of members of local violent organizations. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, The Ohio State University, [email protected]. Thanks to Sarah Brooks, Jorge Dominguez, Jennifer Hochschild, Didi Kuo, Steven Levitsky, Chika Ogawa, Meg Rithmire, Annie Temple, and Bernardo Zacka for comments on earlier drafts. 1 Introduction On an evening in August 1992, the homes of two African American families in the Ramona Gardens housing projects, just east of downtown Los Angeles, were firebombed. -
14 Feb 2014 Final Update to the Kent State Truth Tribunal Submission To
14 Feb 2014 Final Update to the Kent State Truth Tribunal submission to the United Nations, Human Rights Committee The Kent State Truth Tribunal (KSTT) was founded in 2010 upon the emergence of new forensic evidence regarding the May 4, 1970 Kent State massacre. KSTT is a non- governmental organization focused on revealing truth and bringing justice to Kent State victims and survivors. Representing Allison Beth Krause, 19-year-old student protester slain at Kent State University on May 4, 1970: Doris L. Krause, mother and Laurel Krause, sister. The Kent State Truth Tribunal seeks an independent, impartial investigation into the May 4th Kent State massacre (Article 2 (Right to remedy); Article 6 (Right to life); Article 19 (Right to freedom of expression); Article 21 (Right to peaceful assembly)). In 2013 KSTT submitted information and a shadow report to the United Nations Human Rights Committee surrounding the May 4, 1970 Kent State shootings where Krause family member Allison was wrongfully killed. KSTT Submission: http://bit.ly/1f2X25i, KSTT Shadow Report: http://bit.ly/1kBSjfa US military bullets silenced Allison Krause’s protest against the United States war in Vietnam and President Nixon’s announced escalation of the war into Cambodia. On May 4, 1970, Allison stood and died for peace. From the revealing Kent State forensic evidence emerging in May 2010, we learned: "Participating American militia colluded at Kent State to organize and fight this battle against American student protesters, most of them too young to vote but old enough -
The Flawed Emergency Response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riots (C)
KS1029 Case Number 1588.0 The Flawed Emergency Response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riots (C) In many respects, it was not surprising that Governor Pete Wilson would offer the services of the California National Guard to help quell the riots that had engulfed South Central Los Angeles. The Guard had played a prominent role in responding to civil disturbances during the 1960s, with more than 13,000 troops deployed during the Watts riots alone. As in other parts of the country, Guard troops had also been mobilized to respond to anti-Vietnam protests and other student demonstrations in the 1960s and early 1970s. But over the following two decades, federal and state support to fund National Guard preparedness for civil disturbance responses had tailed off as law enforcement agencies’ need for military support seemed to lessen. Beginning in 1989, staff officers from the Guard had attended a series of meetings with the state Office of Emergency Services (OES) and other law enforcement groups, in part to discuss the National Guard role in mutual aid. Based on the meetings, some officials at the National Guard headquarters concluded that the state’s improved mutual aid system had largely negated the need for Guard troops to respond to civil unrest. As stated in the OES Law Enforcement Mutual Aid Plan, dated October 1991, “Normally, military support will be provided to local jurisdictions only after a request is made by the chief executive of a city or county or sheriff of a county, and only after the disturbance has been determined to be, or to likely become, beyond the capabilities of local law enforcement forces, as supplemented by forces made available under the existing mutual aid agreements.” Under the mutual aid plan, therefore, a police department such as the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) would first call on the Sheriff’s Department and other local agencies before considering state or federal resources. -
Property Coverage for Riot-Related Claims Is Not Automatic by Scott Seaman, Judith Selby and Matthew Ferlazzo (June 18, 2020, 6:54 PM EDT)
Portfolio Media. Inc. | 111 West 19th Street, 5th Floor | New York, NY 10011 | www.law360.com Phone: +1 646 783 7100 | Fax: +1 646 783 7161 | [email protected] Property Coverage For Riot-Related Claims Is Not Automatic By Scott Seaman, Judith Selby and Matthew Ferlazzo (June 18, 2020, 6:54 PM EDT) In the days following the death of George Floyd while in the custody of Minneapolis police officers, many Americans took to the streets to protest. The peaceful protests have been marred — and in some instances overshadowed — by extensive rioting, looting and vandalism, resulting in injuries to individuals and damage to the property of individuals and businesses in various areas of the country. Curfews have been imposed in some cities in an attempt to limit further violence. There has been a downturn in some of the violent activity as of the time this article was prepared, but the nation watches as events continue to unfold. Scott Seaman It is clear that losses arising from these events will be significant. For the first time in its history, the property claims services unit of the Insurance Services Office Inc., on June 1, designated the recent riots and civil commotion as a catastrophe event in more than 20 states, meaning that insured losses for each event are predicted to exceed $25 million. For context, according to the Insurance Information Institute, insurers paid $775 million for losses arising from the 1992 Los Angeles riots. Adjusted for inflation, that translates into $1.4 billion in 2020 dollars for losses in a single city. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Security and United States Immigration Policy a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfact
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Security and United States Immigration Policy A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Robbie James Totten 2012 © Copyright by Robbie James Totten 2012 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Security and United States Immigration Policy by Robbie James Totten Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2012 Professor Deborah Larson, Chair What is the relationship between security and immigration to the U.S? How do security objectives factor into U.S. immigration policy? These questions are significant for the U.S. because the volume of international migration has been increasing in recent years and without sound policy planning immigration will serve as a source of conflict with foreign states, tax the ability of domestic systems to assimilate diverse peoples without violence, and expose citizens and immigrants to crime, contagious disease, and terrorism. This dissertation answers the above questions and presents the strategic logic for U.S. immigration policy by providing a typology of security policy objectives for America in this area. It identifies three general categories of security objectives that U.S. leaders have attempted to reach with immigration from the colonial era to the present-day: (1) domestic security (prevent crime, espionage, and terrorism; epidemics; and ethnic violence); (2) foreign relations; and (3) material and military interests. The analyses accompanying the categories draw from government documents, International Relations (IR) and security studies theories, legal statutes, primary sources such as private letters, and works by demographers and historians to specify the relationships amongst the security areas and immigration, identify the policy ii instruments used by leaders to influence immigration for security, and present a large body of cases of historical U.S.