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How North Carolina's Black Politicians and Press Narrated and Influenced the Tu
D. SHARPLEY 1 /133 Black Discourses in North Carolina, 1890-1902: How North Carolina’s Black Politicians and Press Narrated and Influenced the Tumultuous Era of Fusion Politics By Dannette Sharpley A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors Department of History, Duke University Under the advisement of Dr. Nancy MacLean April 13, 2018 D. SHARPLEY 2 /133 Acknowledgements I am very grateful to have had the opportunity to write an Honors Thesis in the History Department. When I returned to school after many years of separation, I was prepared for challenging work. I expected to be pushed intellectually and emotionally. I expected to struggle through all-nighters, moments of self-doubt, and even academic setbacks. I did not, however, imagine that I could feel so passionate or excited about what I learned in class. I didn’t expect to even undertake such a large project, let alone arrive at the finish line. And I didn’t imagine the sense of accomplishment at having completed something that I feel is meaningful beyond my own individual education. The process of writing this thesis has been all those things and more. I would first like to thank everyone at the History Department who supports this Honors Distinction program, because this amazing process would not be possible without your work. Thank you very much to Dr. Nancy MacLean for advising me on this project. It was in Professor MacLean’s History of Modern Social Movements class that I became obsessed with North Carolina’s role in the Populist movement of the nineteenth, thus beginning this journey. -
©2013 Luis-Alejandro Dinnella-Borrego ALL RIGHTS
©2013 Luis-Alejandro Dinnella-Borrego ALL RIGHTS RESERVED “THAT OUR GOVERNMENT MAY STAND”: AFRICAN AMERICAN POLITICS IN THE POSTBELLUM SOUTH, 1865-1901 By LUIS-ALEJANDRO DINNELLA-BORREGO A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History written under the direction of Mia Bay and Ann Fabian and approved by ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “That Our Government May Stand”: African American Politics in the Postbellum South, 1865-1913 by LUIS-ALEJANDRO DINNELLA-BORREGO Dissertation Director: Mia Bay and Ann Fabian This dissertation provides a fresh examination of black politics in the post-Civil War South by focusing on the careers of six black congressmen after the Civil War: John Mercer Langston of Virginia, James Thomas Rapier of Alabama, Robert Smalls of South Carolina, John Roy Lynch of Mississippi, Josiah Thomas Walls of Florida, and George Henry White of North Carolina. It examines the career trajectories, rhetoric, and policy agendas of these congressmen in order to determine how effectively they represented the wants and needs of the black electorate. The dissertation argues that black congressmen effectively represented and articulated the interests of their constituents. They did so by embracing a policy agenda favoring strong civil rights protections and encompassing a broad vision of economic modernization and expanded access for education. Furthermore, black congressmen embraced their role as national leaders and as spokesmen not only for their congressional districts and states, but for all African Americans throughout the South. -
Grade 7 Mini-Assessment Boston Massacre Set
Grade 7 Mini-Assessment Boston Massacre Set This grade 7 mini-assessment is based two passages: “The Boston Massacre” and “Excerpt from The Boston Massacre.” These texts are considered to be worthy of students’ time to read and also meet the expectations for text complexity at grade 7. Assessments aligned to the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) will employ quality, complex texts such as these. Questions aligned to the CCSS should be worthy of students’ time to answer and therefore do not focus on minor points of the text. Questions also may address several standards within the same question because complex texts tend to yield rich assessment questions that call for deep analysis. In this mini-assessment there are nine selected-response questions and two paper/pencil equivalents of a technology enhanced item that address the Reading Standards listed below, and one optional constructed-response question that addresses the Reading, Writing, and Language Standards listed below. We encourage educators to give students the time that they need to read closely and write to the source. While we know that it is helpful to have students complete the mini-assessment in one class period, we encourage educators to allow additional time as necessary. Note for teachers of English Language Learners (ELLs): This assessment is designed to measure students’ ability to read and write in English. Therefore, educators will not see the level of scaffolding typically used in instructional materials to support ELLs—these would interfere with the ability to understand their mastery of these skills. If ELL students are receiving instruction in grade-level ELA content, they should be given access to unaltered practice assessment items to gauge their progress. -
The Semantics of Racial Slurs”
Linguistic and Philosophical Investigations Volume 13, 2014, pp. 11–32, ISSN 1841-2394 REMARKS ON “THE SEMANTICS OF RACIAL SLURS” ADAM M. CROOM [email protected] University of Pennsylvania ABSTRACT. In “The Semantics of Racial Slurs,” an article recently published in Linguistic and Philosophical Investigations, Hedger (2012) draws upon Kaplan’s (1999) distinction between descriptive and expressive content to argue that slurs are expressions with purely expressive content. Here I review the key considerations presented by Hedger (2012) in support of his purely expressive account of slurs and provide clear reasons for why it must ultimately be rejected. After reviewing the key cases Hedger (2012) offers for consideration in support of his view that slurs are expressions with purely expressive content, this article provides a critical evaluation of these cases, pointing out at least 13 ways in which his purely expressive analysis of slurs fails. In considering the 13 ways in which the purely expressive analysis of slurs remains inadequate, this article concludes with the suggestion that an adequate account of slurs will ultimately involve not only an expressive aspect but a descrip- tive aspect also. Keywords: slurs, epithets, philosophy of language, semantics, pragmatics, expressivism 1. Introduction In “The Semantics of Racial Slurs,” an article recently published in Lin- guistic and Philosophical Investigations, Hedger (2012) draws upon Kap- lan’s (1999) distinction between descriptive and expressive content to argue that slurs are expressions with purely expressive content.1 In this article I review the key considerations presented by Hedger (2012) in support of his purely expressive account of slurs and provide clear reasons for why it must ultimately be rejected. -
50 Cent to Join Eminem Shade 45 Channel Shade 45 Channel
50 Cent To Join Eminem Shade 45 Channel Shade 45 Channel "G Unit Radio" to Air All Day Saturdays With a Lineup of DJs and Shows NEW YORK – February 24, 2005 – SIRIUS Satellite Radio (NASDAQ: SIRI) announced today that multi-platinum artist 50 Cent will create and host exclusive programming on Shade 45, the new uncensored hip-hop radio channel co-produced by SIRIUS and Eminem. 50 Cent will oversee G Unit Radio, which will take over Shade 45 all day on Saturdays with an innovative mix of shows and DJs produced by his own DJ, Whoo Kid. “I’m bringing my A-game to SIRIUS,”said 50 Cent. “G Unit Radio is gonna blow up on Shade 45.” “Eminem and 50 Cent are two of the biggest names in hip-hop today" said SIRIUS President of Sports and Entertainment Scott Greenstein. “On Shade 45, 50 Cent will bring G Unit’s world to SIRIUS listeners.” SIRIUS launched Shade 45, the uncensored, commercial-free hip-hop music channel created by Eminem, Shady Records, Interscope Records and SIRIUS in October 2004. The channel also features other high profile figures in the world of hip-hop, including Eminem’s own DJ Green Lantern and Radio/Mixshow DJ of the Year Clinton Sparks. The channel also regularly features celebrity guests. 50 Cent, one of the most notorious figures in rap music, is also one of its most successful. His 2003 debut album, Get Rich or Die Tryin’, has sold more than 11 million copies. He has launched a successful G Unit clothing and footwear line, and can also be seen in an upcoming Jim Sheridan film, which is reported to be a semi-autobiographical film based on his ascension from drug dealer to superstar. -
The Semantics and Pragmatics of Slurs and Thick Terms Bianca Cepollaro
The Semantics and Pragmatics of slurs and thick terms Bianca Cepollaro To cite this version: Bianca Cepollaro. The Semantics and Pragmatics of slurs and thick terms. Philosophy. Uni- versité Paris sciences et lettres; Scuola normale superiore (Pise, Italie), 2017. English. NNT : 2017PSLEE003. tel-01508856 HAL Id: tel-01508856 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01508856 Submitted on 14 Apr 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THÈSE DE DOCTORAT de l’Université de recherche Paris Sciences et Lettres PSL Research University Préparée dans le cadre d’une cotutelle entre Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa et École Normale Supérieure, Paris La sémantique et la pragmatique des termes d’offense et des termes éthiques épais Ecole doctorale n°540 ÉCOLE TRANSDISCIPLINAIRE LETTRES/SCIENCES Spécialité Philosophie COMPOSITION DU JURY : Mme. JESHION Robin University of South California, Rapporteur M. VÄYRYNEN Pekka University of Leeds, Rapporteur Mme. BIANCHI Claudia Soutenue par Bianca Università Vita-Salute San Raffaele, Membre du jury CEPOLLARO Le 20 janvier 2017h Mme. SBISÀ Marina Università degli Studi di Trieste, Membre du jury Dirigée par Pier Marco BERTINETTO et Isidora STOJANOVIC The semantics and pragmatics of slurs and thick terms Bianca Cepollaro Abstract In this thesis I develop a uniform account of slurs and thick terms in terms of presuppositions. -
Exposing Minstrelsy and Racial Representation Within American Tap Dance Performances of The
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Masks in Disguise: Exposing Minstrelsy and Racial Representation within American Tap Dance Performances of the Stage, Screen, and Sound Cartoon, 1900-1950 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Culture and Performance by Brynn Wein Shiovitz 2016 © Copyright by Brynn Wein Shiovitz 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Masks in Disguise: Exposing Minstrelsy and Racial Representation within American Tap Dance Performances of the Stage, Screen, and Sound Cartoon, 1900-1950 by Brynn Wein Shiovitz Doctor of Philosophy in Culture and Performance University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Susan Leigh Foster, Chair Masks in Disguise: Exposing Minstrelsy and Racial Representation within American Tap Dance Performances of the Stage, Screen, and Sound Cartoon, 1900-1950, looks at the many forms of masking at play in three pivotal, yet untheorized, tap dance performances of the twentieth century in order to expose how minstrelsy operates through various forms of masking. The three performances that I examine are: George M. Cohan’s production of Little Johnny ii Jones (1904), Eleanor Powell’s “Tribute to Bill Robinson” in Honolulu (1939), and Terry- Toons’ cartoon, “The Dancing Shoes” (1949). These performances share an obvious move away from the use of blackface makeup within a minstrel context, and a move towards the masked enjoyment in “black culture” as it contributes to the development of a uniquely American form of entertainment. In bringing these three disparate performances into dialogue I illuminate the many ways in which American entertainment has been built upon an Africanist aesthetic at the same time it has generally disparaged the black body. -
Better Mus' Come
BETTER MUS’ COME PUBLICITY CONTACTS Tilane Jones [email protected] 818.995.0050 Rating: NR TRT: 104 minutes CREDITS Written & Directed by Storm Producer Paul Bucknor Executive Produced by Joshua Bratter Samantha Bratter Paul Bucknor Director of Photography Storm Editors Storm Paul Bucknor Cast Sheldon Shepherd - Ricky Nicole Grey - Kemala Ricardo Orgill - Flames Everaldo Creary - Short Man Roger Guenveur Smith - Prime Minister SYNOPSIS Better Mus’ Come is a coming of age drama set in Jamaica’s turbulent 1970s, against the backdrop of the Cold War, a national water crisis, an energy crisis, corruption, and numerous murder scandals that gave birth to the polarized violence gripping the streets of Kingston both then and now. After months of incarceration as a suspected political agitator, Ricky is released. Haunted by the tragic death of his devoted young wife and paralyzed by conflicting feelings of guilt and loyalty to his political tribe, he tries to navigate his way through the minefields created by the constant social upheaval that seems to be ubiquitous in his community, while providing a better life for his 5- year old son. At his home coming party Ricky meets Kemala, a book smart country girl, who lives in the opposing neighborhood, enemy territory. In many ways they are opposites, but what starts as antagonism quickly turns into burning passion. Kemala encourages Ricky to convince his old friends in the community to adopt a more passive approach. To defy the status quo of confrontation, this leads to the inevitable cycle of violence. The big question is, can Ricky and his crew beat the odds and ensure that Better Mus’ Come? Director’s Statement I’ve always been a bit of a cold war junkie, and there was a point in my life where I would watch, read, and research everything I could on geopolitics and espionage in the 20th century. -
The Performative Politicization of Public Space: Mexico 1968-2008-2012 Robin Adèle Greeley
thresholds 41 Spring 2013, 18-31 THE PERFORMATIVE POLITICIZATION OF PUBLIC SPACE: MEXICO 1968-2008-2012 ROBIN ADÈLE GREELEY Peña Nieto: the TV is yours; Mexico is ours! #YoSoy132 banner, June 2012 In May 2012, just weeks before the recent presidential elections in Mexico, a group of students at the Universidad Iberoamericana challenged the presidential candidate for the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Enrique Peña Nieto, during his cam- paign stop at the university.1 Peremptorily dismissed as being mob infiltrators hired by Peña Nieto’s political opponents, 131 Ibero students posted a video on YouTube displaying their university IDs and reiterating their outrage at the PRI’s persistent autocratic spurning of everyday citizens.2 The video sparked a spontaneous new grassroots political movement, “#YoSoy132” (“I am 132,” following up on the origi- nal 131 students) that rejected the PRI’s authoritarian neoliberalist platform and, in particular, its long history of collusion with powerful news media corporations.3 In the following weeks, hundreds of thousands of #YoSoy132 protestors repeatedly took to the streets across the country, to demand the democratization of the news media and the liberalization of the political system in Mexico. #YoSoy132 has regularly been compared to Mexico’s 1968 student movement which, as many have argued, “undermined forever the foundations of authoritarian- ism in Mexico.”4 Like their 1968 counterparts, #YoSoy132 has mounted a powerful anti-systemic call for a renewed politics “from below” to counteract the longstand- ing autocratic cronyism and corruption of the nation’s political leadership. Yet the comparison of #YoSoy132 with 1968 raises profound questions concerning the development of the public sphere in Mexico and its ability to foment a functional de- mocracy. -
Westhoff Book for CD.Pdf (2.743Mb)
Urban Life and Urban Landscape Zane L. Miller, Series Editor Westhoff 3.indb 1 5/14/2007 12:39:31 PM Westhoff 3.indb 2 5/14/2007 12:39:31 PM A Fatal Drifting Apart Democratic Social Knowledge and Chicago Reform Laura M. Westhoff The Ohio State University Press Columbus Westhoff 3.indb 3 5/14/2007 12:39:33 PM Copyright © 2007 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Westhoff, Laura M. A fatal drifting apart : democratic social knowledge and Chicago reform / Laura M. Westhoff. — 1st. ed. p. cm. — (Urban life and urban landscape) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-1058-1 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8142-1058-9 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-9137-5 (cd-rom) ISBN-10: 0-8142-9137-6 (cd-rom) 1. Social reformers—Chicago—Illinois—History. 2. Social ethics—Chicago— Illinois—History. 3. Chicago (Ill.)—Social conditions. 4. United States—Social conditions—1865–1918. I. Title. HN80.C5W47 2007 303.48'40977311—dc22 2006100374 Cover design by Laurence J. Nozik Type set in Minion Printed by Thomson-Shore The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Westhoff 3.indb 4 5/14/2007 12:39:33 PM To Darel, Henry, and Jacob Westhoff 3.indb 5 5/14/2007 12:39:33 PM Westhoff 3.indb 6 5/14/2007 12:39:33 PM Contents Preface ix Acknowledgments xiii Introduction 1 Chapter 1. -
The Massacre at El Mozote
March 4, 1992 Volume No. IV, Issue No. 2 EL SALVADOR THE MASSACRE AT EL MOZOTE: THE NEED TO REMEMBER Introduction With the negotiated cease-fire agreement signed on January 16, 1992, in Introduction ..................................................1 Mexico City, the twelve-year-old conflict in The Massacre of El Mozote ........................3 El Salvador has formally come to an end. The Massacre Becomes Known .................5 The agreements under United Nations The Lack of Press Coverage in supervision between the Salvadoran El Salvador........................................5 government and the Farabundo Martí U.S. Press Accounts of the Massacre..6 National Liberation Front (FMLN) envision The Reagan Administration Response.....7 unprecedented reforms: to reduce the Congressional Hearings .......................9 military, dissolve the elite, immediate- The Atlacatl Battalion and U.S. Policy ...11 U.S. Government Response reaction battalions, eliminate two of the to Massacres ...................................15 security forces, create a new National Civil The "Official Story"..............................16 Police, and demobilize the FMLN and fully The Current Status of the Case................16 integrate ex-guerrillas into civilian life. These transformations hold forth the greatest possibility yet for the respect for human rights and the achievement of social justice in El Salvador. Two provisions of the peace agreement touch more directly on the question of human rights. In April 1991, the negotiating parties agreed to the formation of a Commission on Truth, which would review "grave acts of violence which have occurred since 1980 and whose mark on society demands with great urgency public knowledge of the truth." In September 1991, the Salvadoran government and the FMLN agreed to a process of "purification" of the armed forces, to be carried out by an ad hoc Commission, which would review the records of military officers with a special focus on their human rights records. -
Yes, Taylor. Stop Pretending to Be Surprised: You're the Only Musician
52 53 Yes, Taylor. Stop pretending ME?to be surprised: You’re the only musician who matters PHOTOGRAPH ILLUSTRATION BY CREDIT TK CREDIT BY ILLUSTRATION PHOTOGRAPH TK CREDIT BY ILLUSTRATION PHOTOGRAPH By Devin Leonard Scott Borchetta, founder of Big Spotify, but he can’t because of a deal with Universal Music record labels. Two of them, Big Machine and Valory Music, are Group’s Republic Records. “That’s a side conversation we’re controlled entirely by Borchetta and his partners. (Borchetta having,” says Borchetta. (Spotify pays 70 percent of its revenue owns 60 percent of Big Machine; other reported equity holders Machine Records, Taylor Swift’s to record labels and music publishers, a large part of which goes include the Swift family and country singer Toby Keith.) Two to three major companies, Sony Music Entertainment, Warner other labels, Republic Nashville and Dot Records, are joint ven- Music Group, and Universal.) tures with Republic Records, a division of Universal, the world’s The impact of pulling the catalog isn’t yet clear—though it largest record company. In 2012, Borchetta struck a deal to Nashville-based label, picks up a may have helped move some physical CDs—but other artists market and distribute the original music from Nashville, ABC’s and managers are paying close attention. Clarence Spaulding, a hit prime-time soap opera. “He started as a Valley boy and now prominent Nashville manager, says his client Jason Aldean, one is running all of Nashville,” says Dawn Soler, senior vice presi- of the biggest-selling country music acts, is one of them.