Risk Analysis, Vol. 31, No. 5, 2011 DOI: 10.1111/j.1539-6924.2010.01538.x

Perspective

Risk-Taking and the Media

Peter Fischer,1,∗ Evelyn Vingilis,2 Tobias Greitemeyer,3 and Claudia Vogrincic1

In recent years, media formats with risk-glorifying content, such as video games that simulate illegal (“bang and crash” games), films about extreme sports, and risky stunts have emerged as top sellers of the media industry. A variety of recent studies conducted by several researchers revealed that exposure to risk-glorifying media content (e.g., video games that simulate reckless driving, smoking and drinking in movies, or depictions that glorify ex- treme sports) increases the likelihood that recipients will show increased levels of risk-taking inclinations and behaviors. The present article (1) reviews the latest research on the detri- mental impact of risk-glorifying media on risk-taking inclinations (cognitions, emotions, be- haviors), (2) puts these findings in the theoretical context of recent sociocognitive models on media effects, and (3) makes suggestions to science and policymakers on how to deal with these effects in the future.

KEY WORDS: Media effects; risk-glorifying media; risk taking; sociocognitive models

Use your as a weapon and battle your way to the haviors. For example, binge drinking is on the rise front of the pack by taking down rivals and causing spec- in Western countries;(10) with Germany witnessing a tacular crashes. (advertising slogan for the video racing doubling in the number of 15- to 19-year-old ado- game 3) lescents being treated in hospital due to extreme al- In as much as risk-taking behavior is among the cohol abuse between 2002 and 2009. In Germany, main causes of lethal injuries among children, ado- still 20.3% of 11- to 17-year-old teenagers are smok- (1) lescents, and young adults, it is not surprising that ing cigarettes,(11) and the 2008 report on the global both the general public and scientists are concerned AIDS epidemic found that HIV infections had in- about the determinants of and how risk-taking be- creased to approximately 33 million people world- (2−7) havior can be reduced. For example, risky be- wide in 2007.(12,13) haviors in road traffic such as impaired driving, In the meantime there is considerable evidence excessive speeding, illegal street racing, and failing to that risk-glorifying media content such as video (1,8) use seatbelts accounted for approximately 51% games that simulate reckless driving or illegal street of the total economic crash cost ($230.6 billion) of racing, smoking and drinking role models in movies, all 16.4 million U.S. motor vehicle collisions (with 5.3 or advertisements for extreme sports significantly (9) million injuries and 41,821 fatalities) in 2000. The foster the occurrence of risk-taking behaviors in so- picture is similar for other forms of risk-taking be- ciety. Although it is not known how often risk- glorifying media lead to negative consequences, one 1University of Graz, Austria. study did examine media-based, “copycat” burn 2University of Western Ontario, Canada. injuries. Hurley et al.(14) retrospectively examined 3University of Innsbruck, Austria. ∗ medical records of patients aged 5–19 admitted to a Address correspondence to Peter Fischer, Institute of Psychol- ogy, Social , Karl-Franzens-University, Graz, Austria; hospital burn unit between 2000 and 2003: 4% were peter.fi[email protected]. potential copycat injuries.

699 0272-4332/11/0100-0699$22.00/1 C 2010 Society for Risk Analysis 700 Fischer et al.

Inspired by media violence research (which pro- communicated to young children with cartoons such vided strong evidence that violent media causally as Speed Racer, and there is anecdotal evidence of increases aggression; see Anderson et al. 2010),(15) “copycat stunts.”(19) For example, the public recently an emerging field of research has been investigat- became aware of the potentially detrimental effects ing whether similar causal links can be found be- of risk-glorifying video racing games (which simu- tween exposure to risk-glorifying media content and late street racing in a photographically realistic video increased risk-taking inclinations. This expectation game environment) when the popular , has been confirmed: several types of media (video “,” was found in the vehicle of one games, films, TV shows, newspaper articles) that of two young male drivers who appeared to be rac- depict risk taking in a positive light causally in- ing in Toronto on January 26, 2006, following a col- crease risk-promoting cognitions, emotions, and be- lision that led to the death of a taxi-.(19) This haviors.(16−18) The present article reviews recent and other similar events have led policymakers to research on the impact of risk-glorifying media wonder whether playing racing games that promote content on risk-taking inclinations, identifies under- illegal street racing might motivate players to en- lying psychological processes, and integrates these gage in real-life street racing and other forms of findings into a new theoretical perspective based on risky driving. For example, Australian road safety au- sociocognitive theories. thorities tried to ban a on street racing through virtual images of Sydney, Australia (cited in Vingilis & Smart, 2009(19)), which was promoted 1. CORRELATIONAL AND EXPERIMENTAL by the following advertisement: “Burn up a storm RESEARCH ON RISK-GLORIFYING past famous landmarks such as the Opera House and MEDIA EFFECTS Sydney Harbour.” Do games like these and other The current perspective article works with a def- forms of risk-glorifying media increase risky driving inition suggested by Ben-Zur and Zeidner:(2) “Risk and other forms of risk taking? In the following sec- taking refers to one’s purposive participation in some tions we review the empirical evidence on the ques- form of behavior that involves potential negative tion whether such risk-glorifying depictions in the consequences or losses (social, monetary, interper- media indeed increase recipients’ inclinations to risk sonal) as well as perceived positive consequences or taking. gains” (p. 110). Risk-taking behaviors can be ob- served in a variety of domains, such as unhealthy 1.1. Correlational Research living (drugs, alcohol, smoking), promiscuous sex- uality (unprotected sex, promiscuity), road traffic A variety of correlational studies indicate that (e.g., reckless driving, street racing, driving with- increased levels of exposure to risk-glorifying media out seat belts), or dangerous sport activities (e.g., are associated with increased levels of risk-taking in- solo climbing without security ropes).(2) Can risk- clinations and actual risk-taking behaviors. For ex- taking inclinations and behaviors be influenced by ample, Beullens and van den Bulck(20) obtained data risk-glorifying media content? from 2,194 adolescents and found a positive correla- The media that surrounds us is full of risk- tion between exposure to risk-glorifying media and glorifying depictions. For example, in the famous positive attitudes toward both risky driving and will- TV show Jackass (MTV), young men engage in ex- ingness to take risks in traffic situations (e.g., driv- tremely dangerous activities, such as risky driving, ing while impaired). Further positive associations downhill racing with skateboards, risky stunts, self- between consumption of risk-glorifying media con- experimentation with weapons and electro shocks, tent and willingness to take risks have been found for etc. All these dangerous activities are performed in viewing images of smoking on television and starting a rather “funny” and thus risk-glorifying way. In ad- to smoke;(21−23) exposure to alcohol advertising and dition, we find risk-glorifying media content in music adolescent alcohol consumption;(24) and adolescents’ lyrics, car advertisements, and video games. More- exposure to sexual media stimuli and actual sexual over, Vingilis and Smart(19) have suggested that il- activity.(25) Fischer et al. (2007, Study 1) also found legal street racing has increased because of the pro- that weekly frequency of playing racing games was motion of a risk-glorifying street racing in significantly positively associated with self-reported the media, including video games, movies, and car competitive driving, obtrusive driving, and motor ve- advertisements. This risk-promoting culture is even hicle collisions, as well as negatively associated with Risk-Taking and the Media 701 cautious driving.(17) In a similar study, Kubitzki(26,27) creased risk-taking inclinations on cognitive, affec- found that among 657 13- and 17-year-old partici- tive, and behavioral levels. pants, there was a positive association between con- For example, Fischer and colleagues(17,16,18) un- sumption of risk-glorifying racing games and illegal dertook a systematic experimental investigation of underage driving. whether exposure to risk-glorifying video racing Findings from longitudinal studies also support games increases individuals’ inclination toward risk the assumption that consumption of risk-glorifying taking. Video racing games (also called virtual driv- media content is positively associated with risk- ing games or bang and crash games; e.g., “Need taking inclinations and behaviors. For example, Wills for Speed,” “Burnout,” or “Midnight Racer”) have et al.(28) investigated a sample of 961 young adults emerged as top-sellers in the video game indus- and observed that prior exposure to alcohol de- try. Within photographically realistic virtual envi- pictions in movies predicted both level of alcohol ronments, players race through regular urban and consumption and alcohol-related problems later in suburban traffic. Driving actions often include com- the life course.(29−31) Longitudinal effects of risk- petitive and reckless driving, speeding and crashing glorifying media content were also observed for into other or pedestrians, or performing risky smoking. In a sample of 2,614 5th–8th graders, Wills stunts with the vehicle. The authors showed that a 20- et al.(32) found that exposure to smoking in movies minute session playing this type of game (compared significantly predicted actual smoking behavior and to non-risk-related titles) increased the accessibil- smoking inclinations 18 months later (see also Titus- ity of risk-positive cognitions and emotions and led Ernsthoff et al.(33)). Finally, similar longitudinal ef- to increased behavioral risk taking in a subsequent fects were found for exposure to sex on television simulated critical road traffic situation (WRBTV). and initiation of sexual behavior.(34) In sum, both cor- The use of this well-established reaction time based relational and longitudinal studies support the hy- risk-tolerance task (WRBTV; Vienna Test System pothesis that there is a substantial positive associa- by Schuhfried, 2006) made these results particularly tion between being exposed to risk-glorifying media concerning. This measure is standardized and widely content and subsequent risk-taking inclinations and accepted for measuring risk taking, specifically will- behaviors. ingness to take risks in critical, dangerous road traffic situations. It has been successfully employed in traffic psychology (e.g., it has 89% accuracy in identifying multiple motor vehicle collision drivers). In a recent 1.2. Experimental Research series of studies, Fischer et al.(18) showed that play- Experimental research examines whether ex- ing video racing games also increases blood pressure, posure to risk-glorifying media causally leads to sensation-seeking, and attitudes toward risky driv- increased risk-taking inclinations.(17,35,36) In the ing. Two studies included a time lag of 15 minutes standard experimental study, participants are first ex- or 24 hours between playing the games and the re- posed to either risk-glorifying media content (e.g., action time task, but both showed that consumption movies that portray people who perform risky be- of risk-promoting racing games increases risk-taking haviors positively; e.g., Hines et al.;(35) Kulick & inclinations. Finally, Fischer and colleagues (2009, Rosenberg;(37) risk-glorifying pictures of extreme Study 3) also found that playing risk-glorifying video sports; Fischer et al.;(16) or video games that simu- racing games (vs. non-risk-related neutral games) late reckless driving and illegal street racing; Fischer led to riskier decision making (e.g., financial deci- et al.(18)) or non-risk-glorifying media content. Af- sions), providing first evidence that the effects of terwards, indicators of risk-taking inclinations and/or risk-glorifying media content on risk taking are not behaviors are measured. Classic indicators utilized necessarily domain specific. That is, risk-glorifying are degrees of cautiousness in driving simulators,(38) media content in one domain (i.e., risky driving) ap- risk tolerance in simulated critical road traffic situa- pear to carry over to distinct forms of risk-taking be- tions;(17) the accessibility of risk-positive cognitions havior (i.e., risky financial decisions). and emotions;(16) as well as the individual inclina- Similar experimental effects have been observed tion to take physical risks.(35−36) By using an exper- for health-related behaviors, such as alcohol con- imental paradigm, several authors have consistently sumption or smoking. For instance, a study con- gathered causal evidence that individuals exposed to ducted by Kulick and Rosenberg(37) revealed that risk-glorifying media content react by exhibiting in- participants who were exposed to movie sequences 702 Fischer et al. featuring positive images of drinking exhibited more 2. UNDERLYING PSYCHOLOGICAL positive alcohol outcome expectancies than partici- PROCESSES: SOCIAL LEARNING, pants in a control condition who were not exposed PRIMING, AND SELF-CONCEPT to alcohol-positive imagery. Potts et al.(36) found a similar risk-glorifying media effect within a sample The most prominent theoretical approach to me- of young children. These authors assigned 6- and dia effects falls under the rubric of social-cognitive 9-year-old children to one of three different condi- information processing theories, although most re- tions: television programs with frequent physical risk search on this model has been conducted in the , taking, programs with infrequent physical risk tak- context of violent media effects.(15 40) Anderson and ing, or no television programs at all. Afterwards, the Bushman(40) have integrated domain-specific theo- children reported on a self-report measure their will- ries of aggression into a framework called the Gen- ingness to take physical risks. In line with a risk- eral Aggression Model (GAM), which is based on glorifying media effect, Potts et al.(36) found that chil- social cognitive models incorporating social learn- dren who had watched TV programs with frequent ing;(41) the “social-cognitive model of media vio- risk taking reported elevated levels of willingness to lence”;(42) social information processing;(43) the “ex- take physical risks compared to those who watched citation transfer model”;(44) as well as the “Cogni- programs with infrequent risk-taking depictions, or tive Neoassociationist Model.”(45) GAM postulates those who saw none at all. Finally, similar effects a multistage process whereby person and situation have been also observed for smoking. Hines et al.(35) factors influence outcome behaviors through the in- instructed participants to rate well-known movie ac- ternal states of cognitions, affect, and arousal that , tors who had either smoked or not in a viewed film they create.(40 46) For example, violent media can in- sequence. The authors found that participants who fluence aggression by priming aggressive thoughts saw the smoking scene reported greater likelihoods or scripts through the process of spreading acti- of actually smoking in the future than those who vation along associative neural pathways to other had witnessed the nonsmoking film sequences. In brain nodes representing aggressive thoughts, expec- sum, there is accumulated evidence that exposure tations, beliefs, and affect related to violence, and to risk-glorifying media increases risk-taking cogni- can thereby provide the initial trigger for aggressive tions, emotions, and behaviors (for a meta-analysis, behavioral responses. GAM also explains how pro- see also Fischer et al.(39)). cesses of imitation, arousal, and excitation transfer, Finally, Fischer et al.(16) experimentally investi- long-term learning, norm changes, and emotional de- gated the impact of risk-glorifying pictures and film sensitization can be induced by violent media, and sequences about extreme sports on risk-positive cog- thus lead to elevated levels of aggression in the recip- nitions and attitudes toward risk taking. The authors ient(40) (for an overview, see also Anderson et al.(15)). exposed participants either to pictures of high-risk Recently, Buckley and Anderson(47) expanded sports (e.g., free climbing, ski stunts) or risk-neutral the GAM into a General Learning Model (GLM) pictures. Participants who were exposed to the risk- to address not only the effects of exposure to vi- promoting pictures indicated a greater accessibility olent media but also nonviolent media. GLM as- of risk-positive cognitions and a more positive atti- sumes that input variables (personal and situational) tude toward risk taking than participants who were elicit behavioral responses through a person’s inter- exposed to the risk-neutral pictures. The same au- nal state (cognition, affect, and arousal). Unlike the thors also used risk-promoting film sequences (i.e., GAM, however, the GLM stresses the importance sport stunts, risky scenes from a James Bond movie of the media content. In fact, whereas exposure to as well as from the MTV series Jackass) versus risk- antisocial media evokes aggression and aggression- neutral film sequences and measured participants’ related variables, exposure to prosocial media has − driving behavior in a driving simulation task. Par- been shown to instigate prosocial outcomes.(48 53) ticipants who saw the risk-promoting film sequences Lending further evidence to the validity of the GLM, were more inclined to risky driving than participants it appears that exposure to risk-glorifying media pro- who were exposed to the risk-neutral stimuli. In sum, motes risk-taking inclinations. there is considerable evidence that risk-glorifying In support of the theoretical perspective of media content causally increases risk-promoting cog- GAM and GLM, risk-glorifying media content nitions, emotions, and behaviors. increases risk-promoting cognitions and emotions Risk-Taking and the Media 703

(Fischer et al.(17) Study 2; Fischer et al.(18) Study the effects of passive risk-glorifying media (pictures, 4), which mediates inclinations towards risky deci- films) are mainly driven by priming effects. That sion making (Fischer et al.(16) Study 3). These find- is, risk-glorifying images increase the accessibility ings are consistent with priming explanations of of positively risk-related cognitions and emotions, media effects derived from sociocognitive models.(53) which in turn increases the probability that actual be- However, Fischer et al.(18) argued that self-relevant havioral risk taking occurs.(16) In contrast, the effects processes might be especially important for explain- of active risk-glorifying media formats (video games) ing the effects of risk-glorifying video games on risk are mainly driven by a change in the perceived self- taking where participants are actively involved in the concept. Players of video racing games positively per- game content (in contrast to the effects of passive ceive themselves more as reckless drivers and thus media consumption, such as viewing pictures or read- show increased risk taking in simulated critical road ing articles that glorify risk taking). Actively playing traffic situations.(18) In our opinion, this is a new the- video games has a variety of implications for the self. oretical perspective on media effects and the self, For example, video games should lead to stronger which should be taken up by future research. self-involvement because the player actively controls the game character and makes vicarious decisions 3. CONCLUSIONS, FUTURE DIRECTIONS for it. In addition, video games systematically rein- FOR THEORY AND RESEARCH, force the player’s self-esteem by providing positive AND SOCIETAL AND PRACTICAL feedback (game score); social status (players tend to IMPLICATIONS compare their game skills with each other; see espe- cially online games); and feelings of self-competence The present article (1) reviewed the latest re- in case the player masters a specific game level.(54) search on the detrimental impact of risk-glorifying In line with this reasoning, active (such as video media on risk-taking inclinations (cognitions, emo- games) relative to passive (such as television and tions, behaviors), (2) put these findings in a theo- movies) exposure to violent media has been shown retical context of sociocognitive theories on media to have considerably larger effects on aggressive be- effects, and (3) makes suggestions to science and pol- havior.(55) So far, however, the psychological mech- icymakers on how to deal with these effects in the anism underlying this effect has not been directly future. addressed;(56) this was done by Fischer et al.(18) In There are important themes for future direc- support of these self-based assumptions, they found tions. First, clarification is needed on whether con- that changes in the automatic self-concept and as- sumption of risk-glorifying media leads to increased sociated self-perceptions play an important role in risk taking in actual road traffic (which is difficult the context of risk-glorifying video games: partici- because of ethical restrictions). Although recent re- pants who played a racing game perceived them- search used highly valid and reliable instruments for selves more as a reckless driver and also evaluated measuring risk tolerance in road traffic, future re- reckless driving more positively. In contrast, changes search should identify even more realistic ways to in arousal, risk-promoting cognitions and emotions, measure risk taking in road traffic. Second, there and blood pressure did not mediate the basic effect. is initial evidence that the effects of risk-glorifying The risk-promoting effects of racing games on a be- media contents are not domain specific. Future re- havioral reaction level only occurred when partici- search should investigate whether carry over effects pants played racing games that reward traffic viola- can also be found for other forms of risk-glorifying tions and when the individual was an active player of media formats as well as other types of risk-taking such games rather than a passive observer, which fur- behavior. Third, it is important to further investi- ther supports the assumption that racing game con- gate the duration of these risky media effects. Al- sumption changes self-perceptions. In other words, though Fischer et al.(18) found that the effect can still the racing game effect requires the player to perceive be found after 24 hours, more evidence should be that he or she is actively involved in breaking traffic gathered (e.g., in longitudinal or cross-lagged panel rules, which leads to the self-perception that one is a studies). Fourth, it is important for future research reckless driver, and thus finally to more risk taking. to gain insight into the brain correlates of risk-taking In sum, from this new self-based theoretical per- behaviors that are triggered by risk-glorifying me- spective on media effects it appears that mostly dia contents (functional magnetic resonance imaging 704 Fischer et al.

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