DOCSLIB.ORG

The Evolution of Aló Presidente

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Evolution of Aló Presidente THE POLITICAL COMMUNICATION OF HUGO CHÁVEZ: THE EVOLUTION OF ALÓ PRESIDENTE BY SUNTHAI CONSTANTINI THESIS Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Kent September 2014 (Word count: 95,320) Sunthai Constantini [Company Name] 2 Abstract Aló Presidente was a weekly television programme anchored and produced by Hugo Chávez during his presidency in Venezuela. The show, a version of a phone-in, was broadcast live on national television at 11am on Sundays and lasted on average six hours. It followed the presidential agenda to a new location every week, where Hugo Chávez would inaugurate factories, read Latin American poetry, interview Fidel Castro, and sing llanero songs. This thesis investigates the role that Aló Presidente played in the making of the “Bolivarian Revolution”, Hugo Chávez’s political project. Through a critical reading of the transcripts of the show, it explores the 378 episodes, or 1656 hours, that aired between 1999 and 2012. Aló Presidente was the cornerstone of Chávez’s political communication, replacing press conferences and interviews. Chávez was known for his continuous presence on radio and television and his daily presidential addresses. However, only on the Sunday show could the audience phone the president and share their ideas, emotions and everyday life concerns. This thesis reviews the narratives that underlined the relationship between the audience/electorate and the host/president on Aló Presidente. It is argued that Aló Presidente played a fundamental role in articulating the identity of a public that shared the values and ideas of Chávez’s hegemonic project. Moreover, it is argued that the show Aló Presidente and the ideological process called the “Bolivarian Revolution” can be read as two co-related arms of a same project, and that they informed and defined each other throughout Chávez’s presidency. In this context, this thesis assesses the evolution of the programme in light of the political events taking place in Venezuela during that time. Aló Presidente is thus seen as a repository, or “black box”, of the discourses that articulated the Bolivarian identity and constructed the legitimacy of Hugo Chávez as the leader of a populist movement in Venezuela. Finally, the core of this thesis is that the co-relation between the show and the hegemonic project evolved over time to strengthen the authoritarian tendencies of Hugo Chávez’s regime. Following the activities of Aló Presidente over 13 years, the investigation charts that evolution in three different stages: 1) participation, 2) education, and 3) obedience, arguing that what started as a seemingly participatory space, progressively became a platform that presented Hugo Chávez’s figure as the ideologue of a populist movement, and ultimately secured his position as the indisputable leader and sole authority of Venezuela’s “Bolivarian Revolution”. 3 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 9 Chapter 2: The Production and Genre of Aló Presidente ...............................................30 Introducing Aló Presidente ................................................................................................................................... 30 The Genre of Aló Presidente ................................................................................................................................. 38 Aló Presidente as a Talk ShoW Hybrid.............................................................................................................. 46 Conclusion..................................................................................................................................................................... 58 Chapter 3: The Role of Television: Discourse, Identity and Public Formation .......62 Discourse, Subjectivity and Group Formation .............................................................................................. 63 Television, Everyday Life and Identity............................................................................................................. 76 Conclusion..................................................................................................................................................................... 90 Chapter 4: Designing the Analysis: Research Methods ...................................................92 Chapter 5: Aló Presidente 1999­2002: Articulating Participation........................... 105 Historical Context: From Representative to Participatory Democracy............................................108 Defining Participation............................................................................................................................................124 Conclusion...................................................................................................................................................................141 Chapter 6: Aló Presidente 2002­2007: Educating the Public in the Face of Opposition................................................................................................................................... 142 The Political Context of the Middle Years .....................................................................................................143 Policymaking and Public Support: the Misiones........................................................................................150 Constructing the Bolivarian Identity...............................................................................................................154 The Socialist Turn....................................................................................................................................................171 Conclusion...................................................................................................................................................................177 Chapter 7: Aló Presidente 2006­2012: Demanding Obedience................................. 179 The Bolivarian Revolution and Socialism of the 21st century...............................................................180 Reducing Pluralism .................................................................................................................................................193 From Centralisation to Legitimacy...................................................................................................................201 Conclusion...................................................................................................................................................................212 Chapter 8: Conclusion.............................................................................................................. 214 Appendices.................................................................................................................................. 254 Appendix 1: List of Interviews ........................................................................................................254 Appendix 2: The Venezuelan Political Landscape: a Brief Timeline of Historical Events ...................................................................................................................................................................256 4 List of Tables Figure 1- Evolution of audience phone calls in Aló Presidente………………………….107 Figure 2- Comparative chart of participation and episode duration between Episodes 1 and 40 on Aló Presidente......................................................................................................127 5 Acknowledgements Not one argument, sentence, or even footnote of this thesis would have been possible without the incredible number of people that participated to the process with their impressions, ideas and support. Every conference, interview, train ride and pub conversation has contributed to these pages, constantly reinventing my universe and shedding light onto the work. To all the people who generously shared their time with a curious stranger: thank you. I am grateful to my supervisors Suzanne Franks, Ruth Blakeley and Geoffrey Craig for their guidance, patience and unwavering faith in this project. Their encouragements and kind words kept me sane on many occasions and our conversations always inspired me for the path ahead. I would also like to thank Tim Luckhurst and the Centre for Journalism for giving me the opportunity to explore the world of Aló Presidente in detail. As the first full-time PhD student at the Centre for Journalism, finding a community had seemed difficult at the beginning. My first lesson was quickly imparted when it was made clear that communities cross boundaries and that intellectual curiosity makes for an inestimable bond. I would like to thank my colleagues and friends form the Centre for Critical Thought. Our reading groups and activities filled my PhD years with excitement and interest. Some ideas had to be explored for weeks, sometimes months, before two plus two finally equalled four and tiny neural pathways connected in my brain. Others came from a distance, going around the world before subtly, almost imperceptibly, landing on the page. This process has been as much human as it has been intellectual. It is with a heart full of gratitude that I would like to dedicate this work to Devin, Patricia, Luis, Luis Emilio, Nayeli, Julia, Collin, Jordan, Mélanie,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Copyright by Hugo Rodolfo Rincon 2009
    Copyright by Hugo Rodolfo Rincon 2009 The Dissertation Committee for Hugo Rodolfo Rincon Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: STUDY OF DIALOGIC APPROACHES AND RESPONSES IN PLANNING LOW-INCOME COMMUNITIES IN MARACAIBO, VENEZUELA. THE “PROMOTION OF FULL CITIZENSHIP” PLAN. Committee: Patricia Wilson, Supervisor Henry Dietz Kent Butler Michael Oden Elizabeth Muller STUDY OF DIALOGIC APPROACHES AND RESPONSES IN PLANNING LOW-INCOME COMMUNITIES IN MARACAIBO, VENEZUELA. THE “PROMOTION OF FULL CITIZENSHIP” PLAN. by Hugo Rodolfo Rincon, B.Arch., M.C.P. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2009 Dedication My gratefulness goes firstly to God, who gave me strength and wisdom to go through this project and helped me to carry out this research, which made me realize how important it is to create knowledge that can be shared for the benefit of others, especially the low- income communities of my dearest Maracaibo. Thank you for guiding me and being by my side always. I thank my supervisor, Dr. Patricia Wilson, who was patient with me during the research process, encouraging me all the way, believing in my capacity to undertake this study and, helping me to improve my skills and achieve my objectives. I offer my special gratitude to the members of my committee, for their comments, suggestions, and encouragement. I also would like to thank my field companion, Professor Marina González from Universidad del Zulia in Venezuela, for her dedication and time and for the relevant comments and contributions which were decisive to undertake the field activities, and for their success, and the HABITAT-LUZ foundation at the University of Zulia, for their cooperation and providing the opportunity for this inquiry.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Reelism: a Rhetorical Criticism of Reflection and Interpretation in Political Films
    POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS Jennifer Lee Walton A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2006 Committee: John J. Makay, Advisor Richard Gebhardt Graduate Faculty Representative John T. Warren Alberto Gonzalez ii ABSTRACT John J. Makay, Advisor The purpose of this study is to discuss how political campaigns and politicians have been depicted in films, and how the films function rhetorically through the use of core values. By interpreting real life, political films entertain us, perhaps satirically poking fun at familiar people and events. However, the filmmakers complete this form of entertainment through the careful integration of American values or through the absence of, or attack on those values. This study provides a rhetorical criticism of movies about national politics, with a primary focus on the value judgments, political consciousness and political implications surrounding the films Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939), The Candidate (1972), The Contender (2000), Wag the Dog (1997), Power (1986), and Primary Colors (1998). iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank everyone who made this endeavor possible. First and foremost, I thank Doctor John J. Makay; my committee chair, for believing in me from the start, always encouraging me to do my best, and assuring me that I could do it. I could not have done it without you. I wish to thank my committee members, Doctors John Warren and Alberto Gonzalez, for all of your support and advice over the past months.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted), Coordinator Specialist in Latin American Affairs (name redacted) Specialist in International Trade and Finance (name redacted) Specialist in Energy Policy (name redacted) Specialist in International Humanitarian Policy Updated June 27, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political crisis under the authoritarian rule of President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). On May 20, 2018, Maduro defeated Henri Falcón, a former governor, in a presidential election boycotted by the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) of opposition parties and dismissed by the United States, the European Union, and 18 Western Hemisphere countries as illegitimate. Maduro, who was narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), is unpopular. Nevertheless, he has used the courts, security forces, and electoral council to repress the opposition. Maduro’s reelection capped off his efforts since 2017 to consolidate power. From March to July 2017, protesters called for President Maduro to release political prisoners and respect the MUD- led National Assembly. Security forces quashed protests, with more than 130 killed and thousands injured. Maduro then orchestrated the controversial July 2017 election of a National Constituent Assembly to rewrite the constitution; the assembly then assumed legislative functions. The PSUV dominated gubernatorial and municipal elections held in 2017, although fraud likely occurred in those contests. Maduro has arrested dissident military officers and others, but he also has released some political prisoners, including U.S. citizen Joshua Holt, since the May election.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Updated June 4, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political and economic crisis under the authoritarian rule of Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Hugo Chávez (president, 1999-2013), began a second term on January 10, 2019, that most Venezuelans and much of the international community consider illegitimate. Since January, Juan Guaidó, president of Venezuela’s democratically elected, opposition-controlled National Assembly, has sought to form an interim government to serve until internationally observed elections can be held. Although the United States and 53 other countries recognize Guaidó as interim president, the military high command, supported by Russia and Cuba, has remained loyal to Maduro. Venezuela is in a political stalemate as conditions in the country deteriorate. Venezuela’s economy has collapsed. It is plagued by hyperinflation, severe shortages of food and medicine, and electricity blackouts that have worsened an already dire humanitarian crisis. In April 2019, United Nations officials estimated that some 90% of Venezuelans are living in poverty and 7 million need humanitarian assistance. Maduro has blamed U.S. sanctions for these problems, but most observers cite economic mismanagement and corruption under Chávez and Maduro for the current crisis. U.N. agencies estimate that 3.7 million Venezuelans had fled the country as of March 2019, primarily to other Latin American and Caribbean countries. U.S. Policy The United States historically had close relations with Venezuela, a major U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
    Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Updated January 21, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44841 {222A0E69-13A2-4985-84AE-73CC3D FF4D02}- R-065134085251065165027250227152136081055238021128081004254222131230149124116165025173059138019212092197094082070147241055138103109125167218148070191159004086199008187015230011144177144130039148251243207037022138160186199154124002209111056023137069245037120015094018080157060102122054208115 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political crisis under the authoritarian rule of President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), is unpopular. Nevertheless, he has used the courts, security forces, and electoral council to repress the opposition. On January 10, 2019, Maduro began a second term after winning reelection on May 20, 2018, in an unfair contest deemed illegitimate by the opposition-controlled National Assembly and most of the international community. The United States, the European Union, the Group of Seven, and most Western Hemisphere countries do not recognize the legitimacy of his mandate. They view the National Assembly as Venezuela’s only democratic institution. Maduro’s inauguration capped his efforts to consolidate power. In 2017, protesters called for Maduro to release political prisoners and respect the opposition-led National Assembly. Security forces quashed protests, with more than 130 killed and thousands
    [Show full text]
  • The Quality of the Venezuelan Democracy Under Hugo Chávez (1999–2013)
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ESE - Salento University Publishing PA rtecipazione e CO nflitto * The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 10(1) 2017: 89-118 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v10i1p89 Published in March 15, 2017 Work licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-Non commercial-Share alike 3.0 Italian License RESEARCH ARTICLE THE QUALITY OF THE VENEZUELAN DEMOCRACY UNDER HUGO CHÁVEZ (1999–2013) Javier Corrales Amherst College, Amherst, MA, USA Manuel Hidalgo Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain ABSTRACT: Following the work of Morlino (2012) and Katz and Morlino (2012), we evaluate the quality of democracy in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez. We argue that by the end of this administration, Venezuela became a hybrid regime. In those instances in which operated as a democracy, institutional quality was low; in other instances, the regime exhibited clear autocratic features. KEYWORDS: Venezuela, democracy, hybrid regime, quality, political competition, participation, rule of law, accountability, freedom, equality, responsiveness. CORRESPONDING AUTHORS: Javier Corrales, email: [email protected]; Manuel Hidalgo, email: [email protected] Revised version of the presentation prepared for Meeting of the Network of Studies on the Quality of Democracy in Latin America, Lima, October 17–18, 2012. We would like to thank CENDES and IESA for their assistance in carrying out the field work in Venezuela. Special thanks to Daniel Mogollón, Maurelyn Rangel, Carlos Sabatino and Federico Sucre for the support of the research they provided.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela and Cuba: the Ties That Bind
    Latin American Program | January 2020 A portrait of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez in between the Cuban and Venezuelan flags.Credit: Chávez Fusterlandia (On the left) A silhouetted profile of Fidel Castro in his military cap says “the best friend.” Dan Lundberg, March 18, 2016 / Shutterstock Venezuela and Cuba: The Ties that Bind I. Two Nations, One Revolution: The Evolution of Contemporary Cuba-Venezuela Relations By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich CONTENTS “Cuba es el mar de la felicidad. Hacia allá va Venezuela.” I. Two Nations, One (“Cuba is a sea of happiness. That’s where Venezuela is going.”) Revolution: The Evolution —Hugo Chávez Frías, March 8, 2000 of Contemporary Cuba- Venezuela Relations Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- II. The Geopolitics of Cuba–Venezuela-U.S. ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the Relations: relationship, however, remain shrouded in secrecy, complicating any assessment of Cuba’s An Informal Note role in Venezuela. The Venezuelan and Cuban governments have not been transparent about By Richard E. Feinberg the size and scope of any contingent of Cuban military and security
    [Show full text]
  • Easy Money; Being the Experiences of a Reformed Gambler;
    ^EASY MONEY Being the Experiences of a Reformed Gambler All Gambling Tricks Exposed \ BY HARRY BROLASKI Cleveland, O. SEARCHLIGHT PRESS 1911 Copyrighted, 1911 by Hany Brolaski -W.. , ,-;. j jfc. HV ^ 115^ CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Pages Introductory : 9-10 CHAPTE-R II. My* First Bet 11-25 CHAPTER III. The Gambling Germ Grows—A Mother's Love 26-5S CHAPTER IV. Grafter and Gambler—Varied Experiences 59-85 CHAPTER V. A Race Track and Its Operation 86-91 CHAPTER VI. Race-track Grafts and Profits —Bookmakers 92-104 CHAPTER VII. Oral Betting 106-108 CHAPTER VIII. Pool-rooms 109-118 CHAPTER IX. Hand-books 119-121 CHAPTER X. Gambling Germ 122-123 CHAPTER XI. Malevolence of Racing 124-125 CHAPTER XII. Gambling by Employees 126-127 CHAPTER XIII. My First Race Horse 128-130 CHAPTER XIV. Some Race-track Experiences—Tricks of the Game 131-152 CHAPTER XV. Race-track Tricks—Getting the Money 153-162 7 — 8 Contents. CHAPTER XVI. Pages Women Bettors 163-165 CHAPTER XVII. Public Choice 166 CHAPTER XVIII. Jockeys 167-174 CHAPTER XIX. Celebrities of the Race Track 175-203 CHAPTER XX. The Fight Against Race Tracks. 204-219 CHAPTER XXI Plague Spots in American Cities 220-234 CHAPTER XXII. Gambling Inclination of Nations 235-237 CHAPTE-R XXIII. Selling Tips 238-240 CHAPTER XXIV. Statement Before United States Senate Judiciary- Committee—Race-track Facts and Figures International Reform Bureau 241-249 CHAPTER XXV. Gambling on the Mississippi River 250-255 CHAPTER XXVI. Gambling Games and Devices 256-280 CHAPTER XXVII. Monte Carlo and Roulette 281-287 CHAPTER XXVIII.
    [Show full text]