Lexicalization by Phase: the Role of Prepositions in Argument Structure and Its Cross-Linguistic Variation

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Lexicalization by Phase: the Role of Prepositions in Argument Structure and Its Cross-Linguistic Variation LEXICALIZATION BY PHASE: THE ROLE OF PREPOSITIONS IN ARGUMENT STRUCTURE AND ITS CROSS-LINGUISTIC VARIATION Cristina Real Puigdollers Doctoral Dissertation Supervisor: Gemma Rigau Oliver PhD Program in Cognitive Science and Language Centre de Lingüística Teòrica Departament de Filologia Catalana Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Spring 2013 Abstract This dissertation proposes an account for cross-linguistic variation at the lexical level. The proposal stems from a strong version of Hale and Keyser’s hypothesis according to which lexicalization processes are syntactically driven. I claim that variation at the lexical level should be analyzed as variation at the sentential level, by means of the unification of the l(exical) and s(entential)-syntax through the theory of ciclycity provided by Phase Theory. The phase is interpreted as a point of access of the interfaces to the derivation and as the domain for lexicalization. From this perspective, the difference in the specification of φ-features in functio- nal heads determines what is a phase and what is not in a particular language, so that the emergence of variation is derived despite the uniformity of syntax. With that framework in mind, I propose a unified solution to the variation across lan- guages of certain lexicalization patterns, namely, the expression of path, manner and possession. The theory I develop builds on a syntactic theory of argument structure that takes into account the role that non-relational elements, namely, roots, have in the model. I propose that syntax operates with root positions that are semantically and phonologically underspecified and that are defined as non-projecting heads, i.e., non-labeling heads, which by general syntactic principles can only be present at the bottom, first merge position of every (sub)derivation. I propose that phase heads establish domains for lexicalization that allow us to consider morphological i operations such as feature percolation or vocabulary insertion as two distinct ways for phonologically interpreting syntactic representations. As for the case studies, I first study the properties of path expressions in Ro- mance and Germanic languages. I propose a simplified structure for PPs in which features such as boundedness arise configurationally, not through a specific func- tional projection. Then, I argue that case in the adpositional system is structural and emerges from the agreement relation between a DP and the φ-features of the functional projection or phase head, p. I argue that spatial expressions in Romance are always locative and that there is defectivity in the content of φ-features of path heads that makes them to be non-phase heads and to belong to the vP domain. Second, I deal with some cases of verbal elasticity attested in Romance lan- guages: the existence of cognate objects, that is, unergative intransitive verbs that can take under certain restricted conditions a direct object; and the existence of re- sultative constructions in Romance where a secondary predicate is said to denote a resultative change of state. In order to account for these constructions in a uni- fied way I propose that they all involve a preposition of central coincidence that establishes a predicative relation between the complement and the verbal root. Finally, I study Measure Verbs that are characterized by having a comple- ment, a Measure Phrase, that behaves sometimes as an adjunct and sometimes as an argument. I propose that this is due mainly to the referential properties of this quantificational element. However, I add into the picture another property that has never been discussed before: the variable behavior of Measure Verbs with respect to unaccusativity. I propose that Measure Verbs have an underlying possessive structure that is headed by a BE predicate that selects a central coincidence prepo- sition, p. The non-defective phase p head in Romance languages can incorporate into BE extending the phase and transforming BE, a defective unaccusative phase, into a non-defective transitive phase, HAVE, which is able to license accusative case and to allow for an external argument position. ii Resum Aquesta tesi proposa una teoria que dóna compte de la variació interlingüística al nivell lèxic. La present proposta parteix d’una versió forta de la hipòtesi de Hale i Keyser, segons la qual els processos de lexicalització estan dirigits per principis sintàctics. Sostinc que la variació al nivell lèxic s’ha d’analitzar com la variació al nivell oracional, unificant la sintaxi-l(èxica) i la sintaxi-o(racional) per mitjà de la teoria de la ciclicitat basada en la noció de fase. La fase s’interpreta com l’estadi derivacional a què tenen accés les interfícies i com el domini de lexicalització. Des d’aquest punt de vista, la diferència en l’especificació dels trets-φ dels nuclis funcionals determina què és una fase i què no ho és en una determinada llengua, de la qual cosa es deriva l’emergència de la variació lingüística malgrat la uniformitat de la sintaxi. A partir d’aquest marc teòric, proposo una solució unificada per tal de donar compte de la variació interlingüística de certs patrons de lexicalització, com ara l’expressió del trajecte, la manera i la possessió. La teoria que desenvolupo recolza en una teoria sintàctica de l’estructura ar- gumental que pren en consideració el paper que tenen els elements no relacionals (és a dir, les arrels) en el model. Proposo que la sintaxi opera amb les posicions de les arrels que estan subespecificades en termes semàntics i fonològics i que estan definides com a nuclis que no projecten (és a dir, que no forneixen cap etique- ta), les quals per principis sintàctics generals només poden ocórrer al capdavall de l’estructura, la posició de primer ajuntament de cada (sub)derivació. També proposo que els nuclis de fase estableixen dominis de lexicalització que habiliten iii operacions morfològiques com ara la percolació de trets o la inserció de vocabula- ri com dues maneres diferents per interpretar fonològicament les representacions sintàctiques. Pel que fa als casos que estudio, en primer lloc m’ocupo de l’expressió del trajecte en les llengües romàniques i germàniques. Proposo una estructura simpli- ficada del SP en què trets com ara els de fitació emergeixen de manera configura- cional i no per mitjà d’una projecció funcional privativa. Així, argüeixo que el cas en el sistema d’adposicions és estructural i emergeix de la relació de concordança entre un SD i els trets-φ d’una projecció funcional o nucli de fase, p. Sostinc que les expressions espacials en romànic són sempre locatives i que els trets-φ dels nuclis de trajecte són defectius, de manera que els inhabilita per ser nuclis de fase i els situa en el domini de Sv. En segon lloc, tracto diversos casos d’elasticitat verbal que es poden obser- var en les llengües romàniques: l’existència d’objectes cognats, això és, els verbs intransitius de tipus inergatiu que seleccionen, en certes condicions especials, un complement directe; d’altra banda, es poden constatar certes construccions resul- tatives en romànic, en què un predicat secundari denota un canvi d’estat resultatiu. A fi d’explicar les construccions esmentades d’una manera unificada, proposo que en tots els casos hi participa una preposició de coincidència central que estableix una relació predicativa entre el complement i l’arrel verbal. En darrer lloc, estudio els verbs de mesura que es caracteritzen per tenir un complement, el sintagma de mesura, que o bé es comporta com un adjunt o bé com un argument. Proposo que això és degut a les propietats referencials d’a- quest element quantificador. A més, hi afegeixo una altra propietat que mai no s’ha discutit abans: el comportament variable dels verbs de mesura respecte de la inacusativitat. Proposo que els verbs de mesura tinguin una estructura possessiva subjacent, que té com a nucli un predicat SER que selecciona una preposició de coincidència central, p. En les llengües romàniques el nucli de fase p no és defec- tiu i es pot incorporar a SER, de manera que la fase s’estén i transforma SER, una iv fase inacusativa i defectiva, en una fase transitiva i saturada, TENIR, que permet legitimar el cas acusatiu i fornir una posició per a l’argument extern. v Acknowledgements I must express first of all my deep gratitude to my supervisor Gemma Rigau, for her advice, assistance and unconditional support during these years. Without her help and trust I doubt I could have finished this dissertation. Grateful thanks are extended to Cedric Boeckx for having generously read many drafts of this dissertation and reviewed them so carefully. His help has also been decisive for the development of the ideas discussed in this dissertation. I also want to thank the other two members of the evaluation committee, Violeta Demonte and Ricardo Etxepare, for having agreed to be part of it. I am also indebted with Aritz Irurtzun and Jaume Mateu, substitute members of my com- mittee. I would like to specially thank Jaume Mateu for awakening my interest in Argument Structure. His many works on these topics have been very inspiring to me. Thanks goes to all people who have helped me through the different stages of my dissertation. Special mention goes to Guglielmo Cinque, Marcel den Dikken, and Richard Kayne for their guidance in my research stays at the Università Ca’Foscari in Venice in 2007, and at CUNY and NYU in New York City in 2008, respectively. Thanks to all faculty members and graduate students who I found there and who helped me in different ways. I would like to thank all the people from the CLT at the UAB who have been a kind of family during all these years.
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