1
The Letters of Elizabeth of Bohemia:
How One Woman Changed the Course of 17th Century European Politics
To fulfill the requirements of
HIS 4970 Senior Thesis
History Honors Program
Advisor: Dr. Howard Louthan
Completed by:
Laurel Marzek
April 2012 2
Table of Contents
Introduction………………………………………………………………..3
Chapter One: From Child to Bride……………………………………….....9
Chapter Two: From Queen to Fugitive…………………………………….21
Chapter Three: From Widow Onward……………………………………..38
Conclusion………………………………………………………………....50
Appendix.………………………………………………………………....52
Bibliography……………………………………………………………....58
3
Introduction
The massive stone spires of St. Vitus Cathedral dominated the skyline of Prague as she moved towards the structure, treading over the rich carpets that had been spread on the cobbles of the square. From inside the beautiful Chapel of St. Wenceslas, she listened to the choir sing as her attendants dressed her in coronation robes. She moved to the high altar of the cathedral and her husband Frederick joined her, wearing the crown of his coronation three days prior. The crown of St. Elizabeth was placed on her head and she took the orb and scepter in hand. As she emerged into the sunlight, a cannon salute announced the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth,
Queen of Bohemia.1
This woman, who improbably rose to become queen of a German kingdom and who many historians simply refer to as Elizabeth of Bohemia, was actually born a Scottish princess by the name of Elizabeth Stuart. As the daughter of James VI of Scotland and James I of
England, and later the wife of Frederick V of the Palatinate, Elizabeth spent her life surrounded by powerful men. Elizabeth’s brother, Charles I, succeeded his father on the English throne and her grandson, George I, became the first Hanoverian king, the dynasty that still rules the island kingdom. She was courted by King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden and Phillip III of Spain and lived for many years at the court of the Prince of Orange in Holland.
Due to the strong male personalities in Elizabeth’s life, many historians have simply ignored Elizabeth as a figure worthy of scholarly research and deny that she had a measurable impact on history. For those scholars who do acknowledge Elizabeth, one common interpretation of her life is to present Elizabeth as a victim of events and as an individual who deferentially
1 For a full description of the coronation of Elizabeth see Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus, 1619, 97-104 as cited in M.A. Everett Green, Elizabeth: Electress Palatine and Queen of Bohemia (London: Methuen and Co., 1909), 141; Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998) 51-52. 4 accepted the decisions made by the men in her life. Mary Green puts forth a version of Elizabeth who was fiscally irresponsible and therefore largely reliant on her father, and later her brother, to keep her from financial ruin.2 Rosalind Marshall echoes this image of Elizabeth stating, “With her mild, affectionate nature she allowed the men in her life to take the lead.”3 Josephine Ross presents an Elizabeth who was always less important than her brothers and who was only influential as long as her interests did not conflict with those of her male relations.4 Even the most forgiving sketches of this version of Elizabeth see her as a well-intended wife who unnecessarily concerns herself with the business of her husband rather than as an actual actor in political events.5
Other scholars take a radically different view. Some compare Elizabeth’s role in the
Thirty Years’ War to that of Helen of Troy in ancient times.6 The popular historical tradition of some European countries sees Elizabeth as domineering, arrogant, and meddlesome and deserving of the misfortune she encountered in her life.7
My interpretation of Elizabeth differs from the competing historiographies on Elizabeth that currently exist. Elizabeth was neither the powerless damsel nor the domineering tyrant that historians have described. Rather, she was a woman of great power and influence in a period where the majority of prominent historical figures were male. Due to Elizabeth’s strong intellect and connections, her husband, Frederick, often looked to his wife for advice. During one such
2 M.A. Everett Green, Elizabeth: Electress Palatine and Queen of Bohemia (London: Methuen and Co., 1909), chapter 1. 3 Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998), 46. 4 Josephine Ross, The Winter Queen: The Story of Elizabeth Stuart (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979), chapter 5. 5 Robert S. Rait, Five Stuart Princesses (Westminster: Archibald Contable and Co. Ltd., 1902), 80. 6 Marshall, 71. 7 See Appendix, Figure 1 and 2 for “The Temptation of the Elector” print, one of many similar popular prints of the time depicting Frederick and Elizabeth, re-produced in Jana Hubková, Fridrich Falcký v zrcadle letákové publicistiky (Prague: Carolinum, 2010), 665. 5 occasion, Elizabeth played a pivotal role in convincing her husband to accept the Bohemian crown, an action that became a landmark decision for the continent and led to the outbreak of the
Thirty Years’ War. Elizabeth continued to counsel Frederick throughout the war and used her sway with her father, James I, to improve the position of her family. Even in her later life, much of which was spent in exile, Elizabeth succeeded in placing her children in various positions of power and social prominence. Throughout her life, Elizabeth influenced the opinions and actions of those around her and used her abilities to control events. Elizabeth was truly a significant historical figure of the period.
The body of secondary source work that has been written on the life of Elizabeth is relatively thin. This is surprising given her commanding personality and the integral role she played at the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War. Additionally, most of the secondary scholarship that does exist is dated, published in the first half of the twentieth century or earlier. I hope to add to the historiographical record a more modern perspective on Elizabeth. My interpretation of
Elizabeth falls somewhere in between the disparate historical portraits that have been painted of her in the past. There is also a geographic and cultural element to my work. Nearly all of the authors who have written studies on Elizabeth’s life share a national heritage with Elizabeth and come from a similar cultural and geographic context. The fact that I do not share this similarity with these authors gives me greater distance from the subject matter and allows me to view the life of Elizabeth through a different cultural lens to bring new perspective to the events.
Elizabeth played an important role in shaping the policies and actions of the individuals around her and exercised influence through her patronage and relationships with others.
Elizabeth was able to utilize her family connections, control events, and consolidate power through the means available to her, chiefly letters. There is significant source material available 6 on Elizabeth, much of which has not been utilized to its full potential. Previously, the most important collection of Elizabeth’s letters available was published in the early 1950’s.8 The source material on Elizabeth has just increased dramatically with a new publication by Nadine
Akkerman of recently edited letters.9 To date, only one volume in the series has been published.
However, as the two remaining volumes are released, the ability and opportunity to study
Elizabeth will continue to increase as new primary source material becomes available. Likewise, the importance of Elizabeth’s life and her character will become even more apparent as these new sources become accessible to historians.
This paper will study the correspondence of Elizabeth and use those letters to consider her power over her family and events in Europe throughout her life. Elizabeth’s influence will be considered in three parts. The first part will evaluate Elizabeth’s role from birth up until her marriage to Frederick at age sixteen. Even as a youth, Elizabeth’s forceful character foreshadowed the powerful and influential woman she would become. As a child, Elizabeth’s exceptional beauty and intelligence led her to play a role of political importance through the numerous marriage proposals she received from many prominent suitors across Europe. Also at a young age, Elizabeth began to exert influence on matters of the court and her retinue, often
8 The Letters of Elizabeth of Bohemia, ed. L.M. Baker (London: The Bodley Head, 1953). This source includes only letters written by Elizabeth, not any returned correspondence. Letter recipients include various diplomats, foreign ministers, her father James I, her brother Charles I, and her children, particularly her eldest son Charles Louis. The collection contains only one letter to Frederick and that is from 1612 before she ever met him in person. The letters span the years 1603 to Elizabeth’s death in 1662 and provide letters from throughout Elizabeth’s life. 9The Correspondence of Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia: Volume II, 1632-1642, ed. Nadine Akkerman, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). Akkerman, working with a team from the Centre for Editing Lives and Letters, combined the letters in Baker’s publications with newly discovered correspondence of Elizabeth from the Royal Archive at Windsor Castle. The collection is an improvement in that it contains both letters written by Elizabeth and the answering correspondence written by others. Another improvement is that the collection does contain letters between Elizabeth and Frederick, although the collection starts in 1632, the same year Frederick died, so it contains very few of them. Likewise, the volume ends in 1642 and thus contains no letters dealing with the establishment of her children past that point. In 2011 the first volume in the collection was released, Volume II. Volume I and III are to follow. When the complete collection of three volumes is published, it will represent the most comprehensive collection of the letters of Elizabeth in existence. 7 writing to her father or his ambassadors with specific requests. Elizabeth’s marriage to Frederick and the subsequent birth of an heir provided influence in the form of increased favor of the public, political dealings, and the development of independent action with regards to her new citizens and her added roles as a wife, mother, and Electress.
The second part will consider Elizabeth’s influence from the events leading up to her
1619 coronation in Bohemia until Frederick’s death in 1632. Elizabeth’s most obvious contribution to history during this period was her ability to convince Frederick to accept the
Bohemian crown and the subsequent outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War. Elizabeth’s involvement in major events continued after the couple was forced into exile. Through her letters, Elizabeth sought assistance for both her husband and the Palatinate from her father, brother, and various other influential English diplomats and foreign figures. During this phase of her life, Elizabeth assumed political, military, and religious roles and expanded her sphere of influence across the continent.
The third and final section will investigate Elizabeth’s influence from the death of
Frederick in 1632 until her death in 1662. After the passing of her husband, Elizabeth used her connections to establish her children in prominent social positions throughout Europe. Despite the debt and hardships that accompanied a life of exile, Elizabeth successfully secured military posts, favorable marriages, and diplomatic titles for many of her children. Elizabeth’s central focus was aimed at restoring her heir, Charles Louis, to the lands and titles of his father. During this period, Elizabeth was able to use her powerful connections to ensure the success of her children.
The events of Elizabeth’s life weave into the larger fabric of European history of the period. Religious conflict was a common theme in Europe during the life of Elizabeth. Tensions 8 between the Protestant and Catholic faiths had a clear effect on the circumstances in Europe at the time. Religion was the defining aspect of the lives of those who lived in this period and had a political, social, and cultural impact. Certainly, religious struggles had been a part of European history long before the birth of Elizabeth and were an inescapable facet of Elizabeth’s life, given the era in which she was born. However, Elizabeth’s choices, in turn, affected this strained atmosphere where religion played such a dominant role. Through her actions and decisions,
Elizabeth influenced this environment and, consequently, altered the course of European history.
Elizabeth was not the only female figure to have an impact on seventeenth century
Europe, but rather, was part of a broader era of female rulers.10 This trend incorporates women like Elizabeth’s grandmother, Mary Queen of Scots, and Elizabeth’s godmother, Elizabeth I of
England. It also includes women rulers who lived before Elizabeth, like Catherine de’Medici of
France, and others who followed after her, such as Queen Christina of Sweden. Each of these women exerted power and influence in their own right, just as Elizabeth did. However, even in this era of female rules, Elizabeth was unique. While the other women became figures of power through birthright or marriage, Elizabeth was truly a monarch of her own making. Her ambition propelled both her and her husband to the throne, making Elizabeth, as Robert Rait described her, “Queen by choice.”11 The choices of Elizabeth would have a lasting impact on the perception of female rulers, the role of religion, and the European continent.
10 Roland Herbert Bainton, Women of the Reformation in France and England (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1973); Paula Louise Scalingi, “The Scepter of the Distaff: The Question of Female Sovereignty 1516-1607,” Historian, November 1978, 59-76; Merry Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 11 Robert S. Rait, Five Stuart Princesses (Westminster: Archibald Contable and Co. Ltd., 1902), 50. 9
Chapter One: From Child to Bride
Elizabeth Stuart was born August 16th, 1596 to Queen Anne and King James VI of
Scotland. In 1603, when Elizabeth was seven, her father inherited the English throne as well and became King James I of England. As a princess of the Scottish and English royal thrones, figures of power and influence surrounded Elizabeth from an early age. Her father, James I, ruled over the most powerful navy in the world, her uncle, Christian IV, was king of Denmark, and her suitors included well-known heirs such as Prince Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden.12
Perhaps even more importantly, Elizabeth was surrounded by powerful women. Her mother, Queen Anne, was a Danish princess, her grandmother was the infamous Mary Queen of
Scots (though she was executed before Elizabeth was born, her notoriety and story were widely known throughout England), and Elizabeth I of England, Elizabeth Stuart’s godmother and namesake, ruled Britain without a king. Elizabeth was well connected amongst the royal families of Europe through kinship ties and marriages and thus, from an early age, the stage was set for
Elizabeth to play an important and influential role in the politics of Europe.13
Elizabeth lived and studied at Combe Abbey during her youth under the guardianship of
Sir John Harington, Baron of Exton, and his wife, Anne Harington.14 Following James I’s commands, Sir Harrington had Elizabeth instructed in various subjects, including writing, history, religion, languages, and music and she received a better education than typical female princesses of the day were given.15 Elizabeth excelled in her studies. She had mastered French by the age of nine and used it often when writing to her father or brother and even wrote her own
12 Josephine Ross, The Winter Queen: The Story of Elizabeth Stuart (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979), 21. 13 See Appendix, Figure 3 for a depiction of Elizabeth’s family tree from The Letters of Elizabeth of Bohemia, ed. L.M. Baker (London: The Bodley Head, 1953), 360-361. 14 M.A. Everett Green, Elizabeth: Electress Palatine and Queen of Bohemia (London: Methuen and Co., 1909), 8. 15 Robert S. Rait, Five Stuart Princesses (Westminster: Archibald Contable and Co. Ltd., 1902), 56. 10 book of prayers.16 Altogether, Elizabeth was fluent in six languages: French, English, Italian,
German, Dutch and Latin.17
Elizabeth was also praised for her beauty and disposition as a young girl.18 In letters and poems alike, phrases such as, “That Princesse rare that like a Rose doth florish, Filling each eye with her milde Courtesie. Whose happie breeding, worthy inclination, Makes her admir’d desir’d of every Nation [sic],” 19 and, “A lady for her virtues worthy of more than the world can assign to her,”20 are used to describe the young princess’s charm. Statements from English officials, such as Lord Northampton’s belief that Elizabeth was, “The best and most virtuous young lady that since the conquest hath been sent from hence,”21 and Sir Walter Ralegh’s statement, “…This excellent young princess…one of the jewels of this kingdom,”22 show that Elizabeth received more than mere customary praise from her father’s royal counselors and the commendation of
Elizabeth went beyond that required by her station.23
The people of England also felt strong affection for Elizabeth and her brother Henry and the young prince and princess enjoyed great popularity among the subjects of James I.24 Even in times when the popularity of James I himself waned, his children remained favorites among the
16 Various letters from Elizabeth Stuart to Henry Prince of Whales and King James I, spanning the years 1605-1612, Baker, 26-31; Green, 127. 17Green, 123. 18 For portraits of Elizabeth see Appendix figures 4 and 5 from Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998), 14-24. 19 James Maxwell, The Laudable Life and Deplorable Death of Our Late Peerlesse Prince Henry: Poem “The Memorable Life and Death of Our Late Peerelesse Prince Henrie” Stanza 17 (London: 1612), University of Michigan Early English Books Database, http://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo2/A07313.0001.001/1:4?rgn=div1; view=toc;q1=rose. 20 Lord Conway to Adam Newton, Prince Henry’s Tutor, August, 1612, as cited in Green, 27. 21 Lord Northampton to the Earl of Rochester, April, 1611, as cited in Green, 27. 22The Works of Sir Walter Ralegh v. 8, ed. Thomas Birch and William Oldys (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1829), 234, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015002713819.
23 Green, 27. 24 Henry Peacham, Minerva Britanna: Poem ”Fatum Subscribat Eliza” (1612); Ross, 13. 11 people of England and Scotland.25 Due to Elizabeth’s great charm and widespread regard, she began to play a role of political importance early on in her lifetime.
The first such event involved the Gunpowder Plot of 1605. The infamous story of Guy
Fawkes and the conspiracy to blow up Parliament, and the King with it, today is a widely known and, in many instances, has achieved folk-legend status. However, the role Elizabeth played in this event is much less commonly known. After killing James I and Prince Henry with the explosion of parliament, the conspirators planned to seize Elizabeth and place her on the throne.26 They intended to capitalize on Elizabeth’s popularity amongst the English people in order to control the country through their new Queen. This attempt to make Elizabeth Queen shows not only the influence she held over the people of England but also the belief that many had in her potential to fill political roles and wield power over her subjects.
Some scholars argue that the converse is true, claiming the conspirators chose Elizabeth not for her ability to influence or control events, but precisely because she lacked this power and would have been an easily controlled monarch.27 While no one can know for sure what the outcome would have been since the conspirators’ plan was foiled, I do not think Elizabeth would have been so docile and easily manipulated as some scholars seem to think. When Elizabeth was informed of the events a few days after the attempt had failed, she responded bluntly to the plot,
“What a Queen should I have been by this means! I had rather have been with my royal father in the Parliament House than wear his crown on such condition.”28 Such a statement shows a
25George Sandys, A Paraphrase Upon the Divine Poems “To The Queene” (London: John Legatt, 1637). 26 William Prynne, The Antipathie of the English Lordly Prelacie, Both to Regall Monarchy, and Civill Unity (London: 1641), 146, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000313319; Nugae Antiquae: Original Papers of Sir John Harington, comp. Henry Harington (London: 1804), 137, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=nyp.33433076056583; Green, 12; Marshall, 26. 27 Carola Oman, Elizabeth of Bohemia (London: Hodder and Stoughton Limited, 1938), 29; Ross, 14. 28Nugae Antiquae: Original Papers of Sir John Harington, comp. Henry Harington (London: 1804), 137-138. Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/007126720. 12 decided stance on the matter and strong opinion for someone so young. This response foreshadows the strong nature Elizabeth would exhibit when dealing with political events throughout the rest of her life.
The second major event of Elizabeth’s childhood in which she played a prominent role in
European politics was in 1608 with her proposed marriage to the future Louis VIII, the son and heir of Henry IV of France. This match would have sealed an alliance between England and
France and solidified opposition to the Habsburgs in Spain and central Europe. The match also had religious considerations. Although Henry IV had given up his Calvinist faith and declared himself a Catholic to take the French throne, he was still tolerant of Protestant worshipers in
France and had passed the Edit of Nantes in 1598 to protect their religious rights. Henry’s acceptance of Calvinism made the prospect of Elizabeth marrying his Catholic son Louis acceptable to James, a staunch protestant.
The marriage would have had an even greater political and religious impact since it was proposed that Elizabeth’s older brother Henry, heir to the English throne, and the daughter of
Henri IV also marry in what would be a double marriage agreement.29 After a visit to the court of
James I, The French ambassador M. de Beaumont wrote a letter praising the beauty and demeanor of Elizabeth, as he noted, “She is handsome, graceful, well nourished, and speaks
French very well, much better than her brother.”30 De Beaumont went on to state that, in his opinion, “The French could find no alliance more suitable for the future monarch, as no Princess in Christendom could give more promising hopes of excellence.”31 The agreement rested as
29 Green, 17; Marshall, 23, 27; Ross, 16. 30 Monsieur de la Boderie, Ambassades de Monsieur de la Boderie en Angleterre, v. iii (1606-1611) pg 7, Google Books, http://books.google.com/books?ei=MQZ5T9LmDMjEtgemJnnDw&sqi=2&id= 0FQPA AAAQAAJ&dq=Ambassades+de+M+de+la+Boderie+en+Angleterre&q=frere#v=onepage&q&f=false.
31 Monsieur de la Boderie, 418. 13 much upon Elizabeth’s role in the proposed marriage as it did upon her brother Henry. A double marriage alliance would have changed the political configuration of early seventeenth-century
Europe.
Despite De Beaumont’s sentiments on the desirability of Elizabeth as a match, the marriage arrangement fell apart with the death of Henry IV.32 Afterwards, Elizabeth was met with a string of prominent suitors between 1610 and 1611, including the Prince of Sweden,
Prince of Orange, Prince of Hesse, and the recently widowed King Phillip III of Spain. In the end, all were rejected either on the grounds of religion or for lacking the degree of rank that
Elizabeth held.33 The Duke of Savoy proposed a second double marriage arrangement involving
Elizabeth and her brother Henry. Henry would wed the Princess of Savoy and Elizabeth would marry the Duke’ son and heir, Victor Amadeus.34 This proposal ultimately failed, due to religious differences, but once more highlights the desirability of Elizabeth as a match. Sir
Walter Ralegh wrote of Elizabeth, “By nature endowed with such princely perfections, both of body and mind, as may well deserve to be reputed a worthy spouse for the greatest monarch of
Christendom.”35
As a teenager, Elizabeth also began to exert control in her day-to-day life as well. She began by influencing minor events which affected herself and her retinue. Elizabeth wrote to her father and his advisors to encourage various matches between her attendants and members of the
English court or foreign diplomats.36 Elizabeth took particular interest in the romance between her attendant, Anne Dudley and Colonel Meinhard von Schönberg, a German diplomat sent to
32 Oman, 49; Ross, 22. 33 Green, 25; Oman, 39; Ross, 21. 34 Green, 26; Oman, 49; Ross, 22. 35 The Works of Sir Walter Ralegh v. 8, ed. Thomas Birch and William Oldys (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1829), 234, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015002713819. 36 Elizabeth to Sir Ralph Winwood, May 19th, 1614, Baker, 36; Elizabeth to King James I, May 28th, 1615, Baker, 40-41. 14
London in 1612. “I see no means so well to stay him [Colonel Schönberg] but to effect what he hath long desired, to marry with Dudley [Anne Dudley] who long hath served me faithfully…I trust his Majesty will be pleased to consider for my honnour and great contentment”37 With
Elizabeth’s encouragement, Anne Dudley eventually accepted Colonel Schönberg’s proposal in
161438
Upon the death of Anne Dudley in 1615, Elizabeth required a new attendant. Not only did she review the replacements her father was considering, but she also advised him to consider the proper qualities of a candidate for the position, stating, “…Your majesty will perhaps be teased by one or another for this place, but I entreat you to consider that it is not every one who is fitted for it…let me know who are solicitors for it, and whom you judge most suitable, and I will write to you about it.”39 Elizabeth was exact in her requirements for this new lady-in-waiting and held a strong opinion with regards to the characteristics she wished for, wanting someone,
“Of no less quality than the former, nor much different in age”.40 Elizabeth succeeded in securing a new attendant whom she heartily approved of when Anne Harington, the widow of
Elizabeth’s former guardian Sir John Harington, was chosen to fill the position.41
Elizabeth also took an active role in minor legal matters, such as matters of final wills and inheritance amongst her retinue. Writing to Sir Julius Caesar, a judge and member of the
House of Commons, Elizabeth requested in regards to the settlement of an inheritance dispute,
“…If the bussnies doth come before you…that this lad may have his right and what favour as
37 Elizabeth to Sir Ralph Winwood, May 19th, 1614, Baker, 36. 38 II Elizabeth to Duchess de la Tremoille, March 26th, 1615, Archaeologia: Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity Volume XXXIX (London: The Society of Antiquaries of London, 1863), 155, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://books.google.com/books?id=vTRFAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&ca d=0#v=onepage&q=Elizabeth%20&f=false. 39 Elizabeth to King James I, December 14th, 1615, Baker, 46-47. 40 Sir Henry Wotton to James I, April 23rd, 1616, The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton v. 2, comp. Logan Smith (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907), 91. 41 Ross, 62. 15 you can afford him [sic].”42 Though this involvement by Elizabeth in her daily affairs was not exceptional and similar exchanges likely occurred in other royal families across Europe, it is significant nonetheless. While they may not appear to be great issues of state-making and policy formulation, these early episodes of exerting influence and writing letters helped prepare
Elizabeth for her future roles. Furthermore, they illustrate that Elizabeth was not a passive personality. She exercised what authority she could in the world in which she lived
The single most important event of Elizabeth’s youth and the occasion that marked her transition from child to adult was her marriage to Frederick V, Count and Elector Palatine of the
Rhine in 1613. Frederick, a German prince, controlled the lands of the Palatinate, a part of the
Holy Roman Empire with nearly 500,000 citizens. He was in line to become Elector of the Holy
Roman Empire upon turning eighteen.43 Of the seven imperial electors, the Elector Palatine was the most prestigious. Most importantly, Frederick was the head of the Protestant Union of
German Princes. This was a military alliance created in 1608 among the Protestant German states for mutual protection against the growing power of the Roman Catholic German states.
The fact that Frederick was the head the Protestant Union removed an important barrier that had thwarted many of Elizabeth’s previous marriage negotiations. Some of the most qualified suitors for Elizabeth, including the Duke of Savoy’s heir and King Phillip III of Spain, had been dismissed on religious grounds due to their Catholic faith. Many eligible suitors had also been rejected on political grounds, such as Prince Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden. This was due to Sweden’s enmity with Denmark, whose king, Christian IV, was James I’s brother-in-law and Elizabeth’s uncle.44 Since the relatively small lands of the Palatinate had little history with
England politically and Frederick had few kinship ties with other powerful rulers in Europe, the
42 Elizabeth to Sir Julius Caesar, January 16th, 1615, Baker, 38. 43 Green, 30; Oman, 55. 44 Green, 25. 16 marriage of Elizabeth and Frederick would create no entangling alliances or threaten Stuart relations with other prominent European families.
While these traits did make Frederick a more desirable match than any of Elizabeth’s previous suitors, the advantage of the marriage still lay largely with Frederick. The wealth and rank of Elizabeth, as an English princess, far surpassed that of Frederick. Indeed, the difference in station was enough to cause Frederick’s uncle to question whether, “Lady Elizabeth would be content to reduce herself to live according to the fashions of that country [the Palatinate].”45
These concerns were overlooked by James I and Elizabeth’s brother Henry because of
Frederick’s Protestant faith and his similarity in age to Elizabeth (they were born only four days apart).46 For her part, Elizabeth approved of the handsome young prince, writing to him, “I feel extremely honored and offer my very humble thanks for our assurances of friendship, which I will cherish even more affectionately…because your merit obliges me to do so.”47 In 1613, both at the age of sixteen, the couple was married.
Elizabeth’s new position as a married woman and German princess naturally increased the importance of the role Elizabeth played. The marriage had amplified her already vast popularity among the people of England and Scotland. Portraits were painted of the young couple, many with royal emblems and angels circling overhead to illustrate their love.48
Numerous poems, pamphlets, and statements of parliament were made in honor of the marriage, exalting Elizabeth’s beauty and grace as a married wife and offering wishes of good fortune for
45 Duke of Bouillon, Frederick’s Uncle, to Sir Thomas Edmondes, English Ambassador to Paris, September 20th, 1611, as cited in Green, 31. 46 Green, 29; Oman, 56. 47 Elizabeth to Frederick, Elector Palatine, September 12th, 1612, Baker, 32. 48 See Appendix, figure 6 from Christof Ginzel, Poetry, Politics, and Promises of Empire: Prophetic Rhetoric In the English and Neo-Latin Epithalamia on the occasion of the Palatine marriage in 1613 (Göttingen: Bonn University Press, 2009), figure 11, 340. 17 the young couple49 with lines such as, “The happy fortunes of these two prepare, and let from them no comforts be debard’d. Blesse them with issue, and a royall heyre [heir]…”50
Besides enhancing her public perception, the marriage also increased Elizabeth’s political importance throughout Europe. James I faced the foreign policy question which would come to be the defining struggle of his reign: Whether England should assume leadership of the
Protestant movement in Europe or maintain a position of balance and mediation with the great
Catholic powers of the continent.51 By marrying Elizabeth to the head of the Protestant Union of
Princes, James I indicated his choice to some degree and made Elizabeth and Frederick the face of the Protestant movement, at least for the moment. A sermon given in an English church on the day of the wedding captures this sentiment, “Because of the royall nuptials…I call you to a generall rejoicing… The whole Christendome is interessed in this days businesse, yea I doubt not, in forraine countries as wel as here in ours [sic].”52
The importance of Elizabeth’s position increased significantly with the death of her eldest brother and James’s heir, Henry, in 1612. Given the sickly nature of her younger brother Charles, there was talk that Elizabeth might eventually ascend to the throne.53 The birth of her first child, a son named Frederick Henry, in 1614 further solidified her position of importance. The birth of
Elizabeth’s son ensured a continuation of the Stuart line on the English throne even if Charles died and guaranteed a Protestant successor for England. Parliament conferred English citizenship
49 Henry Peacham, The Period of Mourning: “Nuptiall Hymnes in Honor of the Marriage” (London: 1613); James Maxwell, A Monument of Remembrance (London: 1613); George Wither, Epithalamia or Nuptiall Poems (London: 1613), microfilm 35mm; ‘House of Commons Journal, v. 1 1647-1629’ (April, 12th, 1614) 461-463, British History Online Database, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=6542&strquery=Elizabeth#sec305. 50 Thomas Heywood, A Marriage Triumph (London: 1613), Google Books, http://books.google.com/books ?hl=en&lr=&id=y5NMAAAAcAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=epithalamium+upon+the+nuptials+of+frederick+the+firth+a nd+elizabeth+&ots=wDM92OX2ss&sig=COZMPf4YZvPLnHE2AFRodqnItR8#v=onepage&q&f=false. 51 W.B. Patterson, King James VI and I and the Reunion of Christendom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Arnold Hunt, A Jacobean Consensus? The Religious Policy of James VI and I, Manchester University Press Online, http://www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk/uploads/docs/170131.pdf.; Rait, 68. 52 George Webb, The Bride Royall (London: 1613), B1-B2. 53 Marshall, 33. 18 upon Frederick Henry and pronounced him the lawful successor to the English throne after
Charles and Elizabeth.54 The birth of two additional healthy children, one boy and one girl, in the early years of her marriage to Frederick reflected favorably upon Elizabeth and ensured the opportunity for future connections and expansion of influence through marriage arrangements.
Elizabeth’s importance can also be seen in her unique position of power in the Palatinate.
Elizabeth succeeded in obtaining several privileges not before conceded to a German Electress.
These included expanded personal lodgings within the castle, the ability to keep as many horses as she desired in the stables, and a designated space for her personal chaplain to conduct services.55 These allowances were above what was owed to Elizabeth simply as the wife of a
German Elector. This latter point caused tension between Elizabeth and her new mother-in-law,
Louisa Juliana, who disliked being considered less important than her son’s new wife.56 Despite the complaints of her mother-in-law, Elizabeth’s expanded rights and privileges were preserved and her social standing was superior to all other females in the Palatinate. This result further strengthened Elizabeth’s claim to an elevated position of power and influence, even with her contemporaries.
The marriage of Elizabeth and Frederick also afforded Elizabeth many opportunities to actively exert her influence and control through independent political action. Elizabeth herself intervened during the process of drawing up the marriage treaty. It had been proposed that part of her revenues be paid in kind, not money, according to the German custom. When her representatives objected to this, Elizabeth overruled them and chose to follow the practice of her
54 Journal of the Lords, v. ii, 689-692; Journal of the Commons, v. i, 459; Draught of Naturalisation Act, vii, 70, all as cited in Green, 93. 55 Colonel Schomberg to Winwood, April 23rd, 1614, as cited in Green, 95; Ross, 59. 56 Green, 109-110. 19 new country.57 Not only does this show Elizabeth taking an active role in the legal terms of her marriage, but also illustrates political adeptness by aligning herself with local custom to thus better gain the affection of her new subjects. Her insistence, upon sailing down the Rhine and landing in the Palatine, on making her way on foot through the cheering crowds and the efforts
Elizabeth made to adhere to local custom only further increased her popularity with her new citizens.58 Elizabeth was well received in her new lands, writing to James that she received,
“…favor and extraordinary courtesy and gladness and overwhelming honor by all.”59
Another event in which Elizabeth took unilateral political action with regards to her new citizens occurred shortly after her arrival to the Palatine and is related in a letter from Elizabeth to her father James I.60 In this letter, Elizabeth, a member of the Church of England like her father, asks for James I’s approval for having taken the Eucharist in a Calvinist church. The fact that Elizabeth is asking for the approval of James I after she has already completed the act, not for permission beforehand, highlights the growing autonomy and independence of action seen in
Elizabeth. More importantly, taking the Calvinist Eucharist was an action which endeared
Elizabeth to the mainly Calvinist population of the Palatinate and thus was strategic politically.
Elizabeth concerned herself with the public opinion of Frederick as well, advising him that public appearances were a requirement and he must pretend to be enjoying himself so as to not cause discontent amongst the citizens.61 Elizabeth’s careful control of the public reception of both her and her husband shows how politically aware and capable Elizabeth was, which is even more impressive given that she was still a teenager at this point.
57 Lansdowne MS 160 as cited in Green, 34; Ross, 27. 58 Elizabeth to King James I, May 3rd, 1613, Baker, 34; Ross, 50-53; Oman, 108-111. 59 Elizabeth to King James I, June 7th, 1613, Baker, 34; Elizabeth to King James I, January 14th, 1614, Baker, 35. 60 Elizabeth to King James I, January 27th, 1620, Baker, 51. 61 Marshall, 42. 20
The marriage of Elizabeth and Frederick was a turning point in the role and importance of Elizabeth. The disparity of station and character existing between the two, coupled with the real affection that blossomed between the pair, would mean that Frederick would increasingly rely on Elizabeth’s intelligence, power, and connections throughout the course of their union.
Elizabeth, in turn, held an even more influential political role once married and bearing children and began to take increasingly independent political action. By being the stronger partner in the marriage, this would allow Elizabeth to extend her sphere of influence and control not only to events surrounding her and her husband but to ones throughout Europe.
21
Chapter Two: From Queen to Fugitive
Between the years 1613-1619, Elizabeth lived quietly with her husband and growing family in her new lands of the Palatine. However, there were events stirring in Europe that would shortly involve the Palatine and much of the continent and in which Elizabeth would soon play a prominent role. These events began with the kingdom of Bohemia, a country Elizabeth would call her own before long.
The protestant kingdom of Bohemia was one of the many lands that made up the Holy
Roman Empire. In 1618, Ferdinand of Styria was elected by the Bohemian Diet to succeed his uncle Matthias, the current monarch of Bohemia. While Matthias had employed fairly liberal religious policies in Bohemia, Ferdinand turned out to be a staunch Roman Catholic and absolutist style king. The protestant citizens of Bohemia became alarmed with their new monarch and feared Ferdinand would attempt to implement increasingly Catholic policies and support Habsburg control in Bohemia. As a sign of their disaffection with the new king, members of the Bohemian Diet threw two of Ferdinand’s councilors from the window of the council chamber. This incident became infamously known as the Defenestration of Prague and was a signal of Protestant rebellion against their Catholic king. The tensions only increased when, in 1619, the current Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire died and Ferdinand was elected as the next Emperor. The Council of Bohemia promptly deposed Ferdinand as their King, claiming he had deserted his country and his oaths, and unanimously elected Frederick of the
Palatine as their new king.
As the head of the Protestant Union of German Princes, Frederick was a favorable choice to the largely protestant state of Bohemia. Frederick’s protestant leanings, coupled with the fact that Bohemia bordered a portion of Frederick’s lands, the Upper Palatinate, made Frederick an appealing candidate for the position. However, one of the main arguments used in favor of 22 electing Frederick was the fact that his wife Elizabeth had influence and connections across
Europe and could be a valuable asset to her husband and the protestant cause in Bohemia and the
Holy Roman Empire.62 Bohemia’s declaration sparked similar actions as Protestant states across the Holy Roman Empire broke out in rebellion against the new emperor. Ferdinand was forced to call upon his nephew, King Phillip IV of Spain, for assistance in halting the uprisings which had brought the Holy Roman Empire to the brink of warfare.
These events were part of a broader pattern of religious conflict in Europe. The Protestant
Reformation and challenge to Catholicism by Martin Luther began almost a century before
Elizabeth’s birth and had only intensified by the time Elizabeth was born at the end of the 16th century. There was also division within the Protestant faith itself which grew during Elizabeth’s lifetime. Protestant sects had debates and conflicts of their own as a new protestant theology,
Calvinism, challenged the established Protestant doctrine of Lutheranism. German states, including the Palatinate, embraced Calvinism which threatened the Protestant united front against Catholicism in the Holy Roman Empire. Even Elizabeth and Frederick, a member of the
Church of England and a Calvinist, respectively, at times faced difficulties in reconciling their religious differences to themselves and their citizens. In her letters back to her father, Elizabeth mentions the tensions that had arisen concerning the celebration of the Eucharist.63
Against this backdrop of ensuing warfare and religious tension, letters announcing the election of Frederick were sent by the Council of Bohemia not only to Frederick but to Elizabeth as well, asking her to convince her husband to accept the crown and to persuade her father to provide assistance to Protestants in Bohemia.64 This shows the amount of sway and power
62 M.A. Everett Green, Elizabeth: Electress Palatine and Queen of Bohemia (London: Methuen and Co., 1909), 127. 63 Elizabeth to King James I, April 23rd, 1620, Baker, 51. 64 S.P. German States, September, 1619 as cited in Green, 126. 23 people believed Elizabeth to have over the prominent men in her life that they would seek out her support. Elizabeth wisely used all available channels to attempt to persuade her father, writing to both her father and his ministers and foreign ambassadors in order to extend her influence. She used prominent political figures to support her position and corroborate her claims. In a letter to James I, Elizabeth mentions one of Frederick’s advisors, Baron Christopher von Dohna, who had been sent as an ambassador to England, stating, “I hope that the Baron of
Dohna will already have satisfied Your Majesty regarding the good cause of this country here
[Bohemia].”65 Elizabeth urged James I to approve of the election and encourage Frederick to accept the crown of Bohemia.66 She wrote to James I’s most favored advisor, George Villiers, the Marquis of Buckingham, stating “The Bohemians being desirous to chuse him for their
King…I earnestlie entreat you to use your best meanes in perswading his Majestie to shew himself now, in his helping of the Prince here, a true loving father to us both [sic].”67
An earlier plot conceived by a group of Catholic Electors supports the claim that
Elizabeth held sway over her father and the English bureaucrats. The Catholic Electors were so concerned that James I would intercede on behalf of Elizabeth and Frederick, should religious warfare break out in the Holy Roman Empire, that as early as 1616 they formulated a plot to murder Elizabeth and Frederick Henry, her only son at the time.68 They believed this would remove James I’s ties to Frederick and hoped, with Elizabeth gone, James I would remain a passive spectator in any future German wars. Like the Gunpowder Plot of Elizabeth’s youth, this plan was foiled before any harm came to Elizabeth or Frederick Henry. However, the repeated inclusion of Elizabeth in attempts to grab power shows the important political role many were
65 Elizabeth to King James I, January 27th, 1620, Baker, 51. 66 Elizabeth to King James I, August, 1619, Baker, 49. 67 Elizabeth to the Marquis of Buckingham, September 1st, 1619, Baker, 50. 68 S.P. Germ. States, May 24th and September 6th, 1618 as cited in Green, 118; Captain Henry Bell to Charles I, February 10th, 1637, as cited in Green, 117. 24 convinced she held. It also highlights the degree of influence Elizabeth was thought to have with regards to her father and his advisors and the reality that there was a strong possibility that
Elizabeth could succeed in securing her father’s support for Frederick and the Bohemian cause.
Despite the honor of being elected King of Bohemia, Frederick was weary to accept the title. With many Protestant states in open rebellion against Emperor Ferdinand and the auxiliary
Spanish troops entering the Holy Roman Empire to quell the uprisings, Frederick feared his acceptance would spark backlash from Ferdinand. His mother warned him that, by accepting the crown of Bohemia, he was endangering his inheritance, the Palatinate. 69 Furthermore, fourteen of the eighteen figures advising Frederick’s were against his accepting the title, including the
Protestant Electors of Bavaria, Saxony, and Mayence,70 as was the King of France.71 The true encouragement for Frederick to become the King of Bohemia came from Elizabeth. Some historians claim this encouragement came from Elizabeth’s unbridled ambition.72 Others state it came from a belief in the worthiness of the protestant cause in Bohemia.73
Whatever the motive, Elizabeth strongly encouraged Frederick to take the crown with statements such as, “He should not have married a King’s daughter if he had no the courage to become a King himself,”74 and, “I would rather eat sauerkraut at a King’s table than feast on luxuries in an Elector’s house.”75 Fearing these arguments were not enough to convince
Frederick, Elizabeth furthered her justifications for accepting the crown with religion. Elizabeth
69 Friedrich Spanheim, Memoires Loyse Iuliane (1645), 142. 70 Letters from the Elector of Saxony and Elector of Bavaria to Frederick printed in Theatrum Europaeum, v.1, 205, 213, as cited in Green, 129. 71 “Raccolta de Lettere del Cardinal Bentivoglio” 12mo, 1646, 158, as cited in Green, 129. 72 Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998), 45; Robert S. Rait, Five Stuart Princesses (Westminster: Archibald Contable and Co. Ltd., 1902), 100. 73 Carola Oman, Elizabeth of Bohemia (London: Hodder and Stoughton Limited, 1938), 175; Josephine Ross, The Winter Queen: The Story of Elizabeth Stuart (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979), 70. 74 Pufendorf, lib. i. 27 as cited in Green, 129. 75 The Life of Louise Juliane, 38 as cited in Green, 130. 25 argued that Frederick ought to accept the election because the couple would be providing religious toleration and liberties to the “oppressed”76 people of Bohemia.77
Elizabeth’s encouragement proved more powerful than the reluctance of Frederick or the doubt of those advising him and, on October 14th, 1619, Frederick accepted the election. The full impact and effect of Elizabeth on her husband becomes clear in a letter from Frederick to the
Duke de la Tremoille, a member of a prominent family in France, written in early 1620. In this letter, Frederick cited many of Elizabeth’s arguments in his justification for accepting the crown, including that he accepted the crown for religious motives and to relieve the unjustly persecuted people of Bohemia.78 It is notable that, after Frederick accepted the election, it was Elizabeth who made the acceptance speech, in French, to the Bohemian envoys.79 Clearly, Elizabeth played a prominent role in the political dealings of her husband from the very beginning.
From the outset of Frederick’s reign, Elizabeth proved to be an opinionated and strong willed woman. When Frederick proposed Elizabeth, then seven months pregnant with their fourth child, return to England or stay in the Palatinate while he traveled to Prague for the coronation, she refused.80 When recounting Elizabeth’s arguments to accompany her husband,
Lord Doncaster, an English Diplomat sent by James I to Heidelberg, explained Elizabeth’s,
“Vehement inclination and almost inexorableness to the contrary drew her to accompany him” and to leave her in the Palatinate, “Took from her the occasion of that which she esteemed her great happiness- to express her love to him [Frederick] and her desire to participate all his
76Elizabeth to Oxenstierna, January 13th, 1633, The Correspondence of Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia: Volume II, 1632-1642, ed. Nadine Akkerman, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 162. 77 Marshall, 46; Rait, 99. 78 VI Frederick to the Duc de la Tremoille, February 2nd, 1620, Archaeologia: Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity Volume XXXIX (London: The Society of Antiquaries of London, 1863), 158, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://books.google.com/books?id=vTRFAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=o nepage&q=Elizabeth%20&f=false. 79 Marshall, 49. 80 Lord Doncaster to Lord Buckingham, September 27th, 1619, Tanner MS 74, 255, as cited in Green 131. 26 fortunes.”81 Yet again, Elizabeth’s strong will prevailed and the couple travelled together to
Prague and was crowned King and Queen of Bohemia in early November, 1619.
Tensions and violence within the Holy Roman Empire continued to rise. In January,
1620, Emperor Ferdinand declared the election of Frederick void and in April demanded that
Frederick surrender the crown within a month or be banned from the empire. When Frederick refused, Ferdinand sent imperial troops into the Lower Palatinate. It was Elizabeth that came to the rescue of her husband’s birthright lands by using her political ties and channels of influence with her father. James I had not officially recognized Frederick as King of Bohemia because he was hesitant to intervene in a struggle between Catholics and Protestants. James I feared that involvement in this religious conflict would ruin the match he was attempting to engineer between his Protestant son, Charles, and the Catholic Infanta of Spain.82
When Ferdinand’s troops entered the Palatinate, Elizabeth wrote to her father stating,
“Your majesty will understand by the king’s [Frederick’s] letters how the Palatine is in danger of being utterly lost, if your majesty give us not some aid.”83 Elizabeth furthered her influence by writing to her brother, Charles, as well asking, “My only dear brother, I am sure you have heard…that Spinola hath taken some towns in the Lower Palatinate. I beseech you earnestly, to move his majesty that now he would assist us.”84 Elizabeth’s letters proved effective and, shortly after Ferdinand’s troops invaded the Lower Palatinate, she succeeded in convincing her father to send 4,000 English troops to protect her husband’s lands.85 This event highlights how Elizabeth was able to use her political connections and family ties to assist her husband and protect his political interests.
81 Lord Doncaster to Lord Buckingham, September 27th, 1619, Tanner MS 74, 255, as cited in Green 131. 82 Oman, 282. 83 Elizabeth to King James I, 1621, Baker, 57-58. 84 Elizabeth to Charles, Prince of Wales, September 25th, 1620, Baker 54. 85 Anstruther to Carleton, August 10th, 1619, S.P. Holland as cited in Green, 154. 27
Despite Elizabeth’s success in obtaining English troops to protect the Palatinate, the combined forces of Ferdinand, Spain, and the Roman Catholic League proved superior. The couple feared Ferdinand’s troops would move through the Palatinate to Bohemia, and attack
Prague next. While Frederick prepared troops for the anticipated battle, Elizabeth used her influence to convince others to lend their support. Elizabeth convinced her brother, Charles, to send 2,000 pounds out of his own funds for the cause.86
She also wrote to her father’s advisors to convince them of the worthiness of the
Bohemian cause and for their continued support.87 This shows Elizabeth’s understanding of the political climate at the time and her ability to adapt the bureaucratic system to her own needs.
Elizabeth proved herself to be well-informed on the situation in the Palatinate and relayed this information to the English officials: “Spinola is still in the Low Palatinat, fortifying those places he hath taken…The King [Frederick] hath gone to the Armie…and the enemie’s armie is but two mille beyond them. You see we have enough to doe.”88 Elizabeth successfully turned many
English diplomats to her cause, particularly Sir Thomas Rowe and the Baron of Dona who spoke out strongly for Elizabeth’s cause in England.89
Elizabeth used the support of her brother and the English bureaucrats to influence her father, as evidenced in a letter to one official, “I onely desire you to continue your affection to me, and be a meanes to my deare Brother to solicite his Matie [James I] to aide us.”90 Elizabeth also requested further aid personally from her father, writing, “The King [Frederick] left today
86 Green, 155. 87 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, June 19th, 1620, Baker, 53; Elizabeth to Will Murray, October 14th, 1620, Baker, 54. 88 Elizabeth to Will Murray, October 14th, 1620, Baker, 54. 89 Elizabeth to the Marquis of Buckingham, October 22nd, 1619, Baker, 50; Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, June 19th, 1620, Baker, 53; Elizabeth to King James I, January 27th, 1620, Baker, 51; Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, August 31st, 1621, Baker, 61. 90 Elizabeth to Will Murray, November 12th, 1620, Baker, 55. 28 for Moravia and Silesia and other provinces, so as to receive their oath and homage. I very humbly beg V.M [James I] to take care of his son-in-law and myself here and to assist us in this war.”91 James hesitated in his response to his daughter. While sending troops to protect his grandchildren’s inheritance in the Palatine was defensible, James I balked at sending open assistance for the contested land of Bohemia. He feared it would not only drag England into the religious conflict of the Holy Roman Empire, but also damage the alliance with Spain that James
I hoped to create with the marriage of Charles and the Spanish Infanta.92
While James considered his options and withheld his support, Frederick’s forces were overrun at the Battle of White Mountain on November 8th, 1620. This defeat of Frederick and the
Protestant forces in Prague officially marked the beginning of the Thirty Years’ War. The couple, along with the royal cavalcade, was forced to flee Bohemia. Upon fleeing, many figure of the cavalcade noted Elizabeth’s composure. Lord Jerome Weston, an English ambassador, remarked that Elizabeth, “Did not let fall herself below the dignity of a queen, and kept the freedom of her countenance and discourse, with such an unchangeable temper,”93 and Sir Francis
Nethersole, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, described her as “Shewing so little change, after so great a one in their fortune, that their retreat out of this kingdom was no less truly glorious than their entrance into it.”94 This episode provides insight into the true character of Elizabeth and shows that, even in defeat, Elizabeth was a force to be reckoned with.
All of a sudden, Elizabeth and Frederick had become fugitives in their own realm. After fleeing Prague, they travelled throughout the various Protestant German states seeking safety,
91 Elizabeth to King James I, January 27th, 1620, Baker, 51. 92 Clara Steeholm, James I of England: The Wisest Fool in Christendom (New York: Covici-Friede, 1938); Stephen J Lee, The Thirty Years War (London: Routledge, 1991); C.V. Wedgewood, The Thirty Years War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1939). 93 Conway and Weston’s Despatch, 18th November, Harley M.S., 1580, as cited in Green, 167. 94 Nethersole’s Despatch, 16th November, S.P. German States, as cited in Green, 167. 29 though none of the Electors wished to shelter them for long. The Electors feared such an action would bring Emperor Ferdinand’s retribution upon their lands, in the same manner as the
Palatinate. During this time, Elizabeth was not idle. She wrote letters to her aunt and long time confidant the Duchess and Duke de la Tremoille, a prominent family in France, explaining the hardships that had befallen the pair.95 Elizabeth wrote to her aunt, “I have no doubt that you did, some time ago, hear of the misfortune we had…I take comfort from one thing, that war is not yet done... It is winter here in this country, where it seems that I am in exile.” 96
Yet again, Elizabeth’s connections proved advantageous and saved Frederick from political ruin. Not long after writing to the Duke and Duchess, the brother-in-law of the couple’s daughter made Elizabeth and Frederick an offer of refuge. Maurice, Prince of Orange, was a
Calvinist who sympathized with the Bohemian cause and had courted Elizabeth in her youth.
Indeed, Elizabeth had long maintained a rapport with the Prince of Orange through her correspondence, often asking, “I pray commend me to the Prince of Orenge [sic],” in her letters to the various English ambassadors and officials.97 In early 1621, the Prince of Orange offered
Elizabeth and Frederick sanctuary at The Hague in the Netherlands. The family took up residence at the court of the Prince of Orange in early 1621 and Elizabeth would remain there throughout much of her life.98
Frederick continued efforts to raise an army to march on Bohemia and the Palatinate, but with a shortage of funds he faced limited success. While in exile, Frederick relied heavily on
95 Elizabeth to the Duchess de la Tremoille, March 20th, 1620, Baker, 52; Elizabeth to the Duchess de la Termoille, May 17th, 1620, Baker, 53; XII Elizabeth to the Duc de la Tremoille, Archaeologia: Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity Volume XXXIX (London: The Society of Antiquaries of London, 1863), 161, Hathi Trust Digital Library, http://books.google.com/books?id=vTRFAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&ca d=0#v=onepage&q=Elizabeth%20&f=false. 96 Elizabeth to the Duchess de la Tremoille, November 29th, 1620, Bakers, 55. 97 Elizabeth to Sir Dudley Carleton, August 31st, 1619, Baker, 49. 98 Oman, 243. 30
Elizabeth’s connections and influence for a resolution to the couple’s troubles. Elizabeth confided in the Marquis of Buckingham, “The King [Frederick] is much troubled at the newes, more than ever I saw him. I ernestlie intreat you therefore to get his Maiestie to send him soe effectuall comfortable answere that may a little ease his melancholie.”99 In her missives,
Elizabeth often represented both herself and her husband when providing information or making requests.100 That Elizabeth, and not her husband, was conducting official correspondence illustrates how much Frederick trusted in her ability to sway others to their cause. It is also evidence of the undeniable political role she filled through her letter writing.
James continued to withhold assistance from the couple as he attempted to secure the marriage of his son Charles to the Infanta of Spain. Elizabeth increasingly utilized her traditional channels of influence to convince her immediate family and her father’s advisors of the injustice of James’s approach. She wrote to one advisor that, unless James assisted the couple in reclaiming Frederick’s lands, “The countrie [The Palatinate] else will be all lost. I must desire your help to his Maiestie [James I] in this and beseech him for us not to let us loose all…I have also written to my deare Brother about it [sic].”101 Elizabeth determinedly pressed English officials for their support for her and her husband, reminding them, “The Palatinat grows worse and worse.”102 The very fact that James I’s officials carried on a continued dialogue with
Elizabeth from 1619 throughout her adult life shows that she had engaged their attention and held at least minor influence in the political workings and decision making process in England.
Elizabeth’s efforts successfully swayed the opinions of many high level officials in
England to favor efforts to reclaim the Palatinate. In one session of Parliament, a House of
99 Elizabeth to The Marquis of Buckingham, August 8th, 1621, Baker, 60. 100 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, August 31st, 1621, Baker 61; Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, May 21st, 1621; 19 Frederick to Elizabeth, March 31st, 1632, Akkerman, 54. 101 Elizabeth to The Marquis of Buckingham, August 8th, 1621, Baker, 60. 102 Elizabeth to Sir Albertus Morton, May 18th, 1621, Baker, 58. 31
Commons representative claimed, “For the Palatinate, the distasters great [sic],”103 with another member agreeing, “War only will secure and repair us.”104 In another session, the topic of, “The
Preservation of the Noble Queen of Bohemia and her Issue,”105 was discussed, with the decision that, “If the King will declare himself, we will support him.”106 Essentially, if James chose to send troops or aid to Elizabeth, Parliament would look favorably upon such an action and work to further this aim.
Her efforts also persuaded her brother, Charles, of the Palatinate’s great need. Charles penned a declaration that he refused to marry the Infanta of Spain, as James I wished, unless provisions were first made for the restoration of the Palatinate.107 Charles also wrote to his father stating that James, “Must look upon his [Charles’s] sister, the Queen of Bohemia, and her children, never thinking more of him [of Charles].”108 The ability for Elizabeth to sway the opinions of many of England’s most powerful men at the time illustrates the power and influence she wielded through her letters.
Elizabeth also became bolder in both her speech and opinions during this period, particularly of her father. In her letters to the various diplomats, Elizabeth expressed sentiments
103 “House of Commons Journal v. 1, 1547-1629 (March, 1st, 1624)” 674-676, British History Online Database, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=10786&strquery=Bohemia. 104 Ibid. 105 “House of Commons Journal v.1 1547-1629 (March 11th, 1624)” 14. British History Online Database, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=3777&strquery=Bohemia. 106 Ibid. 107 Buckingham to Aston, September 23rd, S.P. Spain, as cited in Green, 223. 108 Roger Coke, Esq., A Detection of the Court and State of England, During the Reigns of K. James I, Charles I, Charles II, and James II. Consisting of Private Memoirs, v. 1, (London: 1719), 135. Eighteenth Century Collections Online, http://find.galegroup.com/ecco/retrieve.do?qrySerId=Locale%28en%2C%2C%29%3AFQE%3D%28BN%2C None%2C7%29T144752%24&sort=Author&docLevel=TEXT_GRAPHICS&inPS=true&prodId=ECCO&userGroupName =gain40375&doDirectDocNumSearch=false&tabID=T001&resultListType=RESULT_LIST&searchId=R1¤tPositi on=1&contentSet=ECCOArticles&showLOI=&bookId=0571900101&collectionId=T144752&relevancePageBatch=C W124403540. 32 from frustration with her father’s judgment to outright disapproval of his policies.109 In her letters, Elizabeth asserted herself as a figure capable of self-directed political choices and actions. Statements leaving ambiguous conditions for obedience and compliance with her father’s instructions, such as, “…My father’s will, which shall ever be a law to us both
[Elizabeth and Frederick], as long as it toucheth not our honnour [sic],”110 hinted at Elizabeth’s growing autonomy and were common after James I encouraged Frederick and Elizabeth to give up their claims to the Bohemian throne and make peace with the Catholic Emperor Ferdinand.111
Elizabeth’s evident frustration with her father can be clearly seen in the scathing comment,
“…The king my father is worented and abased but will not see it till it be too late…for my father hitherto hath done us more hurt then good,”112 referring to James I’s reluctance to become involved in the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire or announce open support for his son-in-law.
This growing disillusion with her father shows the depth of Elizabeth’s independence and the validity of the belief that Elizabeth was a woman who thought and acted on her own accord.
Whether through displays of vexation, persuasive letters to English diplomats, or some combination of the two, Elizabeth’s message reached her father. In 1622, James I sent three diplomats to assist Elizabeth’s cause.113 Sir Edward Villiers, the brother of James I’s most trust advisor George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, was sent to Elizabeth and Frederick to advise the couple. Lordy Digby was sent to Archduke Albert, sovereign of the Habsburg Netherlands and a,
109 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, December 5th, 1622, Baker, 64-65; Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Row, May 21st, 1621, Baker, 58; Elizabeth to Lord Conway, September 6th, 1623, Baker, 66-67. 110 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, August 31st, 1621, Baker, 61; Elizabeth to Lord Conway, September 6th, 1623, Baker, 66-67. 111 Elizabeth to Lord Conway, September 6th, 1623, Baker, 66. 112 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, December 5th, 1622, Baker, 64-65. 113 “House of Commons Journal, v.1 1547-1629 (November 26th, 1621)” 644-647. British History Online Database, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=2901&strquery=Bohemia. 33
“Great Well-willer of peace,”114 in the hopes that Albert might convince Ferdinand to end the warfare with the Protestant German States. Finally, Sir Albertus Morton was sent to the German
Princes of the Protestant Union with a gift of 30,000 pounds to assist their cause.115 Notably, this is the same Sir Albert Morton that Elizabeth had carried on a correspondence with about the state of the Palatinate.116 Sir Morton’s involvement in James I’s delegation to assist Elizabeth highlights the success of Elizabeth’s letters, in this case convincing both Sir Morton and James I to intervene on her and her husband’s behalf. James I also promised arms if the dispute could not be solved through diplomatic means.117
The dissolution of the marriage agreement with Spain between Charles and the Infanta, at the urging of the Houses of Parliament, removed a further barrier to James I’s support as now
England need not fear offending Spain.118 Elizabeth may have influenced this decision as well, having previously written to many members of Parliament about her misgiving with regards to the planned marriage.119 James I finally accepted that war would by necessary to reclaim the lands of the Palatinate and approached Parliament, which approved 300,000 pounds to be directed to Frederick’s army.120 However, at the very moment when it seemed that Elizabeth’s struggle had prevailed and she had convinced her father and Parliament to support her cause,
114 “House of Commons Journal, v.1 1547-1629 (November 26th, 1621)” 644-647. British History Online Database, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=2901&strquery=Bohemia 115 Ibid. 116 Elizabeth to Sir Albertus Morton, May 18th, 1621, Baker, 58. 117 “House of Commons Journal, v. 1 1547-1629 (March 3rd, 1624)” 676-677. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=5809&strquery=Palatinate. 118 “House of Lords Journal, v.3 1620-1628 (April 10th, 1624)” 288-290. British History Online Database, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=30390&strquery=Palatinate; “House of Commons Journal, v.1 1547-1629 (April 10th, 1624)” 14. British History Online, http://www.british- history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=1906&strquery=Palatinate. 119 Elizabeth to Lord Conway, September 6th, 1623, Baker, 66. 120 “House of Commons Journal, v.1 1547-1629 (March 19th, 1624)” 14. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=10978&strquery=Palatinate.
34
James I died on March 27th, 1625. The death of Elizabeth’s champion, Maurice, Prince of
Orange, a month later further damaged the Palatinate cause.
Elizabeth’s brother Charles, now Charles I, ascended the throne of England. Elizabeth at once began to work upon the sympathies of the new king, writing to Charles to wish him, “A happy and prosperous reign…God hath left me so deare and loving a Brother as the King is to me, in whome next God I have now all my confidence [sic].”121 The support Charles had shown
Elizabeth for the Palatinate cause while their father ruled gave Elizabeth hope for a continuation and expansion of the policies her father had followed before his death. She wrote to Charles, “If this opportunity be neglected, we may be in despair of ever recovering anything…show the effects of the love you are pleased to bear me and mine, and let no one persuade you from it.”122
One marked difference in the relationship of Elizabeth and Charles was her tendency to write to her brother directly and bypass the “middle men” that she had so commonly used when writing to James I. The intimacy between brother and sister raised Elizabeth’s hopes that Charles would come to her aid. Indeed, it seemed initially that such feelings were justified. Parliamentary records note a speech made by Charles to the House of Lords in 1625 in which Charles claimed,
“That now God had put the sword into his hand, he would extend it for recovery of the
Palatinate.”123 Charles I provided monetary as well as vocal support for the Palatinate cause. A transcript from a session of the House of Commons regarding a petition started by King James I for a tax to be levied to assist Elizabeth reads, “We should now press it; because his Father
121 Elizabeth to Lord Conway, April 11th, 1625, Baker, 70. 122 Elizabeth to King Charles I, October 17th, 1631, Baker, 81-82. 123 “House of Lords Journal, v.3 1620-1628 (June, 20th, 1625), 437-438. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=30441&strquery=Palatinate.
35
[James I] had set it, and he [Charles I] continued it, for the Maintenance of his Sister, the Queen of Bohemia.”124
During her period of exile, Elizabeth also sought to widen her sphere of influence.
Elizabeth’s involvement took on a decidedly international quality as she concerned herself with securing foreign allies and troops for her husband’s cause. She inquired as to the possibility of an alliance with Bethlen Gabor, a Transylvanian leader and Habsburg opponent,125 an alliance which was later secure.126 She also asked for general advice from the Turkish emperor.127 It is evident that Elizabeth remained informed about the international actors in the Bohemian struggle through comments such as, “My Lord of Doncaster is gone from hence much disconted with
Ferdinand and the Spanish Ambassadour,”128 and, “The King [Frederick] understanding that the
Spaniards hath refused to renew the truce in the Palatinat hath written to his Maiestie [James I] to entreat him for his assistance.”129 Elizabeth played a much more prominent role in the developments of the Bohemian cause and political efforts to secure allies and support than would typically be expected of a wife and mother of the time period. This involvement is one of the unique facets of Elizabeth’s character and what made her such a commanding figure of the day.
Many figures of international prominence joined Elizabeth and Frederick in the Thirty
Years’ War. Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, assisted Frederick in pursuit of the defense of the Protestant faith and James, Marquis of Hamilton, claimed he fought in defense of the royal daughter of Scotland.130 Both men were former suitors of Elizabeth. Additionally, The Prince of
124 “House of Commons Journal, v. 1 1547-1629 (July 9th, 1625)” 807-808. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=2855&strquery=Bohemia. 125 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, December 5th, 1622, Baker, 64-65. 126 Oman, 387. 127 Elizabeth to Sir Thomas Rowe, December 5th, 1622, Baker, 64-65. 128 Elizabeth to Sir Dudley Carleton, August 31st, 1619, Baker, 49. 129 Elizabeth to the Marquis of Buckingham, August 8th, 1621, Baker, 60. 130 Green, 280. 36
Orange’s successor, Prince Frederick Henry, continued the support of his predecessor for the royal couple. This is likely due in large part to the close friendship that Elizabeth and Frederick
Henry shared. Indeed, Elizabeth had encouraged his marriage to one of her ladies-in-waiting and
Elizabeth even served as godmother to their first son.131 Elizabeth also maintained a correspondence with her uncle, Christian IV of Denmark,132 who later entered the war on behalf of the Protestant side. Despite these successes on the part of Elizabeth in securing allies, the royal family of Bohemia suffered a crippling blow when Frederick died on November 19th, 1632 from the plague. Elizabeth was left to carry on the Palatinate cause alone, now in the name of her children.
The larger trend of religious conflict in Europe eventually led to the most devastating war the continent had ever experienced. Elizabeth and Frederick played a central role in these events by accepting the Bohemian crown and Elizabeth was largely responsible for convincing
Frederick to do so. As the Holy Roman Empire became divided between the Roman Catholic
League and the Protestant Union of German Princes, citizens and electors alike looked to
Elizabeth and Frederick as pillars of Protestantism in this period of religious unrest.
The ensuing Thirty Years’ War carried on through various phases and represented the religious conflict that had been building in Europe for over a century. While the root cause of the war went back further than either Elizabeth or Frederick, their actions certainly served as a catalyst for religious violence and the couple became a rallying symbol for the Protestant cause.
During this period, Elizabeth successfully persuaded her family, English diplomats, and international figures, to intervene on behalf of the couple’s cause. Through the medium of letters,
131 Marshall, 78. 132 Elizabeth to Lord Conway, May 30th, 1626, Baker, 72; Elizabeth to Iver Vind, April 17th, 1632, Akkerman. 37
Elizabeth was able to control events and promote the political ambitions of her and her husband, despite being in a state of exile.
The events of the Thirty Years’ War highlight the religious, social, and political power that Elizabeth wielded. Elizabeth was instrumental in the advent and progression of the war and the course of history would not be the same without the powerful personality of Elizabeth and the important role she played in the politics of her husband, the Holy Roman Empire, and the broader continent.
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Chapter Three: From Widow Onward
Elizabeth was distraught after the death of her husband. Writing to her brother, Charles I, she described herself as, “…The most wretched creature that ever lived in this world, and this I shall ever be, having lost the best friend that I ever had.”133 Indeed, Elizabeth wore the traditional black clothing of mourning for the rest of her life in respect to Frederick.134 However, Elizabeth was mindful of her political role, even in her grief. When her brother invited her to come to
England after Frederick’s death,135 Elizabeth responded that she wished to but could not on account of, “…The custom in Germany being not to stir out of the house for time, after such a misfortune. And since I was married into this country, I should wish to observe its customs carefully.”136 Elizabeth sought to preserve the reputation of her family in the Palatinate, likely thinking of her children’s claim to these ancestral lands by birthright.
It was her children that kept Elizabeth from completely succumbing to grief,137 and she now turned all of her focus towards their fortunes. Elizabeth had proved fortunate in childbirth and had given Frederick thirteen children during their years together. Two of the children had died in infancy and Elizabeth’s eldest son, Frederick Henry, drowned in a boating accident in
1629, three years before the death of his father. Upon her husband’s death in 1632, Elizabeth was left with ten children, four girls and six boys, including her second son, Charles Louis, who had became heir of the Palatinate upon the death of his older brother. Elizabeth wrote letters to prominent political figures across Europe asking them to assist her children.138 Elizabeth asked
Wilhelm V, the Elector of Bavaria to aid, “…In any way to contribute to the good of my children
133 Elizabeth to King Charles I, December 24th, 1632, Baker, 86. 134 Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998), 87. 135Letter 68, Charles I to Elizabeth, December 10th, 1632, Akkerman, 146. 136 Letter 71, Elizabeth to Charles I, December 24th, 1632, Akkerman, 151. 137 Elizabeth to King Charles I, December 24th, 1632, Baker, 86. 138 Elizabeth to the Earl of Arundel, February 22nd, 1634, Baker, 89; Elizabeth to King Charles I, December 24th, 1632, Baker, 86. 39 and the re-establishing of the Palatine Electoral House, of which they are the issue,”139and told her brother Charles I, “I must intreat you to take us all into your protection, for after God, our sole resource is in you.”140
With the exception of the oldest three, all of Elizabeth’s surviving children had been born in exile at The Hague. The tenuous social standing and lack of wealth that accompanied their circumstances made it much more difficult to arrange suitable marriages or obtain suitable political posts for the exiled Bohemian royal family. It is evidence of Elizabeth’s immense influence that, despite these barriers, she was able to secure many of her children in favorable positions throughout Europe.
In 1631, talk of a match between the oldest of the four girls, Elizabeth (the daughter), and Wladislaw IV, King of Poland began to spread among English statesmen and foreign ambassadors. Proponents cited Wladislaw’s power and social standing as justification for the match, urging Elizabeth to support it.141 From the start, Elizabeth was, “not much in love with it.”142 There were rumors that Wladislaw merely wished, by marrying Elizabeth (the daughter), to secure her uncle, Charles I of England, as his ally in the hopes of recapturing the Swedish throne that his father had lost.143 Given the close connection Elizabeth and her family had to the
Swedish royal family and the support Gustavus Adolphus had lent Elizabeth and Frederick in the
Protestant cause, Elizabeth replied, “I ame of oppinion that oulde friends both tied by blood and religion are better then new that are neither.”144 Elizabeth’s statement also refers to the concern that Wladislaw was Catholic and Elizabeth was adamantly opposed to the idea of Elizabeth (the
139 Letter 69, Elizabeth to Wilhelm V, December 17th, 1632, Akkerman, 147. 140 Elizabeth to King Charles I, December 24th, 1632, Baker, 86. 141Letter 177 Roe to Elizabeth, February 8th, 1635, Akkerman, 312. 142 Letter 106 Elizabeth to Roe, September 8th, 1633, Akkerman, 201. 143 Josephine Ross, The Winter Queen: The Story of Elizabeth Stuart (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979), 166. 144 Letter 176 Elizabeth to Roe, January 17th, 1635, Akkerman, 311. 40 daughter) converting to Catholicism.145 Although Elizabeth desired favorable matches for her exiled daughters, she was not so desperate to abandon the Protestant cause which her husband had died defending. Elizabeth proved she maintained the strong will of her youth and overruled the opinions of those supporting the pairing. Predictably, Elizabeth prevailed and the match came to naught.146
Rather than by means of marriage, Elizabeth (the daughter) achieved recognition in
European society as a scholar and intellectual thinker. Her sister, Sophie, declared she, “…knew every language and every science under the sun.”147 Elizabeth (the daughter) became the star pupil of the famous philosopher and mathematician René Descartes and carried out an active correspondence with him for nearly a decade until his death in 1650.148 Descartes even dedicated his work Principia to Elizabeth (the daughter).149 Elizabeth (the daughter) had certainly inherited her mother’s skill of using letters to correspond with prominent figures of the day. Despite a life of exile, Elizabeth had succeeded in raising a daughter who earned recognition and admiration across Europe.
Elizabeth’s second daughter, Louise Hollandine, dedicated her life to religion and entered a convent.150 Her third daughter, Henriette Maria, was successfully married to Prince Sigismund
Rákóczi of Translyvania in 1651. This match aligned naturally with Elizabeth’s political and religious orientation. Transylvania was a Habsburg enemy and supported the Protestant cause during the Thirty Years’ War. The Prince’s wealth and excellent reputation were further
145 Leter 176 Elizabeth to Roe, January 17th, 1635, Akkerman, 311. 146 Letter 355 Roe to Elizabeth, October 12th, 1637, Akkermna, 638. 147 Memoirs of Sophia, Electress of Hanover 1630-1680, ed. H. Forester (London: R. Bentley & Son, 1888) 15. 148 The Correspondence Between Princess Elisabeth of Bohemia and René Descartes, ed. Lisa Shapiro (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). 149 René Descartes, Principia Philosophiae (London: 1647), Introduction, Early English Books Online Database, http://eebo.chadwyck.com/search/full_rec?SOURCE=pgimages.cfg&ACTION=ByID&ID=V135286D01. 150 Carola Oman, Elizabeth of Bohemia (London: Hodder and Stoughton Limited, 1938), 397. 41 advantages.151 When Henriette Maria’s brother, Charles Louis, expressed hesitation with the match, their mother reportedly told him Sigismund was, “the richest and most desirable match that could be found amongst the Protestants.”152 Having succeeded in arranging a promising match for Henriette Maria, Elizabeth turned her attentions to her youngest daughter, Sophia.
Sophia, like her mother, had a string of prominent suitors including Gustavus Adolphus’s nephew, Adolphus John of Sweden, Ranuccio II, the Duke of Parma, the Portuguese Duke of
Aveiro, and even the Holy Roman Emperor’s son, Ferdinand III.153 In 1658 Sophia was married to Ernest Augustus of Hanover, the duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg. Elizabeth gives her opinion of the match in a letter to son Charles Louis, stating, “I do not at all dislike the match concerning the person [Ernest Augustus]…for whome I have a great esteeme…and wish it may be speedilie.”154
Though Elizabeth would not live to witness it, this proved to be her most important act of state making. Sophia’s first son, George, was destined to become King George I of Great Britain in 1714. Two factors made his ascension possible. First, George had the necessary claim to the
Stuart line as a descendent of James I through his maternal grandmother, Elizabeth. Second,
George was a Protestant. George owed this fact as well to his grandmother Elizabeth. As with all of her children, Elizabeth had insisted Sophia marry a Protestant, thus ensuring their children would be raised in the Protestant faith. Elizabeth’s involvement in the lives of her children in turn created the necessary circumstances for her grandchild to one day inherit her father’s throne.
George I became the first king of the House of Hanover, a line that continues to hold the throne of Great Britain to this day.
151 Ross, 133. 152 Oman, 386. 153 Memoirs of Sophia, Electress of Hanover 1630-1680, ed. H. Forester (London: R. Bentley & Son, 1888) 46,52; Oman 404-405. 154 Elizabeth to Charles Louis, Elector Palatine, June 24th, 1658, Baker, 275. 42
Elizabeth also sought to establish strong matches for her six sons, as well as help them obtain favorable military posts and diplomatic positions in the various courts and armies of
Europe. Elizabeth’s youngest son, Gustavus Adolphus, named for the late champion of the
Protestant cause, would not live to become a solider or a husband. He died of complications of epilepsy in 1641 at age nine.155 Her next youngest son, Philip, would become a solider but never a husband, dying in battle while serving as a mercenary in the French Ardennes in 1650.156
Elizabeth’s middle son, Edward, produced scandal for the family when he secretly married Anna
Gonzaga, the daughter of a Catholic duke.157 Despite Anna Gonzaga’s vast wealth, Elizabeth rejected the match on religious grounds and disowned Edward.158
Despite the early deaths of her youngest sons and the disappointment of Edward,
Elizabeth was able to use her connections and influence to establish her eldest three sons in favorable circumstances. Elizabeth used her talent with letter writing to assist Maurice, her third oldest son, in securing a military career. In 1637, Elizabeth sought to place Maurice with the
Prince of Orange’s army to carry on his father’s cause. She wrote to many figures including her brother, her trusted confidant Sir Thomas Roe (who had risen to the position of chancellor of the
Order of the Garter in England), and to William Laud, the Bishop of London and commissioner for the treasury in England, to gain their support.159 In a letter to Laud, Elizabeth states, “The
Prince of Orenge is preparing to goe speedielie into the Feelde, and I meane to send my third sonne Maurice with him, to learne that profession which I beleeve he must live by.”160 Elizabeth
155 Marshall, 75. 156 Oman, 369. 157 Ross, 127. 158 Oman, 362-364. 159 Letter 326 Elizabeth to Laud, May 29th, 1637, Akkerman 601; Letter 330 Elizabeth to Roe, June 17th, 1637, Akkerman, 607-608; Letter 331 Elizabeth to Laud, June 29th, 1637, Akkerman 609. 160 Letter 326 Elizabeth to Laud, May 29th, 1637, Akkerman 601. 43 also assisted Maurice financially by swaying her brother, Charles I, to, “Give Maurice a 1000 pound a yeare pension.”161
After Maurice’s successful military campaign with the Prince of Orange, Elizabeth intervened yet again on his behalf to secure a position for him in the Protestant army of German
Prince Bernard, Elector of Saxe-Weimar.162 The plan proved fruitful as Duke Bernard was “verie willing to have Maurice with him,”163 according to one of Elizabeth’s letters. When Bernard died unexpectedly in 1639, Elizabeth modified her plan and sought a place for him in the army led by the Swedish commander Johan Banér instead.164 In this task, Elizabeth enlisted the support of
Christina, Queen of Sweden and Swedish Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna.165 Elizabeth asks
Oxenstierna, “Not only to obtain for my said son a recommendation from the Queen but also to accompany him with your food offices towards the said General Banér.”166 While Queen
Christina initially doubted, “Very much whether it can be so arranged with our army,”167
Elizabeth’s persuasion prevailed and Maurice served in Banér’s army from 1640-1641.168
Elizabeth’s influence helped Maurice gain positions in several armies during his lifetime and he consequently gained tremendous military experience. This experience that his mother provided him with, coupled with Elizabeth’s connections, further assisted Maurice when
Elizabeth’s nephew, Charles II, named Maurice Vice Admiral of the English royal fleet in the mid 1640’s. Maurice remained in this position until he was lost at sea in a hurricane in 1652.169
161 Letter 436 Elizabeth to Roe, February 21st, 1639, Akkerman, 765. 162 Letter 430 Elizabeth to Arundel, January 11th, 1639, Akkerman, 754. 163 Letter 448 Elizabeth to Roe, April 25th, 1639, Akkerman, 784. 164 Letter 468 Elizabeth to Roe, August 2nd, 1639, Akkerman, 816. 165 Letter 486, Elizabeth to Oxenstierna, November 1st, 1639, Akkerman, 843; Letter 503, Queen Christina of Sweden to Elizabeth, December 27th, 1639, Akkerman, 872. 166 Letter 486, Elizabeth to Oxenstierna, November 1st, 1639, Akkerman, 843. 167 Letter 503, Queen Christina of Sweden to Elizabeth, December 27th, 1639, Akkerman, 872. 168 Letter 550 Elizabeth to Roe, February 2nd, 1641, Akkerman, 944; Letter 552, Elizabeth to Roe, March 4th, 1641, Akkerman, 948. 169 Ross, 134. 44
Elizabeth also interceded on behalf of her second oldest son, Rupert. In 1638, while fighting with his brother, Charles Louis, to regain the Lower Palatinate, Rupert was captured and taken prisoner by imperial forces.170 At once, Elizabeth attempted to use her connections and influence to assist her son, telling her intimate supporter Thomas Roe, “I have written to the
King [Charles I] to beseech him that he woulde be pleased to send him [Rupert] some assistance.”171 From prison, Rupert sent Elizabeth a message via Lord William Craven in which he desired his mother to, “Be assured that neither good usage nor ill should ever make him change his religioun or partie.”172 Clearly, Elizabeth’s strong adherence to the Protestant cause had registered with her son.
Elizabeth continued to seek a way to free her son and engineered a trade of prisoners. The
French had taken Prince Johan Casimir, the King of Poland’s half-brother, prisoner the same year the Catholic imperial forces had captured Rupert.173 Elizabeth hoped the two prisoners could be exchanged and Sir Richard Cave, a member of parliament, assured her, “Concerning
Prince Rupert, the King [Charles I] intreates you…to be assured that he will doe all he can about his [Rupert’s] exchange for the Prince of Polen [Johan Casimir, Prince of Poland].”174
Elizabeth’s hope increased when Gerbier informed her that the French King had agreed to exchange the Prince of Poland for Prince Rupert.175
However, in 1640 the French King was deceived into releasing the Prince of Poland before confirming proof of Rupert’s release.176 As a result, Rupert remained a prisoner. When
170 Letter 410 Elizabeth to Roe, November 1st, 1638, Akkerman, 721; Letter 417 Cave to Elizabeth, November 26th, 1638, Akkerman, 732. 171 Letter 412, Elizabeth to Roe, November 16th, 1638, Akkerman, 726. 172 Ibid. 173 Oman, 347. 174 Letter 417 Cave to Elizabeth, November 26th, 1638, Akkerman, 732. 175 Letter 422, Gerbier to Elizabeth, December 18th, 1638, Akkerman, 741. 176 Letter 517, Elizabeth to Roe, April 2nd, 1640, Akkerman, 894. 45
Elizabeth learned of the Imperial Diet to be called in 1641 in Regensburg, Elizabeth saw it as an opportunity to negotiate Rupert’s release. She requested that Charles I to send her confidant,
Thomas Roe, as ambassador,177 telling Roe, “I did beseech him [Charles I] that…none might be sent but you, which he has assured me he will doe.”178 Elizabeth successfully persuaded her brother and in July Thomas Roe was sent on behalf of England as the Special Ambassador to the
Imperial Diet.179 As Elizabeth had anticipated, Thomas Roe successfully negotiated Rupert’s release in October.180
Elizabeth’s connections continued to benefit her son throughout his lifetime. In 1644,
Charles I granted Rupert the titles of Duke of Cumberland and Earl of Holderness.181 Under
Charles II, Rupert gained the position of Lord Admiral of the royal fleet, sailing with his brother
Maurice.182 Elizabeth’s intelligence and interest in scholarship also influenced her son. Rupert was a founding member of the Royal Society, England’s first scientific society. Rupert was the second of Elizabeth’s children to distinguish himself through intellect and earn a reputation across Europe for his knowledge.
Elizabeth’s power and influence had the greatest impact on the life of her oldest living son and heir, Charles Louis. Upon his father’s death in 1632, Charles Louis assumed the title of
Elector Palatine. Since he was only fifteen and still in his minority, an administrator for the
Palatinate was appointed. The legal codes stated that Louis Philip, Frederick’s younger brother was to be appointed with the Roman Catholic Duke of Neuburg next in line should Louis Philip
177 Letter 540 Elizabeth to Vane, August 8th, 1640, Akkerman, 928. 178 Letter 532 Elizabeth to Roe, May 31st, 1640, Akkerman, 915. 179 Letter 591 Elizabeth to Roe, October 28th, 1641, Akkerman, 1007. 180 Letter 592 Roe to Elizabeth, November 11th, 1641, Akkerman, 1009. 181 Oman, 360. 182 Ibid., 389-390. 46 refuse.183 Louis Philip was disinclined to take up the title to a land at war, but it was of paramount importance that he accept in order to keep the Palatine under Protestant leadership.184
Ultimately, Elizabeth’s entreaties convinced Louis Philip to become administrator for Charles
Louis.185 Louis Philip served until Charles Louis turned eighteen in 1635.
In 1635, Emperor Ferdinand II and Elector John George I of Saxony, claiming to represent the Protestant German States, reached an agreement known as the Peace of Prague.186
According to this agreement, the Palatinate would not be returned to Charles Louis. Elizabeth adamantly opposed this blatant surrender of the Protestant cause, stating that, “Instead of an equitable and good peace… [it] produced conclusions which envisage only the oppression of
Protestants.”187 When the Protestant princes called an assembly at Lüneburg, Elizabeth wrote to the participants directly,188 stressing the illegitimacy of the Peace of Prague and explaining she,
“gave the King, my Brother, notice of this meeting.”189 Elizabeth’s ability to converse directly with prominent male leaders of the Protestant cause and her role as intermediary to her brother,
Charles I, clearly highlights the political role Elizabeth played.
When the assembly was moved to the Baltic town of Lübeck, Elizabeth once more wrote to her uncle, the King of Denmark, and the Lord Chancellor of Sweden, both of whom would be in attendance, to:
Recommend to each of them individually the affairs of the palatine Electoral House, and to strongly beseech them…to extend a helping hand so that…my children can be restored to the full possession and enjoyment of their Estates and Dignities, and especially my eldest son Monsieur the Elector recognized for the person God had him born to be, considering how important all that is to the all the Kings, Electors, Princes, and
183 Letter 394 Elizabeth to Roe, August 3rd, 1638, Akkerman, 695. 184 M.A. Everett Green, Elizabeth: Electress Palatine and Queen of Bohemia (London: Methuen and Co., 1909), 307. 185 Curtius’s Desp, Jan 1633 as cited in Green, 307. 186 Letter 190 Elizabeth to Roe, July 12th, 1635, Akkerman, 338. 187 Letter 193 Elizabeth to Wilhelm V, July 20th, 1635, Akkerman, 342. 188 Letter 221 Elizabeth to Avery, February 10th, 1636, Akkerman, 386. 189 Letter 214 Elizabeth to Avery, January, 1636, Akkerman, 373. 47
Evangelical and Protestant Estates.190
Though some Protestant German States, including Saxony and Bavaria, honored the Peace of
Prague, Elizabeth’s efforts proved effective. The remaining Protestant States, as well as Sweden and France, formed an anti-Habsburg alliance known as the Heilbronn League.
There was growing concern that the Protestant German States and Sweden would make separate treaties with Ferdinand II, leaving Charles Louis to negotiate the return of his lands on his own.191 Elizabeth sent Sir Robert Anstruther to represent Charles Louis at a gathering of the
Heilbronn League, giving him strict instructions to accept no terms short of complete restitution of her son to his ancestral rights.192 Elizabeth also wrote to the Swedish Chancellor and Head of the Heilbronn League, Axel Oxenstierna, on several occasions in an attempt to persuade him to favor Anstruther’s negotiations.193 Elizabeth pressured Oxenstierna by claiming his support would, “Oblige not only the Palatine Electoral House, but also the Crown of England,” as well as promote the Protestant faith. 194 In the end, the Heilbronn League signed a resolution to remain intact until all Protestant Elector and Princes were restored, including Charles Louis.195
Since the Peace of Prague failed to end the fighting of the Thirty Years’ War, Ferdinand’s ambassadors next attempted a diplomatic approach to end the standoff with Charles Louis and the Palatinate succession. In 1641, it was proposed that Charles Louis marry a Habsburg princess, Archduke Leopold Wilhelm’s Catholic daughter, Maria Leopoldine.196 Elizabeth rejected this attempt to bring the two religious sides in the war together, saying flatly of the
190 Letter 239 Elizabeth to Avery, April 23rd, 1636, Akkerman, 412. 191 Letter 300, Elizabeth to Laud, December 1st, 1636, Akkerman, 555. 192 Queen of Bohemia’s Memorial, Feb. 1633, S.P. German States, as cited in Green 308. 193 Letter 77 Elizabeth to Oxenstierna, January 31st, 1633, Akkerman, 161; Letter 82, Elizabeth to Oxenstierna, February 19th, 1633, Akkerman, 167. 194 Letter 77 Elizabeth to Oxenstierna, January 31st, 1633, Akkerman, 162. 195 Articles of Assembly at Heilbronn, 18mo, Paris, 1633, as cited in Green, 309. 196 Letter 585, Charles Louis to Elizabeth, September 8th, 1641, Akkerman, 995. 48 match, “I beleeve they [Maria Leopoldine and her family] as little desire it as I doe.”197 Charles eventually married Charlotte of Hesse-Kassel, sister to the Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel and a
Protestant, in 1650.198
Despite the extended struggle to reclaim the lands of the Palatinate for Charles Louis,
Elizabeth claimed she, “Would not put my sonnes affairs into other hands.”199 Elizabeth supported Charles Louis during this time through her family connections, often soliciting aid for the Palatinate cause from her brother Charles I in the form of troops,200 money,201 or verbal support.202 In 1648, under the Peace of Westphalia, Charles Louis was restored to his ancestral lands. Charles Louis was forced to make some concessions, including the loss of the Upper
Palatinate to the Elector of Bavaria as well as the loss of the title First Elector.203 Despite these setbacks, Elizabeth’s efforts to interceding on behalf of her son proved to be successful in the end as she saw her son restored to his father’s possessions.
After the death of Frederick, Elizabeth turned her power and influence towards the establishment of her children in European society. Despite the family’s exile, lack of wealth, and damaged social standing, Elizabeth still managed to secure favorable matches or coveted military positions for many of her children. Elizabeth’s daughter, Elisabeth, gained power and fame of her own through her studies and relationships with important figures of the day. Elizabeth restored the lands of the Palatinate to her heir, Charles Louis, and established a new royal line in
Great Britain through her daughter, Sophia. When Elizabeth died of pneumonia February 13th,
197 Letter 589, Elizabeth to Roe, October 10th, 1641, Akkerman, 1003. 198 Oman, 378. 199 Elizabeth to Earl of Arundel, February 22nd, 1634, Baker, 89. 200 Letter 300 Elizabeth to Laud, December 1st, 1636, Akkerman, 555; Letter 308 Roe to Elizabeth, January 7th, 1637, Akkerman, 566; Letter 381 Elizabeth to the Marquess of Hamilton, May 24th, 1638, Akkerman, 677. 201Letter 129 Elizabeth to Rusdorf, November 15th, 1633, Akkerman, 236; Letter 167 Elizabeth to Boswell, June 21st, 1634, Akkerman, 296; Letter 300 Elizabeth to Laud, December 1st, 1636, Akkerman, 555; Letter 417 Cave to Elizabeth, November 26th, 1638, Akkerman, 733. 202 Letter 417 Cave to Elizabeth, November 26th, 1638, Akkerman, 732. 203 Ross, 129. 49
1662 at the age of sixty-six she had used her influence to ensure her children were well placed in society. Elizabeth was buried in Westminster Abbey, a burial site befitting the significant life she lived.
50
Conclusion
Elizabeth of Bohemia was truly a powerful figure in 17th century European politics. From an early age, she used letters to influence her father, James I, and his advisors on matters of the court and her daily life. As Elizabeth grew, her influence took a decidedly political quality with her marriage to Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate. Elizabeth intervened in matters such as her marriage contract, the couple’s public perception, and religion. This involvement culminated in
Elizabeth’s ability to convince Frederick to accept the crown of Bohemia. Elizabeth became a champion of the Protestant cause and served as the catalyst for a war that would change the course of religion in Europe.
After Frederick’s acceptance of the crown, and the subsequent outbreak of the Thirty
Years’ War, Elizabeth continued to use her sway to gain support for her husband and the Palatine cause. Elizabeth convinced prominent figures of the day, including her father and brother,
Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, and the Prince of Orange, to assist Frederick. Elizabeth’s ability to use her connections to protect the political interests of her husband and family highlights the immense power she wielded at the time.
Even in exile, Elizabeth continued to write letters and control events from behind the curtains of history. In her later life, she shifted her focus to establishing her children in prominent social, political, and military positions across Europe. Elizabeth saw her eldest son, Charles
Louis, restored as Elector of the Palatinate and her grandson would later become George I of
England, establishing the Hanoverian line which holds the throne to this day.
Elizabeth’s ability to persuade individuals and gain support through her letters was remarkable. Though Elizabeth was part of a broader era of female rulers in the 16th and 17th centuries, no other woman achieved so much through her own intellect, influence, and ambition.
Elizabeth was truly a monarch of her own making, as well as the architect of her husband’s and 51 children’s fortunes. Her sphere of influence included not only her family, but spread to affect events and outcomes across the continent. Clearly, Elizabeth’s legacy can be seen in the history of Europe. Her decisions and influence led to a major religious war on the continent and she established a maternal line of kings which has lasted to modern times. History would not be the same without the powerful figure of Elizabeth of Bohemia.
52
Appendix
Figure 1
“The Temptation of the Elector” print, one of many similar prints popular at the time concerning Frederick and the Bohemian crown
Re-produced in Jana Hubková, Fridrich Falcký v zrcadle letákové publicistiky (Prague: Carolinum, 2010), 665.
53
Figure 2
Closer view of “The Temptation of the Elector” print, depicting Elizabeth tempting her husband to accept the crown of Bohemia with the city of Prague in the background.
Re-produced in Jana Hubková, Fridrich Falcký v zrcadle letákové publicistiky (Prague: Carolinum, 2010), 665.
54
Figure 3
Elizabeth’s ancestry showing her relation to powerful figures such as Queen Elizabeth, Mary Queen of Scots, Henry VIII, and others. The black box shows Elizabeth’s marriage to Frederick. from The Letters of Elizabeth of Bohemia, ed. L.M. Baker (London: The Bodley Head, 1953), 360-361.
55
Figure 4
Elizabeth was praised for her beauty. Elizabeth of Bohemia, at about age fourteen, by Robert Peake, National Portrait Gallery, London
from Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998), 14.
56
Figure 5
Elizabeth of Bohemia in 1603 at the age of seven, soon after her arrival in England when her father took the English throne. Attributed to Robert Peake. National Maritime Museum, Greenwich.
from Rosalind K. Marshall, The Winter Queen: The Life of Elizabeth of Bohemia 1596-1662 (Scotland: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 1998), 24.
57
Figure 6
Broadside picture of the Stuart-Palatine couple at the time of their marriage from Christof Ginzel, Poetry, Politics, and Promises of Empire: Prophetic Rhetoric I nthe English and Neo- Latin Epithalamia on the occasion of the Palatine marriage in 1613 (Göttingen: Bonn University Press, 2009), figure 11, 340.
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