HESPERIA 78 (2OO9) HUNTING THE ESCHATA Pages 455-48o An Imagined Persian Empire on the lekythos of

Xenophantos

ABSTRACT

an The so-called lekythos of Xenophantos presents image unparalleled in vase a scene Greek painting. In thatbelongs fullyto neither theworld of reality nor that ofmyth, Persians hunt griffins,among other prey.The author offersa new reading of the scene as a fictionalized account of Persian conquest, inwhich the borders of the empire have reached the edges of the earth, the eschata. Such a scenario has parallels inHerodotoss stories of the Persians' (inappropriate) as territorialaspirations; in these accounts, Persians seek to expand theirpower beyond itsnatural limits, they aremet with failure and punishment.

THE LEKYTHOS OF XENOPHANTOS

B.C. A 4th-century squat lekythos in St. Petersburg is the largest of itskind to survive, and, decorated in red-figure and with relief appliques, paint, one most ornate and gilding, it is also of the (Figs. 1-3).1 A relief frieze at the of vase a a shoulder the features Gigantomachy and Centauromachy, separated byNikai driving chariots, and above these figures is the signature of the potter, Xenophantos the Athenian (5EN0OANT0I EflOIHIEN on AOHN).2 It is the image the body of the vessel, however, that sets this vase a scene opulent furtherapart from its contemporaries. In unique in the extantHellenic visual tradition, Persians?on foot, on horseback, and in a chariot?hunt a of a variety preywithin detailed landscape setting; the prey in cludes two a most boars, deer, and, unusual among the game, two griffins.

1. For their to to Gloria Ferrari museum thoughtful responses grateful Pinney for her acquired by the in 1837; see various drafts of this I thank at this article, guidance every stage of project. Cohen 2006, p. 141.As for the sig Irene Carmen Arnold Unless otherwise all transla the ethnic is J.Winter, noted, nature, complete (HENO Biucchi, Betsey Robinson, J. Robert tions are my own. OANTOI EflOIHIEN AOHNAIOX) and the two 2. St. on a Webb, C.Jacob Butera, Petersburg, State Hermitage second lekythos from the same reviewers for Museum ni837.2 of anonymous Hesperia. (St. 1790):ARV2 region Pantikapaion: St. Peters Iwould also like to thank no. most Cohen State Kathryn 1407, 1; recently, 2006, burg, Hermitage Museum 108i: and Topper Melissa Haynes for their pp. 140-142, no. 37. Lezzi-Hafter ARV2 1407, no. 2; Zervoudaki 1968, invaluable assistance in for arranging (2008, p. 184) argues fora date around p. 26, no. 36. I am 400 b.c. for the vase. was image permissions. especially The lekythos

? The American School of Classical Studies at Athens HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS 456

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Figure 1. Persian hunt. Red-figure and relief squat lekythos,ca. 400 380 B.C., signed byXenophantos (potter):front view; detail of hunter labeled "Cyrus." St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum 111837.2 (St. 1790). Photos ? State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg HUNTING THE ESCHATA 457

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Figure 2. Persian hunt. Red-figure and reliefsquat lekythos,ca. 400 380 B.C., signed byXenophantos (potter): view from left;detail of grif fin. St. State Petersburg, Hermitage Museum 111837.2 (St. 1790). Photos ? State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

39

Figure 3. Drawing of theXenophan This has eluded in because it image explanation, part incorporates tos lekythos,St. Petersburg 111837.2 Greek and Persianizing elements, and in part because it combines features (St. 1790). Stephani1866, pi. IV.Photo to From the "real" courtesy Boston Public Library, Fine Arts that belong to theworld of reality and the imaginary. as we were in Department world are the landscape elements (which, will see, familiar Greece) and the Persians, with whom theGreeks had very real interactions; are from the fantastic imaginary the griffins,wild beasts encountered only in stories of exotic and distant?indeed, unreachable?lands. In thisway, to of the the image does not easily conform the traditional classification vase as or reflections of subjects of painting either representations ofmyth as recent to more daily life.But scholars have come, in years, explore fully to the time is the potential for images fall outside of these categories, ripe for a reconsideration of this long-known scene.3 Here, I investigate the come as well points at which these features of myth and reality together, scene. as the kind of tradition thatmay be expressed visually by this a The hunt takes place, I shall argue, in the land of theHyperboreans, favorite of theGreek located at the northern of sanctuary god Apollo edges 3. On the move away from the near are to live. was a that the restrictive division of vase into the earth, which the griffins said This place painting was so and scenes, see Bazant Greeks themselves could only imagine, since it distant thatGreek "myth" "genre" come contact 1981;Harvey 1988 (who introduces travelersnever managed to reach it.Persians, however, did into as a third of as "fantasy" category repre with the occupants of exotic lands their borders and imperial similarly sentation); Sourvinou-Inwood 1991, even increased, and as to the extremities an aspirations they sought incorporate pp. 63-64 (regarding emblematic of theworld?the eschata?into their I the of Ferrari empire. interpret Xenophantos category representation); as a in 2003. lekythos visual conceptualization of such Persian imperial expansion, HUNTING THE ESCHATA 459

to which their conquered territoryhas swelled include the very edges of the world. Despite appearances, however, this accomplishment does not bode a well for the Persians: by intruding upon the land of theHyperboreans, place sacred toApollo, they have overstepped limits set in place by the gods and by nature. In Greek literary sources, this kind of unrestrained conquest is an act an not as of hubris, and such offense does go unpunished; in the vase are sure literary accounts, the Persians of theXenophantos to receive nor their inevitable comeuppance. A representation of neither myth real seen as a ity,this image may be kind of fictional exemplum, inwhich the setting evokes Greek conceptions of natural boundaries, and the Persians illustrate the kind of men that transgress them. to a The lekythos ofXenophantos belongs group of six similar leky a thoi, each ofwhich depicts hunt (of boar, lion, or deer), and all ofwhich have been to a vase was attributed single workshop.4 The St. Petersburg near at found Kerch the site of ancient Pantikapaion in the Crimea, and are three others of the group also from this region; the other two were in s found Italy.5The location of Xenophantos workshop is unknown. The have lekythoimay been produced inAthens for export,which might s explain Xenophantos inclusion oiAthenaios in his signature; alternatively, the workshop may have been located outside of Athens, and the ethnic have as an may distinguished him Athenian among local competition.6 Whatever the of s location Xenophantos workshop, the wide geograph ical of distribution the findspots suggests that these lekythoi were not an produced with exclusive Black Sea market in mind.7 Xenophantos's notable on his emphasis Athenian identity supports the premise put forth Miller that the context byMargaret cultural against which the lekythoi of the Xenophantos group should be considered is an Athenian one.8 to I return this point below. a of this Although part group of six, the St. Petersburg lekythos is quite distinct the it m from others: is the largest (0.38 high), and, in terms of the the most more decoration, complex and detailed, including figures than the a of others, special type prey (the griffin), and specific and prominent landscape features, the incorporation of which is not common in vase The decoration is also painting. particularly sumptuous. Eight of the 13 hunters and all of the are prey moldmade relief figures.These figureswere in various colors painted (white, red, blue, and green) and portions were Other such as the hunters' gilded. elements, weaponry and the landscape were rendered with extruded features, clay and also included gilded detail The five ing.9 remaining hunters, who appear at the edges of the scene, are in as depicted red-figure, is the elaborate vegetal decoration located under the vessels handle.

4. Zervoudaki 1968, 26-28, from Zervoudaki 27 who in favor of a pp. Italy: 1968, pp. argues workshop lo nos. see 35-40 (Workshop I); also 28, no. 38 (fromRuvo); p. 28, no. 39 cated in the Crimea. Lezzi-Hafter 2008, p. 179. (from Canosa). 7.Miller 2003, pp. 31-33. 5. in addition to our Those, primary 6.This issue ismuch debated; see 8.Miller 2003, p. 33. from the Black lekythos, Sea region: Gerhard 1856; Stephani 1866, p. 140. 9. See Cohen 2006, pp. 141-142, Zervoudaki no. 36 1968, p. 26, (from Peredolskaya (1945) argues thatthe clay and Lezzi-Hafter 2008, pp. 178-184, 27, no. 37 is and this is in for details of Kerch); p. (fromVarna); Attic, accepted Cohen technique. no. 40 p. 28, (fromApollonia). Those 2006, p. 142. See alsoTiverios (1997), 460 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

Seven of the hunters are labeled, and of those, five have Persian or names: Eastern-sounding Atramis, Abrokomas, Seisames, Darius, and are names to Cyrus.10 The latter two, of course, belonging historical Achae as are menid royalty, and were well known to ancient Greeks, they to as a modern scholars.11The other two named hunters are labeled Euryalos, name one was an sharedwith of theEpigoni, who also Argonaut (Apollod. 1.9.17) and who led theArgives atTroy(Paus. 2.20.5; Apollod. 1.9.13,3.7.2; name one 77. 2.565), and Klytios, the of of the brothers of King Priam of Troy (//.3.146). The labels reinforce the Eastern identity of these figures, even are as but without them, the hunters in relief easily recognizable wear a over on Persians. All long-sleeved tunic leggings and, their heads, wear a a the kidaris, a soft hat whose peak falls forward. Some also kandys, are cape with sleeves that are left unused, and that often visible billowing behind the figure. means use axe Similarly, the of hunting, particularly the of the and chariot, have Eastern associations. The clothing and the equipment and a methods of hunting are not only fairly accurate reflection of Persian are of dress and practice, but such details also familiar from representations on while Persians 5th-century Attic vases.12 As Miller discusses, however, are vase 5th cen such precise depictions of Persians typical in paintings of the are Oriental tury,they widely replaced in the 4th century by generic figures, wear a be who often highly patterned clothes and carry pelta; theymay are easily confused with Amazons because they frequently clean-shaven on (an example is illustrated inFig. 4, below).13The hunters Xenophantos's are more for the careful attention lekythos therefore all the remarkable paid no to their appearance, which, along with theirPersian names, leaves doubt men that they represent elite of the Persian Empire. are and are The figures distributed throughout the horizontal field, divided between its upper and lower sections. The division of the figures so while into these levels suggests their respective positions in space, that from the front line and the landscape elements go aup," reaching ground should be read as further through the height of the field, the upper figures "back," or more distant from the viewer. This arrangement is similar to as it seems from Pausanias's de that employed by theMeidias Painter, or, to of the for the Knidians at scription, Polygnotos's lost painting Ilioupersis

at his brother Artaxerxes inwhich the 10. Atramis may come from the city Darius killed Thermopylae (Hdt. II, near the Helles and a Sisamnes was a Persian of Ten Thousand Greeks, led Adramyttion, located 7.224), army by pont in thePhrygian satrapy,through officer inXerxes' army (Hdt. 7.66). Xenophon, participated. on his 11. Two and two Dariuses 12. Miller calls these "rea which Xerxes' army passed way Cyruses figures were in their to Greece (Hdt. 7.42). Abrokomas and well known in Greece by the sonably convincing renderings" were and 4th theGreat of Persians 22). Seisames satraps of Syria early century:Cyrus II, representation (2003, p. For ca. the founderof As she notes, the fact that Abrokomas Mysia, respectively. Abrokomas, (reigned 559-539), and both drives his own chariot and see Xen.An. 1.3.20; for Seisames, see the Persian Empire, fictionalized spears s a boar "strains but the Sekunda 1998, p. 93;Aesch. Pen. 322 idealized inXenophon Cyropaedia; believability," Eastern and even (ca. 472 b.c), all cited inMiller 2003, Darius I (reignedca. 521-486), best chariot, certainly, has n. to identifi known for his invasion of Greece in the Persian connotations. The p. 22, 9. In addition these royal only other is a carried as cations, men with similar names were 490s; and Cyrus theYounger (died 401), "inaccuracy" pelta, ca. a shield the assistants. known in thehigh levelsof thePersian son of Darius II (reigned 423-404), by red-figure was a son of and best known for his rebellion 13.Miller 22. army: an Abrokomes against 2003, p. HUNTING THE ESCHATA 461

Delphi (Paus. 10.25).14 Darius and Abrokomas are located directly across from the vessels handle and, therefore, in the "central" position of the on hunting scene. Darius, riding horseback to the left in the upper part of a the field, spears deer. Below, Abrokomas rides to the right in the chariot, a which he drives with his lefthand while spearing boar with his right. on Two of the landscape features bracket these central figures: the left a on an is tall, thin palm tree, and the right, acanthus column topped with a two tripod (one of in the scene). On the other side of this column, in the upper part of the field,Euryalos and Klytios, both armed with spears, hunt a a boar with the assistance of youth rendered in red-figure. Below, and to a the right ofAbrokomas, relief figure, Seisames, pursues one of the two arms are over axe griffins in the scene.15His raised his head, though the he should be holding is not visible (whether itwas lost or never included is unclear). Two assistants in red-figure join him; one wields a spear and carries a a arrow. pelta and the second carries bow and The lion-griffin an a hunted by Seisames is unusual composite animal. He has the body of an as one a lion and thewings of eagle, expects of griffin,but he has curved horns a and humanoid face. Seen from the front, the face features pointed a ears, eyes covered by brows, bulbous nose, and heavy jowls. He opens his an mouth, fromwhich his tongue protrudes, perhaps indication either of monstrous nature or his of his impending death.16 In to the upper part of the field, the left ofDarius, the figure labeled to arm Cyrus strides the leftwith his right raised; in his left hand, he holds an axe. seems to a a Cyrus direct youth, who restrains dog. This young hunter is the only unnamed figure in relief.An additional assistant in from a axe. red-figure approaches the far left, also carrying hunting On the ground line below, to the leftof Abrokomas, Atramis hunts the second griffin.This figure ofAtramis ismade from the same mold as Seisames, the other on griffin hunter, and so, like Seisames, Atramis lunges forward his left leg, his kandys billowing behind him, and he raises his arms above his axe use head. Again, here, the he would against the beast is not included. As forAtramis's his is a prey, body that of lion,while both thewings and head are those of an From a eagle. behind Atramis, to the left, red-figure hunter a ex approaches, carrying spear and pelta. Behind the griffin, and to the the tending upper boundary of pictorial field (between Cyrus and the relief figurewith the hound), is another acanthus column. This one, is a too, topped by tripod.The detailed landscape setting, therefore, ismade

14. See, e.g., Cleveland, Ohio, 15. The label "Seisames" is included Here, I follow thosewho link thename ClevelandMuseum ofArt 82.142; CVAy above and to the rightof thegriffins to the hunter in relief, since none of the Cleveland 2 72 and there is some confusion in other are [USA 35], pis. [1818]:1 head, red-figure participants named, 4; 73 74 Karls the as to which hunter it [1819]:1, 2; [1820]:1,2; scholarship but thepositioning of the label is ruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum 259; refers to.The name is nearest a red certainly ambiguous. no. New to ARV21315, 1,1690; York, figurehunter the rightof thegriffin, 16. See Frontisi-Ducroux 1995, Museum of Art: ARV2 Metropolitan andTiverios (1997, p. 270) identifies pp. 82-94, for discussion of the use of 1321, no. 1. Lezzi-Hafter (2008, this man as the frontal in vase to Seisames; others, including face painting pp. 180,182) notes that lines Miller n. and Zervoud extreme suggesting (2003, p. 21, 5) signal states, including death a are also if aki attach the and hilly landscape visible, faint, (1968, p. 26), however, impending death. under certain on the name to the relief with axe. figures lekythos. figure the 462 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

a two up of palm, acanthus columns and their tripods, and it also includes one two thin treeswith branches bearing leaves and small fruits; is located one at to the left ofAtramis, and beside Seisames the right. as a mean The subject of the lekythos is easy to recognize hunt; the ing of this theme, however, and its unique combination of iconographic features have been less transparent, and modern explanations have been or largely restricted to themythic the historical. Because of the appearance of the griffins,Ludolf Stephani, in his early publication of the vase, identi as a race fied the hunters themythical Arimasps, of one-eyed men, who, in theGreek tradition, often engage in battle against griffins (Hdt. 3.116).17 More recently,Michalis Tiverios has argued that the hunting Persians, a certain of their inscribed names, and the lush landscape setting evoke an historical hunt, held in Achzemenid paradeisos in the late 5th century.18 Paradeisoi large parks attached to Persian royal and satrapal palaces of the as Persian Empire, functioned primarily botanical gardens, but the complex reserves thatwere stocked with of theparadeisos could also include hunting to game for the entertainment and exercise of Persian royalty.19According on a Tiverios, the hunt the lekythos represents gathering of high-ranking son men of the Persian court, including the (Darius) and brother (Cyrus the of Younger) of theGreat King Artaxerxes II, and the contemporary satrap event before death Syria,Abrokomas. This would have taken place Cyrus's a it (in rebellion against Artaxerxes) in 401, and, Tiverios ventures, might a have occurred at Kelaenae in Phrygia, where Cyrus had both palace and a An. paradeisos (Xen. 1.2.7).20 account Such a historical scenario, however, fails to fully for the promi nence names the other and of the griffins in particular, for the of figures, uncommon in for the detailed landscape, which includes sacred elements Even Tiverios that the introduce a theparadeisoi.21 acknowledges griffins to that the hunters are mythic atmosphere the scene; he suggests griffin ancestors of the historical hunters, and compares their appearance here heroes as of to the inclusion of gods and the Athenian eponymous part in the Stoa Poikile inAthens the painted Battle ofMarathon that hung 17. 147. He con like more embraces the Stephani 1866, p. (Paus. 1.15.3).22 Miller, who, Stephani, readily on siders the names as an attempt the nature of the offers a kind of between the fantastic event, compromise to the part of the artist simply convey sees in the hunters a conflation historical and mythical explanations. She barbarian nature of these men. men of historical Persians with the Arimasps, the one-eyed mentioned 18.Tiverios 1997.Tripodi (1991, real Persian and also believes thehunt above. For Miller, this blurring of the lines between the pp. 163-165) a and he asso to the trend takes place in paradeisos, the Arimasp in the lekythos conforms 4th-century mythical ciates what he sees as the most from the 5th s of Persians and toward impor away century precise renderings tant the earlier that this figure?Darius?with an Oriental She argues, further, that name. increasingly nonspecific type. historical Great King by of Persians as Orientals reflects a preference for the representation generic 19. For extensive treatment of the of Persians into the stuffof as 1996, 80-131. conceptual transformation mythology; mythic paradeisoiy seeTuplin pp. not a threat to theGreeks. This 20. Tiverios 1997, p. 273. figures, they could pose tangible intriguing 21. it is not in the SeeTuplin 1996,pp. 107,116 argument may hold true elsewhere, but entirely satisfying 118, for the secular function of para context of this scene. The hunters are not, after all, the of representations deisoiy and the Greek attitude toward Orientals that in vase generic predominate contemporary painting but, by these spaces. of 279-280. Millers own description, "reasonably convincing renderings" Persians, 22. Tiverios 1997, pp. that to the Persian names.23 23.Miller 2003, pp. 22,44. supplemented by labels assign figures HUNTING THE ESCHATA 463

These previous interpretations of the vase, both themythological and the historical, frame certain questions about the unusual subject matter. mean What does it that the griffinhunters are Persians? Must the hunt be or or either historical mythological, is it something else? And where does on it take place? The following interpretation hinges what I identify as the threemajor iconographic components of the scene; thus far, interpretations of the hunt have failed, tomy mind, to account for all parts of the scene and their very deliberate combination. These components, according towhich are I divide the following investigation, the landscape (which itself ismade up of several distinctive elements), the griffins, and the Persians.

AN APOLLINE LANDSCAPE

a Scholars have long acknowledged connection of the landscape elements on theXenophantos lekythos (palm, acanthus column, and tripod) to the warrants god Apollo, but this association revisiting, since recent studies have to preferred attribute certain elements of the landscape to the influence of Persian imagery, and particularly of glyptic.24While I depart fromMiller's primary interpretation,which depends on the conflation of Persians and I do to vase as a Arimasps, follow her approach the Xenophantos work an and produced by Athenian, that includes, therefore, iconography that is best considered the of against background Athenian visual vocabulary.25 Miller, who convincingly defends this premise and considers the hunt and as hunters part of the Classical Athenian visual traditions, argues that the scene's palm and acanthus columns draw not from thisAthenian context, but instead from features that appear on Persian seals. In the case of the acanthus columns in as a particular, she cites possible model a seal that includes trees stylized with cauldronlike designs at the top that could be tripods. But the acanthus column isknown elsewhere inClassical Athenian are imagery, and the other landscape elements familiar in this context as well. The Athenian visual tradition, in fact, not only provides a wealth of for the use of parallels acanthus columns, tripods (including the tripod and but it also topped column), palm trees, offers the means?through these elements as a Apollo?to bring together single landscape type, in which the hunt is set.26

24. Tiverios also identifies a from (1997, pp. 272-273) secondary context, inspiration Persian glyptic. Tive attributes the of the to the western Achaemenid appearance palm Empire. rios (1997, pp. 272-273) also attributes the influence of Persian while he This allows the seals, exception departure palm in particular to its appearance the acanthus columns as from the Athenian context in certain on Persian in recognizes seals which royal hunts to sanctuaries of to appropriate Apollo. cases, particularly related the land feature. Even so, he links the other Miller that which Iwill take (2003, pp. 36-39) argues scape elements, up elements toApollo, and explainswhy both the tree and the acanthus below. as to palm they?referring they do this columns are indebted to the inclusion 26. A connection of the landscape god?are appropriate for the represen of features on Persian seals. to sacred of has been tation of at landscape spaces Apollo the paradeisos Kelaenae, 25.Miller iden since this is (2003, pp. 31-33) previouslyproposed: Stephani 1866; paradeisos the place where tifies Athens in the late 5th as Ducati century 1916, p. 295;Tripodi 1991, Apollo flayedMarsyas (Xtn.An. 1.2.8; the "determinative social and cultural 164. see p. Miller (2003, pp. 36-38) rejects also Hdt. 7.26.3). context" of the she a connection to lekythos, though Apollo, and suggests 464 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

Although I proceed to address each of the landscape elements sepa some rately, and although of the individual elements do indeed have broad semantic fields, I argue below that their appearance together underscores a their shared connection to Apollo, and that the result is distinct and a to coherent conceptual unit, specific type of landscape that is special that aswe common god. Apollo is also, will see, the denominator that binds the we landscape and the griffins, and it is through him that might understand these major iconographic components of the lekythos. most Of the landscape elements, the palm is arguably the prominent and themost familiar, and the appearance of these trees inGreek art has most common long been the subject of scholarly attention. The interpreta a or a tion of single palm as, primarily exclusively, marker of exotic, foreign cases tree space, is not satisfying in many of the inwhich this appears. tree Recent studies have emphasized, instead, the strong association of this at where the "Delian with Apollo and Artemis through their birth Delos, to Horn. Callim. palm" helped Leto deliver the twins {Hymn. Ap. 17-18; these three as individuals or Hymn 2.4).27The palm accompanies divinities, as a on a in family group, inmultiple visual examples, as, for example, pyxis Ferrara attributed to theMarlay Painter.28 In this scene, Apollo, Artemis, and Leto are shown at an altar, behind which a labeled personification of are a Delos is seated; adorning the sanctuary palm and tripod. to the While the palm is connected both Apollo and Artemis through a than with sacred island, tripods enjoy stronger association with Apollo use to his sister, a relationship that stems, in part, from the of the tripod at as as theft of communicate with the god's oracle Delphi well Herakles' a scene inGreek the vessel fromApollo's sanctuary, well known imagery.29 were dedica 27. For the association of There is, certainly, ample evidence that tripods appropriate strong see writes that thepalm with Apollo andArtemis, tions to Apollo. Of Delphi, for example, Bacchylides "gold Sourvinou-Inwood in front 1991, pp. 99-121; shines with flashing light from the high elaborate tripods standing Hedreen 2001, pp. 68-78; see alsoAhl of the where the tend the of Phoebus temple Delphians great sanctuary 1982, pp. 380-383. thewaters of Castalia" 3 = Golden were by (Ep. Olym. 2.17-21).30 tripods 28. Ferrara, Museo Archeologico as at and Gelon and Nazionale 20298: ARV2 no. 22. given offerings Delphi by Croesus (Hdt. 1.92) by 1277, Diod. Sic. Other include London, Hiero (Ath. Deip. 6.232a, b; Bacchyl. Pyth. 3.17-22; 11.26.7). examples BritishMuseum E274:ARV2 604, After the Battle of Plataea, a coalition of Greek cities dedicated a tripod no. 3; Paris, Musee du Louvre G164: mounted on the famous column at (Hdt. 9.80-81; Paus. serpent Delphi ARV2 504, no. 1; and Palermo, Museo Diod. Sic. In other sanctuaries of too, 10.1.9; 11.33.2). Apollo, tripods Archeologico Regionale 2187: ARV2 to at the Games no. were familiar: victors dedicated tripods the god Triopian 1321, 9. at Cer 29. Hedreen 2001, 68-69. See (Hdt. 1.144.1), as did the priests ofApollo Thebes (Paus. 9.10.1). pp. and were common dedications in sanctuaries to also Sakowski 1997, pp. 113-168, tainly, these vessels belonging for limited association with other as are known at and on theAthenian gods, other gods well (they well Olympia pp. 169-173; Papalexandrou 2005, for and as the forHomeric funeral games and Acropolis, example), prizes pp. 189-216. also had the to evoke other con Cam theDionysian dithyramb, they potential 30. Trans. D. A. Campbell, a common attribute 1992. texts.Even so, inGreek imagery, the tripod remained bridge, Mass., on the the of in the 31.Wilson Jones2002, p. 376. ofApollo, and lekythos, appearance tripods company (2005, pp. 189-209) of a tree reinforces their association with that Papalexandrou palm particular god.31 the connection of the tri set a column emphasizes In the scene on the each tripod is atop as hunting lekythos, pod with Apollo thegod ofDelphi. leaves the shaft.The acanthus column is unusual, with acanthus along For the inclusion of multiple landscape than the or inGreek and elements as a to the viewer s appearing less frequently palm tripod imagery, guide an of the extant of this see n. 42, below. the lekythos offers early example representations interpretation, HUNTING THE ESCHATA 465

contexts the acan type.32When it appears in visual of the later 4th century, to thus column, like the tripod, is especially linked Apollo, and in particular a to the god's sanctuary at Delphi.33 On 4th-century krater in theAthens an a National Museum, for instance, acanthus column, topped by tripod, stands between Apollo and Dionysos, the god with whom Apollo shared his Delphic home.34 The best-known acanthus column, of course, is the one dedicated by theAthenians and erected in that sanctuary.35The fluted a shaft of the column consists of five drums, the base of each encircled by band of acanthus; additional acanthus springs from the column's base and capital. At the top, three sculpted maidens dance, lifting their right hands a toward the sky.Facing outward, these dancers surround small, plain pil rests on as a lar that the acanthus capital. The column served the base for so tripod, the legs ofwhich rested between themaidens, that their raised hands would have seemed to support the bowl of the vessel.36 Now widely believed to date to the last third of the 4th century, this monument as could not have served the singular model for the columns on was theXenophantos lekythos,which produced in the early part of that century.37But the columns included in the setting for the hunt need not on representthe Delphic column; both the pair of columns the lekythos and a common themonumental column may, instead, reflect way of representing something else. Gloria Ferrari has recently identified Delphi's Acanthus as Column the representation of the celestial terma, the point at which sun as across the changes direction it annually proceeds the horizon like a on a chariot hippodrome track.38As for the threemaidens who seem to at as a float its top, she identifies them stars, suspended in dance around this hinge of the earth (Plin. HN 4.89).39 1 return below to the celestial implications of the acanthus columns for theXenophantos scene, but the column at Delphi contributes to our current concerns in two ways. First, theDelphic column links the individual features of acanthus column and to one to tripod, relating them another and Apollo through his sanctuary at

32. One of the reviewers that anonymous andTiverios (1997, p. 273) also ac the marble omphalos, also well for this article directed attention to such a known from was set the my knowledge connection, despite Delphi, within an acanthus column on a their identification the as a the fragmentary of setting tripod atop Acanthus Column. stele in the British Persian funerary Museum; paradeisos. For the limited 37. Pouilloux and Roux 1963, it the central of there, supports three appearance of acanthus columns else pp. 123-145. See also Ridgway 1990, The column is two see lekythoi. flankedby where, Homolle 1908, pp. 216 pp. 22-25; Martinez 1997, p. 44, n. 27. and the relief is there 224. On the 38. rampant griffins, Panathenaic amphoras of Ferrari 2008, pp. 141-147. In fore in the context of the on intriguing 363/2, acanthus columns, the top of support of this identification of the which combines similar ele which a a a lekythos, Nike, wielding sword,alights, terma, Ferrari cites pyxis lid in Berlin, ments. the context of flank the of Athena. Esch on which race Unfortunately, figure See Eos, Selene, and Nyx the relief's and as well production use, bachl986,pp. 42-45. their chariots: Berlin, Staatliche Mu as the of its is 34. National Museum seen zu meaning iconography, Athens, Berlin, Antikensammlung, unclear. British London, Museum 12253; LIMCII, 1984, p. 279, no. 769, F2519: CVA,Berlin Antiquarium 3 Smith s.v. 1905,0518.1: 1916, pp. 72-73, pi. 250, Apollon (W. Lambrinuda [Germany22], pi. 138 [1067]:2-4. 3. et fig.4; Paspalas 2008, p. 304, fig. kis al.). Marking the turningpoint around 33. The acanthus column's connec 35. For the Acanthus Column gen which Nyx and Eos race is a column tion to has been noted in some see Apollo erally, Homolle 1908; Pouilloux and capital, fromwhich leaves spring;on it studiesof the Ducati Roux ismounted a lekythos: (1916, 1963, pp. 122-149; Vatin 1983; smaller, plain pillar, simi connects the entire to p. 91) landscape Martinez 1997. lar to theupper pillar on theAcanthus the popularityof Milesian Apollo in 36. For reconstructions, see Ho Column. the Bosphorus.Tripodi (1991, p. 164) molle 1908.Martinez (1997) argues 39. Ferrari 2008, pp. 146-147. 466 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

as an Delphi. Second, Athenian dedication, theAcanthus Column reflects as a to what Athenians considered appropriate in sanctuary this god. We return, then, to the importance of theAthenian context for the in terpretation of theXenophantos lekythos.Each of the discrete landscape ele an ments discussed thus farmaintains independent association with Apollo we are and his sanctuaries, particularly to theAthenian mind. If left in any as to doubt the association of the space of the hunt with this particular god, even however, the additional trees provide furtherconfirmation of itsApol are as line nature. They laurels, and their traditional and consistent role the are tree belonging toApollo is beyond question.40 Branches of laurel used s are for the victors' wreaths inApollo Pythian Games, and they often held a as an or either by devotee offering to the god, by the god himself.41Even the was firsttemple of the god said to have been fashioned from laurel brought fromTempe, where Apollo famously defeated Python (Paus. 10.5.9). not to an This is the place proceed furtherwith in-depth investigation of each of these landscape elements and itsplace in the visual tradition.Cer a tainly,when considered individually, each has field of possible meanings, are to not all of which necessarily connected Apollo. But the appearance as one of these elements in combination demands that each be read only a shared part of larger and coherent landscape type, and foregrounds their a as a association with single god.42The identification of the setting space not one or belonging to this god is underscored by the inclusion of just and each two, butfour elements (palm, acanthus column, tripod, laurel), ofwhich reinforces theApolline associations of the others. The intended as a is also reading of the landscape particular type of space visually sug of the elements. The gested by the formal arrangement columns, topped are further the with tripods, flank the central palm, and the laurels "outside" a columns, creating double parenthetical formal arrangement that carefully as an of thewhole. The of positions each element integral part landscape not on the influence or the hunt on the lekythos, therefore, is dependent a Persian nor a misunderstanding of foreignmotifs, and it is neither simply resonance in neutral space. It is a space that holds powerful theAthenian mind in connection toApollo.

the Games. elements in 5th-century vase 40. See, e.g., Plin. HN12.2,16.40; the wreath for Pythian painting, can of the Hedreen has indeed Paus. 9.10.4. Laurel and olive be Examples laurel, including (2001, pp. 68-78) or a of found this to be the case, so that the difficultto distinguish invisual depic Apollo devotee Apollo holding have flat leaves a are abundant. a volute of a element tions, since they both laurel, See, e.g., pairing single landscape a and both bear krater a with certain other features the along thin branch, they featuring draped youthholding guides next to of a smallfruit, that of the laurelusually a laurel branch and standing interpretation represented space. a to Museo While the for can extendingevenly along thebranch shrine Apollo: Bologna, palm, instance, a the 269: ARV2 in a of contexts, He rather than in cluster. Though Civico Archeologico 599, appear variety no. dreen's work indicates that when it full treesare rarelydepicted, the tall, 8. the thinnature of the laureland itsfewer 42. See Sourvinou-Inwood 1991, appears with elements that mark exam better to the 11. as Sourvinou-Inwood of a (an altar, for branches correspond sap p. Every sign, space sanctuary s scene. for is and its value that to one or lings of Xenophantos See, discusses, polysemic, ple), sanctuary belongs a of the on two interactions: the first is both of the twin andAr comparison, the representation depends gods,Apollo temis. The same is true of the laurel treeand branchesheld byApollo between the element and its semantic tripod, Museum the second is between the element when it other inThebes, Archaeological field; which, appears alongside elements in a 190: CVA>Thebes [Greece 6], pis. 84 and the other elements in the represen appropriate sanctuary most often indicates that the [362]:l-4, 85 [363]:l-3. tation, as well as with those elements setting, were to 41. See Blech 1982, pp. 35-62, that could have been included, but space belongs Apollo. and on not. In his of esp. figs. 17,18, pp. 137-138, investigation landscape HUNTING THE ESCHATA 467

GRIFFINS AND THE NORTHERN ESCHATA

The hunt's exotic and distinctive prey, the griffins, allow us to locate the even more a setting precisely. These beasts, which have the body of lion an and thewings and head of eagle (Paus. 1.24.6), arewell known inGreek literature for the extreme nature at of their habitat. They live the very edges or of the earth, in the far north and in the distant east, in beyond India. Aristotle explains that the existence of composite beasts in these regions is to due the interbreeding of different species that gather at the few springs in an. a these countries {Gen. 746b7-13).43 Diodoros takes slightly differ ent tack, explaining that the existence of goat-stags, antelopes, and other creatures one that combine in body the parts of different animals is due to extensive to sun the exposure of this land the generative strength of the (2.51.2-3). Because of its substantial size, he says, India, the easternmost country of the earth, takes in a greater extent of the sun's course than any other part of theworld (2.35.2). are not or Although griffins specifically mentioned by Diodoros Ar as istotle, they are, composite, biform creatures, at home in those distant lands. In Ktesias's Indikay they are birds with the feet and claws of a lion, and they inhabit themountains and engage in battle with men who try to collect the gold that flows through the rivers there (F45 sect. 26; Ael. NA Aelian dismisses A.27). this claim that the griffinsguard the gold (a story of the he and is Bactrians, says), convinced instead by the Indian explanation that the griffinsfight invaders only to protect their young {NA 4.27).44 Like other classical sources Ktesias, literary also describe the griffins as of flows a guardians gold that from the earth, role that brings them most into conflict not with frequently Indians, but with theArimasps, the race of one-eyed men mentioned above (Aesch. PV 803-807; Hdt. 3.116, also Paus. men were a 4.13, 4.27; 1.24.6). These the subject of poem, the Aristeas of Arimaspeia, by Prokonnesos, who learned of theArimasps while visiting the land of the Issedones (Hdt. 4.13,4.27). Herodotos locates both of these tribes in the north. The Arimasps, he says, dwell beyond the Isse who in turn dones, live in the region beyond the Scythians.45 These lands most distant from are the Greeks particularly exotic to the Greek mind, and in these extreme places, boundaries become increasingly vague, and their occupants increasingly fantastic.46 For his part, Herodotos expresses doubt as towhether the of a race men existence of one-eyed is possible, but admits that the "most as outlying lands, though, they enclose and wholly surround all the rest of the are to world, likely have those thingswhich we think the finest and the rarest" (3.116.3).47 Encounters between and are griffins theArimasps depicted inGreek vase where thesemen are as painting, represented generic Oriental figures? the kinds of with to figures which, according Miller's proposal, the Persian

43. 88-91. the is also as sacred to Romml992,pp. griffin regarded of the firstkings of Scythia advanced 44.The associationof the sun as as ocean griffins (VA3.48). their empire far the in the with India continues in later sources. 45. Like thegriffins, Scythians live east (2.43.5). In the 2nd a.d., for either in the as inHerodotos century example, north, 46. Romm 1992, p. 14, n. 14. Philostratus's describes or in the east. Diodoros 47. Trans. A. D. Apollonius (4.17-23), says Godley, Cam the as one of the fascinat that Scythians inhabit the that griffin many country bridge, Mass., 1920. ing animals in India, where, he says, borders India, and that the descendants 468 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

Figure 4. Arimasps battling griffins. Attic red-figurepelike, ca. 400 360 B.C. London, BritishMuseum E434. Photo ? Trustees of the British Museum

hunters of theXenophantos lekythos have been conflated.48 In these images, are one the griffins and Arimasps shown confronting another in direct a combat. A red-figure calyx krater inLondon depicts typical encounter, in a on a which rearing griffin lays his front talons lone Arimasp.49 On other are a vases, multiple Arimasps and multiple griffins included. On pelike in an an axe London, Arimasp fights off three griffinswith (Fig. 4).50Two of to the griffins lower their heads and appear bite the figure,while the third rears beast and attacks the victims torso.Two additional Arimasps, wielding a a come to rescue. spear and boulder, their companions In these examples are and in others, the griffins consistently shown engaged in confrontation are even with theOriental figures, and they aggressive. context on The inwhich the griffins appear theXenophantos lekythos does not to these battles as are described or 48. are some correspond Arimaspian they The Oriental figures are times identified as Amazons rather depicted. In the above examples, the griffins fierce guardians of gold, even than seeMiller 2003, and they confront their attackers, often getting the best of them. On Arimasps; are as pp. 39-44. the lekythos, the griffins instead cast one of three types of animals 49. London, British Museum hunted, the other two ofwhich arewell-known in both prey sport hunting, 1931.1-13.1: ARV2 1455, no. 2. in the Persian and Hellenic worlds. The of these beasts in a appearance 50. London, BritishMuseum E434: casts as on hunt the griffins quarry, par with the boar and the deer along ARV21474. For other examples of the or seeLIMC sidewhich they appear. Griffins may, indeed, be dangerous challenging Arimasp-griffinbattle, VIII, 1997, pp. 609-611, prey, but are a role very different Suppl. they prey?game?nonetheless, playing s.v. to Gryps (M. Leventopoulou). They from that of the guarding of gold that leads battle with theArimasps. include Warsaw, National Museum while do battle with the are not Likewise, Arimasps, they griffins, griffin 138531:ARV2 1478, no. 10; and Paris, on huntersyand the figures the lekythos are, in any case, carefully designated Musee du Louvre GS29:ARV2 1470, as Persians, as discussed above. no. 162. HUNTING THE ESCHATA 469

contexts Other images provide visual outside of theArimaspian battles a inwhich the griffin appears and plays central role.Most significantly for us, they frequently appear, like the landscape elements discussed above, in the company ofApollo. A hydria in Berlin features a scene of Kadmos a fighting the dragon, surrounded by number of gods who have assembled to watch the event.51Here, Apollo is seated above one of the handles. A on a to on tripod column stands the left of the handle the lower ground a line, and below the handle is griffin, suggesting, by such proximity, its connection to A can on a the god. similar arrangement be found gold cup in a Bucharest, inwhich Apollo is seated with griffin lying below.52 In the firsthalf of the 4th staters a century, of the city ofAbdera feature winged on a on griffin the obverse and laureate head of Apollo the reverse, and New Style Athenian tetradrachms feature a representation of the statue of of in a Apollo Delos, which the god, holding bow, is flanked by grif fins.53On the interior frieze and pilaster capitals of theTemple ofApollo at or Didyma, griffins flank lyres vegetal features.54 role as an The of the griffin attribute of Apollo stems from his as sociation with the land of the Hyperboreans, pious devotees of the god, who live in the distant north?further, even, than theArimasps, and just the Each a beyond griffins (Hdt. 4.13). winter, griffin carried Apollo from his Hellenic home at to the Delphi country of theHyperboreans.55 This is to be the of vase yearly journey thought subject paintings inwhich Apollo, often armed with his and a a lyre laurel branch, rides griffin (Fig. 5).56 The are also linked to Hyperboreans closely the foundation of Apollo's sanctuaries at Delos and Delphi. Pausanias records a tradition inwhich the oracle of was Delphic Apollo established by these people, including a man named was Olen, who the first prophet at the site and the first to oracles inverse sent give (10.5.7-8).57 Offerings by theHyperboreans were said tomake their nations men to at way through of arrive Delos, passing first to the Scythians, and then intoGreece, fromDodona to Euboia, and theHellenic cities until through theTenians brought them to the sacred island (Hdt. 4.33).58

51. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, griffinstake different forms, with either 56. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Mu Berlin, F2634: an or a seum Antikensammlung, thehead of eagle thatof lion. 202: ARV2 1523, no. 1. London, no. 33. ARV21187, The rebuildingof the templeprobably BritishMuseum E543:ARV2 1348, 52. For the Bucharest see Far in cup, began the late 4th century, but the no. 1. See Deiplace 1980, pp. 366-367; nell XXXVLb. interior reliefs date as as 1907, p. 342, pi. may late the Farnell 1907, p. 313, note e. 53. For the of Abdera 2nd B.C. 57. are coinage gen century They connected to the foun see 1966; 55. See Famell 313-315. erally, May Kraay (1976, 1907, pp. dation of thegames atOlympia aswell: pp. 152-157) offers a revised chronol An alternative mode of it is from transportation, Hyperborea that Herakles ogy. Griffins on the obverse of a chariot ismentioned appear pulled by swans, brought the olive spray, from which the Abdera's from its earliest Alkaios inhis to coinage types, by Hymn Apollo, pre victors in the games were crowned but are they consistentlypaired with served inHimerios's Orationes 48.10-11 (Pind. 01 3.31-33). thehead of in Apollo May's period (= Alkaios 307c). Some sources indi 58. Pausanias offers an alternative ca. VIII, 375/3-365/60 b.c (see cate the swan's status as the route: the receive May special pro Arimasps the first 1966, 264-285, nos. bird of fruits from pp. 462-528). phetic Apollo (Callim.Hymn the Hyperboreans and de For the New Athenian tetra and Style 4.249-255 2.4-5; PI. Phd. 84d), liver them to the Issedones; from there see drachms, Lacroix 1949, p. 203, and others connect the swans to the to theypass the Scythians,to Sinope, rituals of the and to and pl.XVLLl. worship Hyperboreans Prasiae, the Athenians carry 54. and Knackfuss Wiegand 1941, (Ael.NA 11.1). See alsoAhl 1982, esp. them toDelos (1.31.2). e.g., pis. 112-114,116,121-125. These pp. 380-394. HALLIE FRANKS 470 MALCOLM

Figure 5.Apollo riding a griffin. ca. 400-300 B.C. Attic red-figure cup, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 202. Photo ? Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna

Sources tell, too, of theHyperborean celebrations in honor ofApollo, inwhich the god found his greatest satisfaction (Pind. Pyth. 10.35). Dio are doros says that all the inhabitants priests of Apollo, and they praise the god daily with songs and the continuous playing of the kithara in his temple, which is adorned with votive offerings (Diod. Sic. 2.47.2-3). The hero Perseus visited this land, and found its people, crowned with golden laurel, sacrificing hecatombs to the god and dancing to the lyre and to flutes are (Pind. Pyth. 10.31-44). Their lives endlessly joyous and blessed: they live more longer and happily than other mortals (Pomponius Mela, De choro are graphia 3.36), and they entirely free from sickness and old age, and from sorrow toil and strife and (Pind. Pyth. 10.31-44; Plin. HNA.%9). to When the Hyperborean devotion Apollo and the relationship of are these people to his sanctuaries at Delos and Delphi not the interests extreme of the ancient writers, the location of their land is the primary concern. Their name situates them theNorth Boreas. very beyond Wind, their 59. Pomponius Mela describes Herakles the Hind to a land near the sources as pursued Keryneian here, location "beyond the north wind, of the Danube and the cold blasts of and it is from this beyond Boreas, above the Riphaean Mountains, and under the of the stars where place that he brought olive trees to plant at Olympia (Pind. 01. 3.14-16, very pole the sun rises, not as it does 24-33). The Hyperboreans are thought to live on the northernmost edges every day forus, but for thefirst time at the of theworld, beyond the other nations ofmen, past the Issedones and the vernal (De 3.36, where the earth ends and the Ocean equinox" chorographia Arimasps (Hdt. 4.13.1), begins.59 trans. F. E. Romer, Ann Arbor, 1998). is The significance of the location of this northern land illuminated Romm (1992, pp. 64-65) also discusses against the backdrop of larger concepts in Greek geography. Homer's their location. HUNTING THE ESCHATA 471

on description of the Shield of Achilles, which Hephaistos rendered the Ocean around its outermost rim, illustrates the belief that the earth is an on a island surrounded all sides by single body ofwater (II. 18.607).60 This Ocean encloses all nations ofmen, and it iswithin this conception of the or on a island earth that the borders, thepeirata eschata, take special role. to Herodotos indicates that this construction continues be popular in his time?"the Greeks say that the Ocean flows from the place where the sun rises around the whole earth" (4.8)?although he is skeptical, given the impossibility of empirically proving such claims. Even he conceives, most as however, of the distant places of the earth borders (eschatiai) that surround and enclose the rest,whatever the nature of theOcean that flows beyond (3.116).61 Despite Herodotoss discomfort with it, the notion of earth bounded by Ocean continues, and thrives, in popular thought, and it is to thisHo meric model that even Strabo adheres.62 Before Strabo, Alexander the was to men Great said have pushed his to reach the eastern Ocean, "the sea thatNature has decreed should be the boundary of human affairs" (Curt. to even return 9.3.13).63 According Arrian, the conqueror planned to from to India Greece via the Ocean, which he thought flowed to the Persian Gulf, around Libya, and then to the Pillars ofHerakles (An. 5.26.1-2). never This great voyage took place because Alexander smen revolted, were complaining that during these campaigns in the east, they dragged "beyond the constellations and the sun" (Curt. 9.4.18).64 This choice of which phrase, reveals both the aspirations of theMacedonian king and the tired at desperation of his army, also hints the perceived proximity of to the distant parts of the earth the workings of the cosmos. The eschata of the world in not at are, fact, only the point which the Ocean begins, are but they also the place where the heavens are closest to the earth. In Homer, the sun and stars rise from and set into theOcean, which reached to the edges of the celestial dome (Od. 5.273-275; 11 18.483-489).65 In a cited passage by Strabo, Sophocles tells of the abduction of Oreithyia by Boreas, who carried themaiden "over thewhole sea to the \eschata\of the earth and to the sources to of night and the unfoldings of heaven and to the ancient of Phoebus" a garden (7.3.1), offering vivid description of as a the edges of theworld place where the earth and cosmos meet and to which Apollo has special attachment.66 Situated at the northernmost edge of the earth, the country of theHy is not a favorite of even perboreans only place Apollo (perhaps the garden mentioned a by Sophocles), but it is also significant point in the proper movements of the celestial bodies.67 By virtue of its extreme location, this

60.The Shield ofHerakles three statements about the for Alexanders desire to see (Hes. circularity Ethiopia, based on theHomeric Shield of of the Ocean at Sc.), 2.23,4.8 (above), and which drew him "almostbeyond the Achilles, likewise places the Ocean 4.36. limits of the sun." around the the rim, enclosing figures 62. Romm 1992, pp. 41-44. 65. Romm 1992, p. 15. and activities of the earth. 63. Trans. C. 66. Trans. H. L. J. Wolfe, Cambridge, Jones, Cambridge, 61. On on Herodotoss position the Mass., 1946. Mass., 1924. Ocean and on the see Romm 64. Trans. C. eschatiai, J. Wolfe, Cambridge, 67. Ferrari 2008, pp. 145-146. 1992, pp. 32-41. Herodotos makes Mass., 1946. See also Curtius 4.8.3 472 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

was to or on land thought be the location of the cardines (hinges pivots) which theworld turns and around which the stars revolve (Plin.HN4.89). This is the site at which the solar chariot, on its annual race across the at heavens, makes its turn the terma, the landmark represented at Delphi by theAcanthus Column.68 Here at the northern eschata, at the pivots of the cosmos, theHyper scene boreans dwell, and it is here that two of themajor components of the on theXenophantos lekythos?the landscape elements and the griffins? a come together.The Apolline elements offer very fitting representation of theHyperborean landscape, which should look, according to theGreek most to imagination, like Delos and Delphi, the spaces sacred the god within Hellas, and the sanctuaries that the Hyperboreans themselves to helped establish. Stephani long ago recognized the location of the hunt as on Hyperborean this basis.69 Griffins, of course, do not appear exclusively in the land of theHy are at as we and their perboreans. They equally home in India, have seen, a to presence theremay lead us to consider whether landscape sacred Apollo easternmost might also be appropriate in that region. Certainly, Apollo is closest to the might have general business there, since India the country sunrise (Hdt. 3.98), and is famous for its intense and prolonged exposure to the sun (Diod. Sic. 2.35.3, 2.51.2-3). For the Xenophantos lekythos, case a however, the for Hyperborean landscape is stronger.Apollo does not have an established presence in the east in the same way that he does more in the country of theHyperboreans, and India is closely associated to with Dionysos, who is said have traversed thewhole of that region (Paus. between and 10.29.4; Apollod. 3.5.2). Given the unequivocal links Apollo in the the palm, acanthus column, tripod, and laurel represented lekythos, is a to themore theHyperborean landscape setting preferable generalized a India. Griffins indeed possibilities offered by sun-drenched might belong elements north. equally in both places, but the landscape point

PERSIAN INTEREST IN THE ESCHATA

seems to in the land The hunt on the Xenophantos lekythos take place are not in of theHyperboreans. But the hunters Hyperboreans, who, any are more than the are. The hunt case, not griffin hunters any Arimasps as such. The ers are Persians, and they are clearly represented and labeled the hunters but have question is not, then, who might be, instead, why Persians come to the land of theHyperboreans? 68. Ferrari 2008, pp. 141-147. I have found no source that mentions Persian contact with Hyper 69. Stephani (1866, pp. 146-147) or even with nor have I located indication of boreans, griffins, any special made his connection of the lekythoss from to based on the Persian interest in or association with sanctuaries of Apollo (aside landscape Hyperborea at laurel, and (theAcanthus their transport of the bronze statue ofApollo from the temple Didyma tripod, palm was at some sources Column discovered Delphi to Ecbatana: Paus. 1.16.3, 8.46.3). Greek literary do, however, decades later, in 1894). He connects at of the earth and tell of Persian other edges to the not experiences geographical the griffins space through with the who are to live and reveal a Persian people imagined there, they Apollo, but throughthe Arimasps, of theworld. The of the to his identificationof the interest in exploring the limits army Cyrus Great, which leads on was hunters as these kinds of men. for instance, stranded in the desert campaign, saved by Arimasps, HUNTING THE ESCHATA 473

whom Cyrus renamed "the Benefactors" (Euergetas) (Diod. Sic. 17.81.1). We know the Arimasps, of course, as the race of one-eyed men, who do are a battle with the griffins for gold; they mythical race that lives near the edges of the earth. Cyrus's successor, Cambyses, turned his attention to the south, and a made contact with mythic version of the Ethiopians, theMacrobians to are ("Long-Lived"), whose land he later tried invade. These Ethiopians most men the tallest and handsome of (Hdt. 3.20), they customarily live 120 are years (3.23), and buried in chambers that protect against decomposi tion (3.24). In Homer, they feastwith the gods (Od 1.21; 1.424-425, to 23.205-207),701 returnbelow Cambyses' unsuccessful attempt to conquer race this exceptional of men, but despite this failure, Persian exploration of new and distant lands continues under his successor, Darius I. Darius across to expanded the Persian Empire in the north, Thrace and up the Danube, by defeating the Scythians (a people with whom the Greeks did same sent have contact) (Hdt. 4.1).71 The Darius also ships, captained by the Ionian Skylax of Karyanda, to explore the coast between the Indus River and Arabia. Skylax sailed down the Indus, and then west until he came to the point from which the Egyptian king sent the Phoenicians to sail to around Libya (Hdt. 4.44). The captain's reports the king, in the of are a spirit Archaic and Classical notions of distant lands, catalogue of or ears are to wonders (men whose feet large enough provide shade at and others or noontime, that he calls one-eyed ear-sleepers, simply freaks) (Tzetz. Chil 7.629-639).72 In as to theseGreek sources, Persians attempt expand their territoryand center are influence from the outward, they imagined to come into contact with to at people and landmarks rumored exist the edges of the earth. In no this respect, the Persians achieve something that Greek ever does. One of the features of the ends in unique of the earth, fact, and particularly of the is that Hyperborean land, theGreeks hear about these places and their from others.The occupants eschata, these peripheries of the physical world, are so as to are never distant be inaccessible; they visited by even themost accomplished Greek travelers. Aristeas of Prokonnesos went no further than the fromwhom he Issedones, heard about the one-eyed Arimasps are that the subject of his poem (Hdt. 4.13.1). Even Alexander theGreat, whose men complained that theywere pushed beyond the constellations, never actually reached theOcean in the east. The same is true in thewest, where the a Pillars of Herakles mark point of the earth past which men do not venture.73 The only figures to journey from Greece as far as the Hyperboreans or, for that matter, to the Ocean that borders the earth, are heroes and gods: Herakles, Perseus, Dionysos, and, of course, Apollo himself. But as their the come 70. For theblessed livesand posi empire continually expands, Persians do into tionsof at the of the contact with those exotic are peoples edges peoples and places that beyond the experience earth, the particularly Hyperboreans and the empirical knowledge of theGreeks. and share lives Ethiopians (who long It is in the of such Persian thatwe to un and with the spirit exploits might begin special relationships gods), derstand see what the Persians of the are in the distant north. Romm 1992, pp. 45-81. lekythos doing The scene, I a visual version of Persian 71. Briant 2002, pp. 142-146. hunting propose, represents imperial 72. See Romm interests.On the 1992, pp. 84-86. lekythos, the empire has swelled to include even the sacred 73. Romm 1992, 18. land of the p. Hyperboreans, the last point of earth before theOcean and the HALLIE 474 MALCOLM FRANKS

a so heavens begin. It is place distant that it is known to the Greeks only so as as through hearsay, and fabulous that the griffin is common there the or extreme deer the boar. In this northern country,Apollo isworshipped to above all other gods, and he comes, yearly, be among his favorite people. a The lekythos presents fiction, but it is Persian accomplishments?their very presence in this fabled, sacred land?and not the Persians themselves that are fictionalized.74

PERSIANS AS EXEMPLA

This imagined feat, inwhich Persians have arrived in the land of theHyper to boreans and have the audacity hunt the griffins there, presents intrigu ing implications for the Greek perception of imperial expansion. The sources cited above reveal the Classical concern with Persian interest in sources the edges of theworld; other suggest what happens when Persians attempt to expand their power into these places. A particularly illuminating to example isKing Cambyses' attempt conquer theMacrobian Ethiopians were (Hdt. 3.17-25). Before invading, Cambyses sent emissaries who not on out charged only with spying his enemies but also with finding of about the legendary Table of the Sun, from which all the Ethiopians were to feasted on meats that appeared daily, and that said be produced by the earth itself (3.18). These spies arrived before the Ethiopian king under the pretext that the Persians desired to become allies, and they a presented him with extravagant gifts?gold jewelry, purple-dyed robe, ruse. and myrrh, and wine. The king, however, intuited the He criticized no in his and rejected the gifts,which, except for thewine, had value land, were not desire land he rebuked Cambyses, saying that "ifhe just, he would men not other than his own, nor would he put into slavery who had done him wrong" (3.21). Thus insulted, Cambyses marched against Ethiopia, a no his leaving in such rush that he arranged provisions for army (3.25). insane and He was not in his rightmind, Herodotos says, but (e[i[iavr\q), even when what therewere he pushed continuously forward, provisions men were to resort to did he ran out. Only when his forced cannibalism turn back. one theme of ethnocen This episode is instance of theHerodotean a location in the center trism, inwhich nations perception of itsgeographic of the earth translates to an attitude of cultural superiority.75The Persians are Herodotos in that honor particularly guilty of this conceit, says, they

on the far reach of the also 74. As one of the anonymous kinds ofmen, king in thisgreat earth empire may if farand wide" Darius lists be in the of the reviewers of this article pointed out, (DNa 8-12). represented planning seized and ruled David Stronach has my readingof the lekythosis correct the countries that he palace grounds. that the at and the Persians have indeed ventured because of the favor of Ahuramazda; argued garden Pasargadae as as this scene offers a include and was divided into four sections, and that far Hyperborea, they Media, Babylonia, with Persian as well as and these have reflected rule remarkable parallel royal Assyria, Libya, Ethiopia, may Cyrus's In at various and he over the four corners or of the propaganda. his inscription Naqs Scythias (DNa 15-30), quarters assures the reader that the Persians world i-Rustam (trans. Kent 1953, pp. 137 (1990, pp. 174-176). far indeed from 75. Romm 54-55. 140),Darius proclaimshimself to be have "delivered battle 1992, pp. of "countries all Persia" This the king containing (DNa 30-47). emphasis HUNTING THE ESCHATA 475

to or foreign peoples in proportion their geographic closeness remoteness to Persia, so that those most distant are held in the least esteem (1.134). When this presumption fuels unduly ambitious imperial expansion, as in the story of Cambyses' invasion of Ethiopia, the result is disastrous for the as race offenders.While the Greeks know the Ethiopians the of blessed men who feastwith the gods, Cambyses is blinded by his perceived posi own tion of superiority and his hubristic determination. The Ethiopian king's possession of the miraculous Table of the Sun, his rejection of the Persians' gifts, and his personal rebuke of the Persian king (not tomention own serve to Cambyses' insanity) only exacerbate the situation. Cambyses even not invades, and the disastrous, tragic, result is only his military failure, but also the barbaric state towhich his men are reduced. one a This ill-fated Ethiopian expedition is only of series of instances in in own Herodotos which expansion for its sake is punished. The Lydian king Croesus's invasion of the Persian Empire ends with the destruction own of his great kingdom (1.73-86), and Cyrus's campaign against the not Massagetae ends only with his army's defeat, but also with his own violent death (1.201-214). There is also, of course, the Persian attempt, to under Xerxes, conquer Greece?the overarching subject of theHistories. The Xerxes of not Herodotos aspires simply to expand his territory,but to so conquer the world entirely, that the heavens of Zeus would be the to only boundaries his empire (7.8)?and one wonders whether he would even stop there.76Herodotos's perception ofXerxes' aspirations is echoed by Aischines, who says that the Great King considered himself the ruler men to of all "from the rising the setting of the sun" (In Ctes. 1.132), an thatwould expanse encompass, inGreek geographical terms, all the lands to fromOcean Ocean, eschata to eschata, and, indeed, up to the very heav ens.77The of presumptuous pride the Persian king is also, and famously, the theme of an Aeschylus's tragedy The Persians, in which impetuous Xerxes leads his armies all "against the earth" (73-80). Like Cambyses before him, Xerxes disregards the natural limits of his power, and attacks like he too is Greece; Cambyses, punished with defeat. In requital for his the a at hubris, gods bring him lowwith devastating loss the hands of the even Greeks, ifhis empire remains intact (800-844).78 resonate a These episodes with later tradition inwhich rulers of great seek theNile's like empires source,which, theMacrobian and Hyperborean at lands, ishidden themysterious and unreachable ends of the earth.These are legendary quests described inLucan's Bellum Civile. In book 10 of the at a held Caesar entreats poem, banquet by Cleopatra, the Egyptian priest Acoreus to tell him the mysteries of the Nile, in the hope that he might discover the sources of the river. great Acoreus agrees, touching firston the of the heavens over the power flooding and ebbing of the river before

76. Redfield 1985, p. 113. righting Alexander, with the unstable nizes in these kinds of accounts a 77. See Xerxes. See n. Tuplin 1996, p. 154, fordis above, 74, for possible "fundamental Greek law" to which cussion of the use of "the Great between Greek of the Persians of are King" parallels perceptions literature particu in Greek sources to elide the identities Persian aspirations and Persian propa larlysubject. According to this law, of individualPersian in inwhich kings.As this ganda, such expansion stands extensive wealth breeds unwarranted case, this elision allows for the identifi as evidence for divine favor. pride, and thispride isultimately cation of Darius who was then 78.Hall III, (1989, pp. 69-70) recog punished by thegods. HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS 476

an turning to account of those kings who have previously and recklessly sought theNile springs (10.268-285). Each of these kings?the Egyptian we Sesotris, the Persian Cambyses (whom have encountered already in Herodotos), and theMacedonian Alexander theGreat?was unsuccessful no in this quest; race, the priest cautions, will glory in the possession of the a Nile. The failures of these kings impart lesson: knowledge of the springs of the Nile is the object of uncontrolled ambition and is sought by those who hunger for the personal glory that such conquest bestows.79 For James a Romm, this passage in Lucan implies distinction between expansion carried out for the benefit of society at large, and the kind of expansion undertaken by these kings for the sake of self-aggrandizement.80 Such imperial ambition, fueled by delusion and the desire for personal glory, is, a vaesanus Lucan hints, kind of insanity; Cambyses ismad, (10.279-280), vaesana and Alexander is earlier called proles Philippi (10.20). Acoreus's a story also serves as cautionary tale forCaesar, warning that he, like those before him, will fail ifhe undertakes this quest.81 serve as a For Lucan, then, the failures of these kings warning for those who seek to possess the secrets and wonders of a distant land, and Herodotos s earlier stories of Persian invasions have a similar lesson. In this respect, these stories of disastrous conquests share certain featureswith the genre of fable.82A fable can take various forms, but its defining feature is as an as a or as a that it functions exemplum, either positive model caution that exposes the negative consequences of inappropriate behavior.83 For the an Greeks, the Persians are an ideal agent to communicate such exemplum, are since come since they both familiar and foreign, and they frequently are of the into contact with people and places that beyond the experience a Greeks themselves. Even in antiquity, in fact, similarity between Herodo known was acknowl tos's techniques and those ofAesop, the best fabulist, use of and edged: Plutarch compares the barbarians?Scythians, Persians, to use crows and Egyptians?in theHistories Aesop's famous of monkeys = as the characters for his fables (De malign. Herod. 40 871D).84

152-156. as to the ancient see to the 1st B.c. or the 1st cen 79. See Romm 1992, pp. applied world, century was for the 3-37. consider calls a fable a and he This topic relevant, too, Dijk 1997, pp. Many tury a.d., mythos, sent to identifies it as a fictitious that is current emperor, Nero, who also thedefining trait of thefable be that story an to find the sources of it functions as a lesson. See similar to expedition moralizing reality (eiKovi^cov &Xf|0?ioev) ex xi For discussion of these theNile: inPliny the expedition is Janssens 1955; Blackham 1985, pp. (Prog. 3). in a reconnaissance for the fable as see plained as, part, xxiv, 135-137, represen sources, Dijk 1997, pp. 71-78, to invasion of a 376-380. mission prior the tativeof "generaltruth"; Dijk 1997, Romm where Ethiopia (iW6.35.181). pp. 112-115,206; Carnes 2000, pp. 49 84. See 1992, p. 77, or alle he discusses this in the 80. Romm 1992, p. 155. 50. Others recognize metaphor comparison as a context of "distance" in 81. Ferrari 1999, p. 385. gory component of fable; see, e.g., (geographic 82. See Adrados 1999, p. 401,who Perry 1936;Nojgaard 1964-1967; Herodotos and taxonomic inAesop) as a means of "satiric inver describes Herodotos s "abundance of Todorov 1973, p. 64. Ancient defini producing or are in deline sion." A recent has anecdotes, either purely novellesque tionsof fable of littlehelp study investigated of which in a certain the Aristotle calls it a influence on other by way exempla, ating type. logos, Aesop's literary serves as an see Kurke 2006 for the sense are the same as fables." or story, that illustrative genres: impact the tradition on Plato's 83.The genre of fable is notoriously rhetorical tool to be used in persuasive of Aesopic an characterization of Socrates. difficult to define. For extensive argumentation (Rh. 2.20);Theon, dates summary of modern definitions of fable whose Progymnasmata probably HUNTING THE ESCHATA 477

as In Herodotos, inLucan, Persian kings transgress the earth's natural boundaries (both conceptual and literal) for the sake of personal glory, and, as in a fable, such a violation is rewarded with failure at best, and at worst, destruction.85 But those Persians were not Herodotos's audience; his Persian tales are intended forGreek ears. Once the Persians were rebuffed in the firstdecades of the 5th century,Greece grew into its own moment an of greatness, accompanied by undercurrent of invincibility.Using the Persians like the animals of fables, Herodotos admonishes theGreeks, in moment success their of greatest and prosperity, not to repeat the hubristic recklessness that ultimately brought about the defeat of the great eastern

empire.86

CONCLUSION

Where does this leave the Xenophantos lekythos and its Persians, who have ventured to the northernmost part of the world? While there is a hint of Persian expeditions to the north from Diodoros, who mentions encounter Cyrus's with the Arimaspians, Herodotos does not include a to or Hyperborean pendant Cambyses' Ethiopian expedition to Skylax's exploratory voyage around theArabian waterways. But a Persian conquest in the or even a north (including culminating in griffin hunt) may have in as a circulated popular knowledge part of larger tradition or genre of tales, incorporated by Herodotos, and later by Lucan, that use Persian be havior to illustrate and caution against overreaching ambition.We might consider the scene on as the lekythos, therefore, the representation ofwhat have been a as more may specific story, well as, broadly, the visual expres sion a of familiar exemplum, the purpose of which is to convey a certain moral lesson. Here on the lekythos, the imperial ambition against which Herodotos so on consistently cautions is put display. These Persians, like those of Herodotos, have come to a land that is not but that as an just mythical, is, the Greeks recognize, exceptional and sacred The the a place. Hyperboreans, like Macrobian Ethiopians, are pi ous race that a with a enjoys special relationship the Olympian gods and of life unlike of races. quality that other Part of the special nature of the of the is its country Hyperboreans inaccessibility and its remoteness from it is a for worldly strife; sanctuary Apollo away from the profanity of the rest of the as in is a world, just Ethiopia, Homer, kind of holiday destina tion for other Olympians.

85. 1987, and the Persians cross the as a "critical Flory pp. 81-118, esp. Persians, edy providing analogy" for p. 89. As out, these boun the the and the Athens' Flory points Araxes, Nile, Ister, international politics. In the are daries not but in their in case of The is simply conceptual, Hellespont respective (and, Persians, scholarship di are also marked in the each they explicitly case, unsuccessful) invasions of the vided on thequestion ofwhether this of the earth. In each case in the the is a geography Massagetae, Ethiopians, Scyth arrogance trait peculiar to barbar Herodotos when an attacks ians, and the Greeks. or one to which the "aggressor" ians, Greeks might a he violates a boun 86. Redfield "savage," physical 1985, p. 115. See also equallybe subject; seeHall 1989, a river: Croesus dary represented by Tuplin 1996, pp. 142-145, who dis pp. 69-72, for discussion. crosses the to Halys River invade the cusses the role of Persia inGreek com 4/8 HALLIE MALCOLM FRANKS

The Persians of Herodotos are blinded to the nature of these sacred own sense places and their inhabitants by their of ethnocentric superiority, and it is this arrogance that drives them to the extremes of both conquest no on and rationality.87As such, it is small detail that the Persians the on to lekythos perform theirhunt sacred land.The hunting of beasts special a to Apollo within sanctuary that god reflects the Persian arrogance that is so nature palpable inHerodotos; in addition, their disregard for the sacred of this space may recall Persian mistreatment of another sanctuary?the sack success of the Athenian Acropolis.88 Indeed, while the Persian in reach seem to ing the land of theHyperboreans may put them in the company in of the gods and heroes who travel there, their very presence this space is a foregrounds the Persian transgression of natural boundaries: this place are not to where Persians supposed be.89 a we at a new Seen though such lens, arrive understanding of the unique scene on as theXenophantos lekythos.Using the Persians paradigms, the a means lekythos presents distinctive and sophisticated of visual communi cation that draws from traditions of the kind preserved inHerodotos, Greek an attitudes toward imperial ambition, and imagined world geography. The which hunting scene, I believe, illustrates Persian territorial aspirations, extend to the very limits and most extreme places of theworld, and which, as must unfulfilled. the product of hubristic ambition, ultimately go

a cer 87. Romm 1992, pp. 54-55. and the viewers familiarity with or so 88. One of the anonymous reviewers tain narrative narrative structure, connec that a scene has the to of this article suggested this single ability tion. prompt an entire story. Their "come how ifwe follow this of 89. One might reasonably ask uppance" is, way or the "come foreshadowed this where in the lekythos thinking, by very or the ultimate of scene?the Persians' in this uppance," failure, presence even more their the Persians is illustrated. My reading, land and, so, inappro scenes in vase hunt of beasts on like the reading of many priate Apollo's special on both the artist's his sacred painting, depends ground. HUNTING THE ESCHATA 479

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Halite Malcolm Franks

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