4 74 December 2015 Architects from Social- ist Countries in (1957–67)

Figure 1 Vic Adegbite (chief architect), Jacek Chyrosz (design architect), Stanisław Rymaszewski (design architect), International Trade Fair, , 1967 (photo by Jacek Chyrosz, 1967; Jacek Chyrosz Archive, Warsaw; courtesy of Jacek Chyrosz).

This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Architects from Socialist Countries in Ghana (1957– 67): and Mondialisation

łukasz stanek University of Manchester

hen seen from Labadi Road, the buildings of were employed by the GNCC on a contract with Polservice, Accra’s International Trade Fair (ITF) appear the so-called central agency of foreign trade, which mediated W among abandoned billboards, scarce trees that the export of labor from socialist Poland.4 At the GNCC, offer shade to resting taxi drivers, and tables where coconuts, they worked together with Ghanaian architects and foreign bottled water, sweets, and telephone cards are sold next to the professionals, many from socialist countries. road.1 The buildings neighbor the La settlement, where streets This collaboration reflected the alliance of Nkrumah’s meander between houses, shops, bars, schools, and shrines, government with socialist countries, which was demon- while on the other side of Labadi Road, at the seashore, a luxuri- strated at the fair by the exhibitions of Czechoslovakia, the ous housing estate is under construction next to upscale hotels German Democratic Republic (GDR), Hungary, and Poland that overlook Labadi Beach. , Ghana’s leader (Figure 3). At the same time, the Ankrah administration used after the country achieved independence (1957), initiated the the fair to facilitate Ghana’s reopening toward the West. fair as a prestige project, but it was opened on 1 February 1967 Hence, the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China by Joseph Arthur Ankrah, the chairman of the National (PRC), two allies of Nkrumah, were absent.5 By con- Liberation Council, who led the putsch that toppled Nkrumah trast, the two pavilions not to be overlooked were those of in 1966 (Figure 1).2 Once conveying a sense of radical moder- Great Britain, Ghana’s former colonial ruler and its main nity, the buildings have suffered from underinvestment and trade partner, and the United States, which granted Ghana insufficient maintenance, but most of them are still in use, loans for its many infrastructural projects in the 1960s, in rented for exhibitions that take place every few months, for particular the Akosombo Dam, financed jointly with the political rallies, and for religious services (Figure 2).3 and the World Bank. was represented From 1962 to 1967, the Ghana National Construction as a member of the Commonwealth rather than as a member Corporation (GNCC), the state office charged with design, of the Non-Aligned Movement, since Nkrumah’s attempt to construction, and maintenance of governmental buildings position Ghana among Egypt, India, and Yugoslavia as one and infrastructure in Nkrumah’s Ghana, designed and con- of the leading nations of the movement was abandoned after structed the ITF. The designers of the fair were two young the change of the regime. Collaboration among African architects from socialist Poland, Jacek Chyrosz and Stanisław countries was particularly favored, not as a way of carrying Rymaszewski, who worked with the Ghanaian Victor (Vic) on Nkrumah’s vision of pan-African union but with a more Adegbite, the chief architect. Chyrosz and Rymaszewski modest aim, that of the stimulation of trade among African countries. Displays representing African countries were gathered in the round Africa Pavilion at the end of the ramp Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 4 (December 2015), 416–442. ISSN 0037-9808, electronic ISSN 2150-5926. © 2015 by the Society through which visitors entered the fair, before they moved of ­Architectural Histo­rians. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for on to Pavilion A (the “Made in Ghana” pavilion) and the permission to photocopy or reproduce ­article content through the University of pavilions rented to other countries and Ghanaian state firms. ­California Press’s Reprints and Permissions web page, http://www.ucpress.edu/ journals.php?p=reprints, or via email: [email protected]. DOI: 10.1525/ Launched by Nkrumah’s regime and “adjusted” by the jsah.2015.74.4.416. National Liberation Council to the new geopolitical

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions constellation of Ghana, the design, construction, operation, and composition of the fair reflected the broad international relations of Ghana in the 1960s and the variety of global networks in which the nation was enmeshed: U.S.-based Bretton Woods institutions, development aid from the Brit- ish Commonwealth, technical assistance programs of social- ist countries, collaboration within the Non-Aligned Movement, and support programs operated by the United Nations.6 The fair was but one among several hundred build- ings designed and constructed by the GNCC that combined resources circulating in these worldwide networks with those made available by means of local and regional ones. In this sense, the architectural production of the GNCC may be seen as a part of the process through which modern architecture was becoming the worldwide technocultural dispositif of planetary urbanization after World War II.7 Architectural historians have identified several conduits of exchanges that contributed to the postwar mobilities of mod- ern architecture—conduits not always easily distinguished from one another: colonial and postcolonial links, networks set up by the United States and Western European countries in response to the perceived Soviet threat, international insti- tutions such as the United Nations and its agencies, and eco- nomic globalization.8 This article complements that work by addressing networks among socialist countries, a topic that until recently has been almost completely absent from the Figure 2 Vic Adegbite (chief architect), Jacek Chyrosz (design historiography of modern architecture outside Europe.9 My architect), Stanisław Rymaszewski (design architect), Pavilion A discussion of these networks is based on materials housed in (“Made in Ghana” pavilion), International Trade Fair, Accra, 1967 the archives of Ghanaian institutions in Accra, as well as in (author’s photo, 2012). public and private archives in Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, and Poland, complemented by collections in the United Kingdom and the United States. Particularly important mass movements, ecological threats on a planetary scale, the sources in this research have been the Ghanaian daily jour- tendency toward complete urbanization, and the “urban nals published between 1957 and 1967, which I have reviewed problematic” as the stake, site, and discourse of political proj- day by day in order to contextualize the ITF within the over- ects. These forces contribute to the “worldwide experience” all building activities that took place under Nkrumah. by conveying often competing ways of becoming worldly, In this article I describe the architecture constructed and, alternative visions of the world as a whole, its plural imagina- often, designed by the GNCC by making use of resources tions, and alternative ways of “practicing” the world, the from the competing networks of worldwide cooperation and world as an abstraction becoming “true in practice.”11 solidarity that intersected in Nkrumah’s Ghana. In order to Mondialisation is hence not so much opposed to globalization; stress the multiplicity of these networks and the antagonisms rather, the U.S.-backed, global spread of economic and polit- between them, I prefer to speak about the mondialisation of ical phenomena known to English-language readers since architecture rather than about its “globalization.” This dis- the 1970s as “globalization” is to be seen as just one among tinction has been developed by several authors, including many possibilities of mondialisation. Socialist internationalism Henri Lefebvre and, more recently, Jean-Luc Nancy.10 For and the Non-Aligned Movement, with their anti-imperialist these authors, the worldwide (le mondial) is less an accom- and antiracist discourse, were other such possibilities. plished process and more a horizon of practice, an experi- In what follows I will offer a glimpse into the articulation ence, a project. As Lefebvre argued, the emergence of the of these mondialisation dynamics in the GNCC architectural world as a dimension of practice, which he called mondialisa- production. This requires addressing networks of architec- tion, was facilitated by the growing strength of various forces: tural expertise beyond the metropolitan model of dissemina- the world market, worldwide transportation and communi- tion, which is still dominant in the historiography of postwar cation technology, transnational political associations, global modern architecture outside Europe and the United States.

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 3 International Trade Fair project, aerial-view drawing, 1965 (Jacek Chyrosz Archive, Warsaw; courtesy of Jacek Chyrosz).

Much of this research has focused on so-called tropical archi- popular and professional press, this production needs to be tecture, the self-assigned name of a network of architects and seen as an assemblage and allocation of resources from com- urban planners operating within the British late colonial and peting networks intersecting in Ghana. These resources Commonwealth context, who exerted a particularly impor- included labor (intellectual and manual), building materials, tant influence in the West African colonies: Gold Coast (later construction technologies, technical details, images and dis- Ghana), , Sierra Leone, and Gambia.12 Like similar courses, building norms and standards, and principles of programs carried out by French, Belgian, and Portuguese design. The admission of these resources to Ghana and their colonial governments after World War II, British tropical transfers between particular networks were regulated by spe- architecture aimed at adapting the principles of modern cific entrance protocols and gatekeeping procedures, such as architecture according to local specificities outside Europe.13 precredited contracts, technical assistance programs, and On one hand, as a technological phenomenon, tropical free market agreements, but also by cultural hierarchies and architecture has been analyzed by historians as a transfer of competing scenarios of modernization supported by various norms, standards, and technical details from the colonial international experts advising the Ghanaian authorities.16 By capital to the peripheries. Influenced by science and technol- addressing the protocols that granted or blocked the entrance ogy studies (STS), this research has focused on the labor of of particular resources to particular networks, this article stabilization and reproduction of networks in which those captures both sides of the mondialisation dynamics of the “immutable mobiles” or “global forms” circulated between architectural production of the GNCC: the mobilization and the metropolis and the colonies and, later, countries of the appropriation of resources from the global networks operat- British Commonwealth.14 On the other hand, as a cultural ing in Ghana and the antagonisms between those networks. phenomenon, tropical architecture has been understood as a I will begin with an overview of the intersecting networks, mode of dissemination of modern architecture aimed at nor- the resources that circulated within them, and their entrance malizing the relationship between the colonies and the conditions to Ghana. In the second part of this article I will metropolis. In these accounts, tropical architecture has been show how these resources were deployed in the GNCC’s theorized as a variation of metropolitan , modi- architectural production and instrumentalized within the fied according to local climatic, technological, and social modernization processes pursued by the regime. I will argue conditions and reproduced in the postindependence period.15 that this instrumentality took the form of the redistribution Neither side of this metropolitan model of architectural of everyday places and times according to categories convey- dissemination helps us to understand the building produc- ing the postcolonial modernization project, such as the tion by the GNCC. While architects from Bulgaria, Hungary, “modern” division of labor and new socioeconomic hierar- Poland, and Yugoslavia considered their designs at the GNCC chies. Yet, while in the Ghanaian press the GNCC architec- as a continuation of their previous projects back home, the tural production appears as seamlessly combining resources architecture of the GNCC cannot be reduced to a sum of from competing networks within the idiom of modern archi- European “modernisms.” Headed by Ghanaians with inter- tecture, the focus on one particular resource—architectural national education and experience, responding to the tech- labor—reveals the antagonisms between these networks. nopolitical road map of modernization taken by the In the third part of this article I will show how these antago- authorities, and accompanied by a self-aware discourse in the nisms were articulated in the architectural production

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions in Ghana.17 The GNCC designers from socialist countries, internationalization of Ghanaian architecture. A graduate of including the architects of the ITF, aspired to international the architectural school at Howard University in Washing- architectural culture, but in the face of the accelerating eco- ton, D.C., Adegbite received a UN fellowship to specialize in nomic competition with British architects and Ghanaians housing design at the Inter-American Housing Center in educated in the West, their claim to this shared culture was Bogotá, Colombia, and traveled to study housing programs challenged. This challenge was formulated in the Cold War in Jamaica and Puerto Rico. He returned to Ghana in 1956, discourse about the West’s cultural superiority over the and, as the head of the Ghana Housing Corporation, he was “East.” In the article’s final section, I will show how, in responsible for such prominent designs as the Ghana Farm- response, architects from socialist countries legitimated their ers’ Office (1960) and the headquarters of the Convention work in by pointing at their experience of both People’s Party (CPP, 1960), the party headed by Nkrumah.23 state-led postwar modernization in Eastern Europe and While most Ghanaian architects taking up leadership posi- Eastern European architectural culture since the late nine- tions in the early 1960s were educated in the United King- teenth century, with its contributions to nation-building dom and the United States, by the mid-1960s they were processes and its ambiguous experience of “colonization.” joined by Ghanaians trained in the Soviet Union, such as A. W. Charaway and E. G. A. Don Arthur.24 This process was a gradual one, however, and in the first Networks of Architectural Resources years after independence the PWD and the GNCC depended in Nkrumah’s Ghana heavily on a foreign workforce. Until the early 1960s, smaller The Ghana National Construction Company, the predeces- buildings were designed and constructed by the PWD/ sor of the Ghana National Construction Corporation, was GNCC, while more prestigious and singular buildings were created in 1958 as a joint venture between the government- designed by British architects based in Accra or abroad and owned Industrial Development Corporation (60 percent) executed by the PWD/GNCC. Several of these architects and the Israel Construction Company–Solel Boneh (40 per- subscribed to the principles of tropical architecture, repre- cent). Established one year after Gold Coast declared inde- sented in West Africa by buildings by and Jane pendence from the United Kingdom under the ancient name Drew, the Architects Co-Partnership, James Cubitt, John of Ghana, the company was responsible for the construction Godwin and Gillian Hopwood, and Kenneth Scott. Launched of buildings and infrastructure within governmental pro- by colonial administrations in the 1940s, tropical architecture grams of economic and social modernization.18 In 1962 it came to be presented by its protagonists in the next two was nationalized and merged with the former colonial Public decades as an international community of professionals who Works Department (PWD) to create the GNCC.19 This offered their services to the new independent states. Along genealogy resulted in continuity between the activities of the these lines, many of the Accra-based proponents of tropical GNCC and the colonial PWD. The transfer of expertise was architecture were active in Ghana after independence, includ- conveyed by specifications, technical papers, and handbooks ing Kenneth Scott, who designed the Stadium (1958), published since the early twentieth century by PWD the Korle Bu Hospital and its numerous extensions in the branches in West Africa; guidelines published by various 1960s, and the Volta River Authority building in Tema Ghanaian ministries; and such manuals as Village Housing in (1964).25 The National Archives Building in Accra, designed the Tropics (1947) by Jane Drew and Maxwell Fry.20 They in 1959 by Nickson, Borys & Partners (Figure 4), was added provided recommendations about architectural typologies to the National Museum designed by Fry, Drew, Drake & and urban layouts, some information about vernacular hous- Lasdun (1957).26 Drew and Fry continued to participate in ing types in British West Africa, pragmatic solutions for discussions on the future of Ghanaian cities during the 1960s issues of hygiene and transportation, suggestions for ways of and designed a number of housing projects, as did the Archi- handling local and imported materials in the climatic and tects Co-Partnership and Miles Danby. Many of these struc- social conditions in question, and typical details. These pub- tures were built in Kumasi, where the campus of the Kwame lications were available to and used by architects working in Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) the postindependence PWD and GNCC in Accra.21 became a major building site for British architects.27 Gerlach The continuity between the colonial and the postindepen- & Gillies-Reynburn, as well as Barnes, Hubbard & Arundel, dence planning institutions in Ghana was also a personal one, worked on numerous buildings for educational institutions, and it was targeted by the policy of Africanization launched by while A. Gilmour designed several carefully detailed private the government.22 Following independence, supervising posi- bungalows whose wooden frames offered an alternative to the tions were increasingly assumed by Ghanaians, including concrete structures of Scott’s Accra villas.28 Kojo Gyinaye Kyei, A. K. Amartey, O. T. Agyeman, and Vic British contractors continued to play an important role Adegbite. Adegbite’s biography itself reveals the in Ghanaian architecture after independence. In the 1960s

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 4 Nickson, Borys & Partners, National Archives Building, Accra, designed in 1959 (author’s photo, 2012).

Taylor Woodrow continued commissioning British architec- for Accra Airport was underwritten by the French govern- tural and engineering firms, including and Part- ment and constructed in the mid-1960s by French compa- ners, which opened offices in West and South Africa during nies according to a design by Pierre Dufau.32 Dutch engineers the 1950s, and George Paton, the designer of the landmark were working at the Korle Bu estate projects as well as at the Ambassador Hotel in Accra and its subsequent extensions.29 ITF, and shortly after the end of Nkrumah’s regime, the In the course of the early 1960s, the GNCC increasingly West German Trade Union Organization was contracted to kept design commissions for itself, and the International build houses for workers in Accra.33 At that time, Ghana Trade Fair was a case in point. British professionals still received a significant group of African American profession- played an important role in the design of the fair, however; als, including the architect Max Bond, who was employed at they included R. H. C. Hammond, a Commonwealth expert the GNCC, where he designed the celebrated Bolgatanga in exhibition design, who was commissioned to draft the Library (1965) and delivered several other designs for Accra, functional program of the fair. Also, most of the construction such as the Studio and Practice Hall for the National Orches- materials for the fair—from louver windows and the alumi- tra (1964).34 Following the first contract (1961) between the num sheets for the round roof of the Africa Pavilion to the Greek firm Doxiadis Associates and the Ghanaian Ministry fountain at the ITF grounds and fittings for particular pavil- of Works and Housing, the largest external commission of ions—were shipped from Britain. the period, the design of the master plan of the new town of From the beginning of the 1960s, construction activities Tema, went to Doxiadis, which was also commissioned to in Ghana were supported by a number of bilateral agree- design the large commercial area in Central Accra, a project ments between Ghana and the countries of the British Com- never realized.35 monwealth, in particular Canada, which provided materials, It was only after the experience of international isolation design, equipment, and training staff for Accra’s Technical during the Congo crisis (1960) and after Western funding for Training College.30 Architects from Italy and France were the Akosombo Dam was secured (1961) that Nkrumah also increasingly present in Ghana based on credit agree- decided to formalize the opening of Ghana toward socialist ments with these countries.31 For example, the new terminal countries. This coincided with Soviet leader Nikita

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Khrushchev’s policy of supporting newly independent states Accra was designed as part of the Korle Lagoon Develop- in opposition to the United States and its allies. Together ment Project, which also included a cultural and amusement with Guinea and Mali, Ghana became a testing ground for center, a sports center, public beaches, and the spectacular the Soviet policy in West Africa, which took the form of African Unity Tower.46 economic rivalry and the dissemination of propaganda.36 Critical of the “uneven quality” of the Eastern bloc tech- The circulation of Soviet printed materials was followed nical assistance to Guinea, Ghanaian officials raised doubts by the establishment of field bureaus for the chief Soviet about the actual gains of such projects for the recipient information agencies and newspapers, and by the granting of countries.47 Delivered by teams working abroad, at best fellowships for Africans to study in the Soviet Union.37 on the basis of short visits to Accra, the plans for such Under Nkrumah, architectural examples from socialist projects as the Korle Lagoon scheme were created without countries were often more visible to the general public in sufficient knowledge of local technical, financial, and orga- Ghana than those from the West, since the press presented nizational constraints. That is why this project was shelved; images of newly constructed public buildings and housing the same was the case with the seashore development in Cen- neighborhoods in Beijing, Shanghai, Moscow, Leningrad, tral Accra, delivered by the Bulgarian state firm Rostov-on-Don, Budapest, Warsaw, Constanta, and East Technoexportstroy.48 Berlin, as well as “socialist” new towns Dunaújváros in The real impact on the development of Accra was made Hungary and Nowa Huta in Poland, which Nkrumah visited by those architects from socialist countries who were in 1961.38 In the course of the 1960s, the Ghanaian authori- employed by the PWD, and later by the GNCC. Among ties were increasingly susceptible to the influence of socialist, them was Charles Polónyi, the Hungarian member of Team and sometimes specifically Soviet, models of development in 10, who worked at the GNCC in 1963–64 on a contract key sectors, in particular agriculture, industry, and social ser- with TESCO, the International Organization for Technical- vices.39 Besides the attractiveness of the model of fast-track, Scientific Cooperation, which managed the export of intel- state-led urbanization by industrialization, members of the lectual labor from socialist Hungary.49 Polónyi designed the government in Accra stressed that “modern scientific social- Flagstaff House housing project (1964) (Figure 5) and other ism” was suitable for Ghana because it would allow the pres- housing projects in Accra, industrial facilities in Accra ervation of the principles and ideals of the traditional and Tema, and numerous proposals for the Osu Castle, or communalistic society.40 Christiansborg, the seat of the government.50 In 1964 he left The opening of the Soviet embassy in Accra (1959) and to join the architectural faculty of KNUST in Kumasi, an the Ghanaian embassy in Moscow (1960) preceded Ghana’s international group of teachers that included the Czech establishment of relations with socialist countries in Eastern architect Jan Skokánek as well as the Yugoslav (Croatian) Europe and the PRC, and it was in Accra that the Chinese architects Miro Marasovi , Berislav Kalogjera, and Nebojsa prime minister Zhou Enlai announced in 1964 the “Eight Weiner and the engineer Zvonimir Žagar. They made sig- Principles” that were to define PRC aid to Africa in the nificant contributions to modern architecture in Ghana, decades to come.41 Soon to follow were treaties of economic both through their teaching and through the projects they aid and technical assistance, all registered by the U.S. designed as employees of the Development Office (later the embassy in Accra with growing unease.42 Most contracts Architect’s Office) of KNUST (Figure 6).51 Another teacher signed between Ghana and socialist countries concerned the at Kumasi was the Croatian architect and sculptor Niksa construction of precredited industrial facilities, including Ciko, who came to Accra in 1960 and was employed by the cement factories and steel rolling mills that furnished the PWD until 1962, contributing to the design of Police Head- basis for the Ghanaian construction industry.43 The GNCC quarters in Accra (1962), among other projects.52 During the realized health, transport, and industrial facilities according 1960s, the PWD/GNCC employed also at least four Bulgar- to designs delivered by Czechoslovakia, the GDR, Hungary, ian architects on contracts with Technoexportstroy. They and Poland, and these countries sent specialists to supervise were responsible for governmental buildings in Accra and the construction of the buildings.44 Contracts for architec- other cities; among them was Ivan Naidenovitch, superin- tural and planning projects were signed as well, and in June tendent architect for schools.53 1961 Ghana and the Soviet Union agreed that nine Soviet Yet the largest group of foreign architects at the GNCC architects and engineers would be sent to Ghana to design during the 1960s, at least twenty-six architects, came from residential areas for Accra (for 25,000 people) and Tema (for socialist Poland.54 Engineers and technicians in a separate 15,000 people). The project for the housing district in Accra group were responsible for construction drawings and the adapted the Soviet typology of the mikrorayon, or microdis- supervision of construction sites—seven Polish engineers trict, to the tropical climate, with a layout that took advan- worked on the ITF project alone, and Polish foremen were tage of the wind from the ocean.45 The residential area in employed to train Ghanaian workers.55 On top of this, at

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 5 Vic Adegbite (chief architect), Charles Polónyi (design architect), Flagstaff House housing project, Accra, 1964 (author’s photo, 2012).

Figure 6 Students participating in the course “Structures and Structural Design” taught by Zvonimir Žagar, School of Architecture, Town Planning and Building, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana, 1965 (photo by Zvonimir Žagar; Zvonimir Žagar Archive, Zagreb; courtesy of Zvonimir Žagar).

least five Polish architects and planners were working at the number of health care facilities (Figure 9), Jakub Kotli ski Town and Country Planning Department (TCPD).56 Besides was the superintendent architect responsible for hospitals, Chyrosz and Rymaszewski, the group of Polish architects at and Kazimierz Sierakowski was the superintendent architect the PWD/GNCC included Witold Wojczy ski and Jan for police stations.59 Dru y ski, the designers of the Job 600, which consisted of Among the thirty-one Polish architects and planners the Banqueting Hall and the Conference Hall (1965) and the working for the PWD, GNCC, and TCPD in the 1960s, renovation of the State House with a hotel slab serving as its eight were women; this reflected the high status of female background (1965) (Figures 7 and 8).57 The complex was one architects in Poland since the interwar period and the career of the most visible projects carried out under Nkrumah—and opportunities open to expatriate professional women in the most notorious, constructed for the 1965 Organization 1960s Ghana.60 The Polish sculptor Alina lesi ska was of African Unity (OAU) summit at a time when Nkrumah’s invited to Ghana, and her design for the monument for economic policies were bringing about food shortages in the Kwame Nkrumah was realized on the grounds of the Ideo- country.58 Jan Laube designed numerous educational facili- logical Institute in Winneba.61 Hannah Schreckenbach, an ties in Accra, Jarosław Nowosadski was responsible for a émigré from the GDR who studied in Karlsruhe and

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 7 Vic Adegbite (chief architect), Jan Dru y ski (design architect), State House Complex (Job 600), Accra, 1965 (photographer unknown; Witold Wojczy ski Archive, Warsaw; courtesy of Witold Wojczy ski).

Figure 8 Vic Adegbite (chief architect), Witold Wojczy ski (design architect), Banqueting Hall and Hotel at the State House Complex (Job 600), Accra, 1965 (photographer unknown; Witold Wojczy ski Archive, Warsaw; courtesy of Witold Wojczy ski).

London, became superintendent architect at the GNCC and including KNUST, which became a site of exchanges was responsible for a large number of prominent projects, between Ghanaian, American, British, and West German including the extensions of the Parliament House in the architects and their fellow professionals from Hungary, 1970s.62 Poland, and Yugoslavia. The geodesic KNUST pavilion at With architects from Ghana, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, the ITF, built by Ghanaian students of Buckminster Fuller and Yugoslavia at the GNCC (joined by professionals from when he was a visiting professor at the university, resulted West Germany, the United States, the Philippines, and from such contacts. Several architects crossed Cold War India),63 the corporation contributed to the cosmopolitan divisions, including Charles Polónyi, invited to join KNUST milieu of architects in Nkrumah’s Ghana. There were a lim- by the dean John Lloyd (1964), who was aware of Polónyi’s ited number of places where these architects could meet, activities as a member of Team 10.64 To both worlds belonged

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 9 Jarosław Nowosadski, Tuberculosis Sanatorium, Legon, Ghana, 1969 (SARP Archive, Warsaw, dossier 623; courtesy of SARP Archive, Warsaw).

also those émigrés from Poland who settled down in the reproduced in the GNCC’s architectural production. A par- United Kingdom during or after World War II, came to ticularly useful source for this task is the Ghanaian daily Gold Coast as colonial officials, and stayed in Accra after press, including such publications as the Evening News 1957; they included Eligiusz Daszkiewicz, a graduate of the (founded by Nkrumah in 1948 as Accra Evening News), the Polish School of Architecture opened in Liverpool during official newspaper of the CPP and always at the forefront of the war, and Olgierd Wojciechowski, who worked at the the ideological battle; the Daily Graphic (established in 1950); PWD and later the GNCC as chief architect under the nick- and the Ghanaian Times (founded in 1958). Almost every day, name Ludlam.65 A small number of expatriate architects at these newspapers presented photographs of buildings by the the GNCC cooperated with private firms in Accra; this was GNCC, and the accompanying texts suggested to readers the case with Hannah Schreckenbach.66 how to speak about these new structures, how to look at them, how to use them, and how to be at home in them. In this sense the press participated in the processes of spatio- The GNCC and the Modernization of Ghana temporal redistribution of the new Ghanaian society rather The preceding overview shows the variety of the worldwide than simply informing about those processes.68 networks that were conveying resources for space production The architectural production of the GNCC was far from in Ghana, resources that the GNCC combined with others, homogeneous, as was captured in the headline on a 1961 provided through local and regional networks, before assem- article in the Daily Graphic: “Modern Buildings Are Simple bling and allocating them. This agency of the GNCC was at in Form—but Old Designs Are Still in Use.”69 The “old the heart of Ghana’s modernization processes, which designs” were typically constructed by local communities by included industrialization, collectivization of agriculture, and means of self-help and voluntary contributions, often with the creation of programs of welfare provision (health, educa- some financial support from the government. Many of them tion, housing) and programs of support for national culture were designed according to colonial typologies and built with and heritage.67 I suggest conceptualizing this agency of the local materials in resettlement villages at the time of the con- GNCC as an attempt to unify the times and places of the struction of the Akosombo Dam.70 In schools constructed by Ghanaian society divided according to colonial, “tribal,” and the GNCC, pitched roofs and verandas were sometimes ethnic categories and to redistribute them according to the combined with expressive elements in reinforced concrete, postindependence socioeconomic order and the “modern” as in the staircases in the Accra Academy extension; such social and technical division of labor. elements undermined the sharp opposition between “old In what follows I will show how this redistribution of designs” and “modern buildings.”71 Until the early 1960s, times and places was conveyed, manifested, stabilized, and the latter were generally designed by private architectural

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 10 Kenneth Scott, Korle Bu Hospital, Accra, 1964 (“Better Figure 11 “The great architect of Ghana Comrade Kwame Nkrumah Health Services,” in the series “This is the New Ghana Kwame seen admiring the new National Headquarters of the Convention Nkrumah is Building,” Evening News, 22 Dec. 1964, 5). People’s Party” (Evening News, 7 Mar. 1960, 1).

practices in Accra and Kumasi and constructed by the buildings in Kumasi were presented by the press as examples GNCC; later, they were designed directly by the GNCC. As of “Nkrumaistic architecture and planning.”76 Most of them an index of the “changing face of Ghana,” they straddled were added to the university campus, including the Unity various visual idioms, from tropical architecture through Hall and the Faculty of Architecture (Miro Marasovi , 1968) expressive compositions such as the Tamale Cathedral to (Figure 12), followed by the Faculty of Pharmacy (Nebojsa sophisticated appropriation of vernacular forms, as in the Weiner, opened after 1970).77 The association of modern Regal Cinema in Accra (1970).72 Some of these buildings architecture with Nkrumah’s rule came most dramatically were also explicitly called “modern” or “modernistic” by to the fore in a list of buildings singled out as targets for bomb Ghanaian commentators who described the specific experi- attacks by, presumably, conspirators planning to overthrow ence of these structures.73 Nkrumah in 1961; the list, made public by the police, included “Modern buildings” did not constitute a discrete cate- the headquarters of the CPP and TUC, as well as the exten- gory, delineated by sharp borders, but rather a broad field, sion of the Osu Castle and the Black Star Square.78 This asso- defined by a number of points of radiation. Among them ciation continued after the end of the regime, and accusations were new high-rises marking the skyline of Accra, such as that Nkrumah had squandered state resources and appropri- the Job 600, the Korle Bu Hospital, and the new Police ated them illegally typically included mention of the Job 600 Headquarters, a “modernistic” composition of large surfaces and the Peduase Lodge, the presidential holiday resort and of shutters placed in an overarching structural frame retreat near Aburi designed by Vic Adegbite (1959).79 (Figure 10).74 This building was featured in the press when This figure-ground effect, by means of which a building it was opened by Kwame Nkrumah, and the portraits of the provides background for the leader who, at the same time, leader on the patterned backgrounds of such structures as presents the building as a “revolutionary display of architec- the CPP headquarters and the Trade Union Congress tural maturity in Nkrumaist Ghana,” was a specific case of a (TUC; Arthur Lindsay and Associates, 1961) were powerful more general syntax that was conveyed by hundreds of black- examples of such points of radiation (Figure 11).75 Several and-white photographs of buildings published in the

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 12 Miro Marasovi , Hall 5 (Independence Hall), Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana, mid-1960s (photo by Nebojsa Weiner after completion; Archive of Nebojsa Weiner, Zagreb; courtesy of Nebojsa Weiner).

whole volume of the building; a patterned surface of cement bricks; new roads and pedestrian crossings whose geometry is revealed by aerial photographs (Figure 13).81 This fascina- tion with straight lines and smooth surfaces was shared by numerous authors, who described suave movements of the eye or of cars. One among them was particularly impressed by the new road from Adomi to Tema, which, “like a Roman Road . . . goes on for miles in a straight line” and allows for the car to move “so smoothly over its very good surface that one could relax and enjoy the very pleasant scenery of the surrounding countryside.”82 According to these accounts, improvements in infrastruc- ture allowed people to see the country with new eyes, and those coming back to Ghana after a stay abroad would see that it “has progressed in all fields . . . particularly in the field of architecture.”83 The architecture of the GNCC had pro- vided new landmarks for Accra; this becomes apparent when one compares two maps of the city—the “Kingsway” plan of 1958 and the tourist map of 1965 (Figure 14).84 Whereas the older plan presents the landmarks of Accra as an accumula- tion of heterogeneous buildings in colonial historicism, art deco, and tropical architecture, the newer map shows the city as fundamentally modern, defined by radio masts and other buildings produced by the PWD/GNCC, such as the para- bolic Presidential Tribune (1961) at the Black Star Square Figure 13 “. . . And I See Springing Up Cities in Africa” (“Scenes (Independence Square), the Flagstaff House, the Police around Ghana [3],” in the series “This is the New Ghana Kwame Headquarters at the Ring Road, the State House Complex, Nkrumah is Building,” Evening News, 21 May 1963, 6). the fountain at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle, and new pavil- ions of the Korle Bu Hospital. Ghanaian press during the 1960s.80 At its most abstract level, This map reveals not only that the architecture produced this syntax was that of line and surface: a balcony railing on by the GNCC conveyed a variety of programs but also that the background of a wall; delicate profiles framing glass and it allowed urbanites to differentiate between these programs openwork screens; a slab of ceiling visually detached from the within an urban system, linked by newly constructed roads, wall by a sharp shadow; a structural frame capturing the designed by TCPD.85 A differentiation of modern

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 14 “Accra. Compiled, drawn, and photo-lithographed by the Survey of Ghana,” 1965 (Geography and Map Reading Room, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.).

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions repetition of the buildings on the allotments was by no means seen as monotonous; rather, it was a sign of plenty. This visual effect was also conveyed by the repetition of the same photographs, which returned over and over again in the press, and not always with the same captions. At the same time, the differentiation of housing served to educate readers on social distinctions emerging within the Ghanaian society after independence. For example, an article on housing policies in Ghana showed images of housing for lower-, middle-, and higher-income groups, with subtle dif- ferences in architectural expression.89 This differentiation continued in articles on hotels and motels made available to inhabitants and visitors according to their income: from eco- nomic motels in Accra, consisting of modest bungalows, to the expressive composition of volumes and large-scale sur- faces of openwork screens and wide windows in the spectacu- lar first-class hotel for foreign businessmen in Takoradi.90 Readers learned to recognize the luxury in modernist designs conveyed by variations in volumes, materials, details, and patterns—and the journalists never failed to mention the costs of each construction. This included, in particular, the Ambassador Hotel, synonymous with luxury in Ghana, and the “elegant” VIP flats near the Korle Bu Hospital.91 Such luxury was condemned as ostentatious when privately owned by a minister or a chief justice (a condemnation often preced- Figure 15 The Presidential Tribune at the Black Star Square ing a purge) but praised when it was seen as a benefit for all, (Independence Square), Accra, 1961 (“How Ghana Spent the Great such as the “luxury” Tema Community Centre.92 Day,” Evening News, 7 Mar. 1964, 1). The capacity of modern architecture to provide back- drops on which elements are both united and distinguished conveys the logics of modernization in “the new Ghana architecture was pointed out by the press, which described Kwame Nkrumah [was] building.”93 Construction workers, new “stately” buildings of ministries (such as the Ministry of schoolchildren, athletes, party officials, women, students, Communications in Accra, 1963), praised “massive commer- and engineers proudly presented the buildings they had built cial buildings such as the new banks and new shops” (this or that were offered to them by the government—and at the included the emblematic Bank of Ghana, 1958, and the same time, on the backgrounds of these buildings they rhythmic boxes similar to oversized shopwindows of the appeared as members of specific social and professional People’s Shop in Central Accra, 1962), and admired “modern groups, distinguished by attributes such as school uniforms bungalows” such as those designed by Polónyi for the Roman or nurses’ aprons (Figure 15).94 In these buildings everybody Ridge in Accra (1964).86 had their proper places, like the schoolgirls framed by the The addressee of this architecture was a new collective grid of the extension of the Aburi Girls Secondary School.95 body unified against inherited, ethnic divisions, in line with These structures stabilized the new spatiotemporal order; for Nkrumah’s condemnation of “tribalism,” and redivided example, the People’s Shop in Accra was open late at night according to the principles of a new societal organization. and hence “prevented many workers from running away Particular importance was placed on housing projects for from their jobs to shop during business hours.”96 The mod- low-income groups, such as three blocks of eighteen flats ernizing objective of such architecture is evident: the girls of each designed by Stanisław Rymaszewski at the GNCC and the Aburi school, an extension to a college designed by Fry built at the Switchback Road between 1964 and 1967.87 Low- and Drew in 1955, were prepared to “challenge men for top income housing estates were also constructed in Accra’s jobs,” and the cold storage in Tema reduced the hours of Kaneshie and Lartebiokorshie neighborhoods. In the latter, commuting for many women.97 The experience of a modern finished in 1962, each of the buildings consisted of six self- everyday was also at the center of the International Trade contained flats, each with a chamber, hall, kitchen, bath- Fair when it opened with displays of commodities from room, and toilet, to be rented at moderate price.88 The all around the world, numerous restaurants and snack bars,

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions a cinema, an exhibition gallery, and a drive-in banking win- dow (the first in Ghana) (Figure 16).98 It was by contributing to the modernization of both the visual and the social fields, rather than simply by signifying modernization, that the newly erected buildings in Accra helped Ghanaians to “eradicate the colonial mentality” that was “induced” by their “contact with Europe”—as the for- eign minister Kojo Botsio put it during the opening of the Workers’ College in Accra.99 To receive this message it was sometimes enough to look at the newly constructed build- ings—as Joe Joseph argued in the Daily Graphic. He exhorted his fellow citizens to prepare for the 1965 OAU summit, urging taxi drivers to be polite and creditable to visitors coming to Accra and bus conductors, managers of hotels, and shop assistants to be helpful as well as neat in appearance; he further asked the general public not to use the gutters and sidewalks as dumping grounds. This long list of urbane virtues was triggered by the view of the “affec- tionate ‘Job 600’ towering high” on the horizon, and its photograph was reproduced next to Joseph’s article so that his readers could participate in the didactic effect of this building.100 Built around the colonial State House, the Job 600 dem- onstrated the ambition of GNCC architects to manage the past and to integrate it into the modernization project. Figure 16 International Trade Fair, Accra, night view, 1967 (photo by In 1961 the press drew the attention of the recently created Jacek Chyrosz, 1967; Jacek Chyrosz Archive, Warsaw; courtesy of National Museum and Monuments Board to the colonial Jacek Chyrosz). architecture as a matter of public concern, including Euro- pean military ensembles around and British bungalows in Kumasi.101 Appropriating the colonial past Barratt at the PWD. One enthusiastic reviewer asserted that into the new visual coherence of the Ghanaian state could this ensemble “express[ed] the fusion of African and Euro- mean a careful placing of volumes in a historical context. pean cultures needed in Ghana today,” in contrast to the This was the case with the extension of the Osu Castle by “foreign types dumped down here regardless, as is unfortu- the GNCC.102 While Wojczy ski’s project of the cabinet nately so often the case.”106 The negotiation between tradi- wing adjusted the volumes and open galleries to the propor- tional and modern forms was at the center of the project of tions of the historical structures (Figure 17), Polónyi’s a chief’s residence in Bolgatanga by Vic Adegbite and Jacek extension of the chapel wing of the castle included a vertical Chyrosz (1962): an orthogonal house under a flying roof, white cube furnished with bay windows of reinforced con- surrounded by a set of semicircular screens that evoked the crete and gargoyles that evoked historical military spaces between traditional round buildings of the Bolgatanga architecture.103 region and at the same time regulated sun exposure and air- Yet the true challenge was to turn precolonial heritage flow.107 This building was planned to be constructed of sand- into a resource for the postindependence society. “We have crete and stabilized earth bricks, in line with the calls of some a culture which we are proud of and determined to preserve,” Ghanaians to abandon imported materials in order to end claimed one author, and a reader wrote a letter to the editor Ghana’s economic dependence on industrialized countries of the Daily Graphic in which he urged the preservation and to “project African personality in our buildings.”108 The of Ashanti temples as a part of the “world history of architec- expectation to convey the cultural specificity of Ghana was ture.”104 “Blending Ghanaian, traditional life with modern also addressed in the design of the ITF. However, rather than ways of living” was presented as a pressing task for architects quoting specific building traditions of particular ethnic and urban planners, who were called upon to design build- groups, when designing the Africa Pavilion of the ITF ings according to “traditional and cultural patterns.”105 An Chyrosz and Rymaszewski chose the form of an umbrella, example favorably discussed was the Junior Staff Housing at the symbol of power and prestige in West Africa, which they Osu Castle (1961), designed by the British architect Derek saw as a more general cultural reference.109

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 17 E. Y. S. Engmann (engineer in chief), O. J. Ludlam (chief architect), Witold Wojczy ski (project architect), Osu Castle, Accra, extension to the offices of the prime minister, 1960s (postcard from the author’s collection).

Tropical Architecture as Cold War Discourse in the final part of this article I will discuss how Cold War In the private archives of the European architects hired by antagonisms were articulated in the architectural production the GNCC, their designs for Ghana appear as points in their in Accra in spite of the shared design culture of the architects personal creative trajectories, carrying on the discussions in involved. architectural culture in Budapest, Sofia, Warsaw, and Zagreb. The focus on tropical architecture offers an entrance By contrast, in the Ghanaian press these architects’ names point to this discussion. The design of the ITF followed the were almost never mentioned, and the architecture of the principles spelled out by Fry and Drew in their Tropical GNCC appeared to be the result of collective work that Architecture in the Humid Zone (1956) and other publications, seamlessly combined resources, including the labor of archi- with climate, local materials and technologies, and people’s tects, foremen, and workers, regardless of the networks that needs and aspirations identified as “main considerations brought them to Ghana. influencing architectural design in the tropics.”113 Climate From this perspective not much changed after the coup was the first concern for the architects of the fair, and both where the architects from Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, and its layout and particular buildings were designed with natu- Yugoslavia were concerned. Unlike the Soviet, PRC, and ral ventilation, open to breezes from the ocean, with pro- GDR advisers, who were expelled from Ghana, professionals nounced eaves providing shade and protection from rain, from other socialist countries were invited to stay and to con- open brickwork of the walls offering shade and ventilation, tribute to the development of the country together with spe- and roofs raised above the buildings and volumes raised cialists from the West.110 above the ground to secure airflow. Climate was abstracted The site of the International Trade Fair was a case in into an operative model by means of a section that isolated point: photographs from the construction site published in particular factors (daylight, glare, rain, ventilation) and reas- the Ghanaian press showed the Polish designers working for sembled them into one single drawing. This was consistent the GNCC in friendly conversations with British advisers not only with the approach advocated in Tropical Architecture and U.S. experts.111 The architecture of the fair, with its but also, more generally, with the privileging of the section elementary volumes, levitating roofs, and rhythmic pattern- in the representation and management of the climatic con- ing, appeared as a part of such international professional ditions in postwar architecture, as presented, for example, culture as well. The fair had nothing to do with the histori- in Techniques et Architecture in 1952 by means of diagrams cist, socialist realist style that the educated Ghanaian public that could be directly translated into specific designs and could have associated with buildings in socialist countries, were widely circulated in Francophone Africa in the 1950s since photographs of many such structures from the late and 1960s.114 The section was also the main design tool for 1940s and early 1950s were widely circulated under all buildings of the ITF. The designers of the Africa Pavilion Nkrumah.112 Rather, the design of the fair, together with conceived it by rotating the section around its central sym- many other designs of the GNCC reviewed in the previous metry axis, and in Pavilion A the section was projected on section, subscribed to the register of tropical architecture the façade, which, in this way, was turned into a pedagogical represented by a number of prominent buildings in Accra diagram demonstrating the principles of rainwater disposal, since the late colonial period and appeared to develop the ventilation of the building, control of glare, and access of principles of modern architecture beyond political divisions. sunlight (Figure 18).115 It was this very same approach, Yet a closer look at the fair challenges this assumption, and of designing a building by means of a section, that won one

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 18 Diagram explaining the principle of Pavilion A, International Trade Fair, Accra, 1967 (Jacek Chyrosz and Stanisław Rymaszewski, “Mi dzynarodowe Targi w Akrze, 1.2.1967–19.2.1967, “ Architektura 4 [1969], 146). of the second prizes for the Polish team (to which Chyrosz State Construction Corporation and private ones, both inter- belonged) in the competition for the cultural center in national firms with representatives in Accra and local contrac- Leopoldville, today in the Democratic Republic of tors, operated by expatriates or Ghanaians.121 The affiliation Congo (1959)—the singular event that opened the doors to with tropical architecture was further strengthened by pho- West Africa for Polish architects.116 tographs taken by Jacek Chyrosz shortly before the opening Fry and Drew’s second postulate, that of using local mate- of the fair, showing the rhythmic patterning of the varying rials and technologies, was a challenge they and other “tropi- surfaces, slender pillars on contrasting backgrounds, and deep cal” architects working in West Africa struggled with in their shadows emphasizing the volumes. In another photo taken by practices. As was the case with such prominent buildings in Chyrosz, a low viewpoint makes a railing appear as a colon- Accra as the National Museum and the National Archives, nade, almost as monumental as the schools by Fry and Drew the main materials of the fair were reinforced concrete and shown in black-and-white photographs in a 1955 theme issue cement blocks, steel construction for roofs, and aluminum of Architectural Design (Figure 20).122 covering. These materials, including louver windows, This aspiration of Polish architects to participate in an another emblematic detail of tropical architecture, were all international community that adapted the principles of mod- imported in 1960s Ghana, since the Ghanaian building ern architecture to tropical conditions was supported by industry was only slowly taking off. However, several tem- publications that started to appear in Poland in the early porary buildings at the fair were constructed by the GNCC 1960s in response to the increasing number of export con- from local materials, including the Cocoa Industry Pavilion, tracts for Polish architects.123 An example is the 1965 paper designed by Jan Laube, and the Timber Industry Pavilion by “Budownictwo w warunkach klimatu tropikalnego” (Con- Chyrosz and Rymaszewski, in their words a “truly African struction in the condition of tropical climate), which gath- architecture” (Figure 19).117 The Timber Industry Pavilion ered basic information about the climatic factors a designer was a hanging structure of shades made of plywood sup- needed to take into account and their influence on detailing ported by mahogany pillars. The plywood was produced in and materials.124 These texts, as well as Soviet publications Ghana from local hardwood and tested for resilience to West on architecture in hot climates, generally available in socialist African climate and insects.118 Eastern Europe, typically included British, French, and U.S. Finally, Fry and Drew’s third recommendation, that of references in their bibliographies, and many featured photo- accounting for “people’s needs and aspirations,” when graphs reproduced from Fry and Drew’s Tropical Architec- applied to the ITF, displayed the challenge addressed by ture.125 In spite of the Cold War context of the engagement Tropical Architecture: the imperative to respond to the needs of socialist countries in technical assistance and export of of a rapidly modernizing population from within the pro- labor, the social and political conditions of working outside cesses of modernization, which included the modernization Europe were rarely mentioned in professional publications. of those very needs.119 In other words, the ITF subscribed to The ideological part of the training was left to a few hours of the principles of tropical architecture to no lesser extent than instruction included in a course organized by the Centre for its most visible examples in Accra and encountered the same African Studies of Warsaw University; professionals about to challenges that “tropical” architects faced in their own work. leave Poland on Polservice contracts were supposed to attend Furthermore, these architects shared with the designers of this course.126 the ITF the suppliers of materials as well as the contrac- Yet, in spite of a shared body of principles, materials, con- tors.120 They included state firms such as the GNCC and the tractors, modes of representation, and architectural

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Figure 19 Vic Adegbite (chief architect), Jacek Chyrosz (design architect), Stanisław Rymaszewski (design architect), Timber Industry Pavilion, International Trade Fair, Accra, 1967 (photo by Nebojsa Weiner, 1967; Archive of Nebojsa Weiner, Zagreb; courtesy of Nebojsa Weiner).

Figure 20 International Trade Fair, Accra, 1967 (photo by Jacek Chyrosz, 1967; Jacek Chyrosz Archive, Warsaw; courtesy of Jacek Chyrosz). precedence, the ITF was never included in publications advertisement for Naco louver window systems that ran in about tropical architecture. Particularly striking was the two issues.127 Neither is it likely that the editors deemed the absence of any presentation of the fair’s architecture in the fair not significant enough to feature on the pages of the journal West African Builder and Architect, which featured the journal, since the ITF was one of the most visible projects of most relevant buildings associated with tropical architecture the decade in West Africa, appearing on the covers of maga- from Ghana and Nigeria during the 1960s and became a zines in Ghana and elsewhere.128 major vehicle for the promotion of their designers. This The main reason for this omission was that West African absence cannot be explained by a lack of awareness about the Builder and Architect was invested in prolonging the existence ITF on the part of the editors of the journal, given that of British colonial networks in the Commonwealth. The images of the fair’s Africa Pavilion appeared in an architects featured in the journal were members of the Royal

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Institute of British Architects (RIBA)—that is, the very group in Soviet Russia but noted that the latter were operating whose economic interests were undermined by the GNCC, under “coercion” and for that reason were of lesser value.133 which was increasingly taking over control of the whole That such Cold War division of intellectual labor permeated building process, from design to construction. With the West African Builder and Architect can be confirmed by a sec- withdrawal of the GNCC from commissioning architectural ond look at the journal, which, in fact, did mention the designs to RIBA architects, these architects had to rely on ITF—not, however, in the section presenting architectural private investors, themselves under threat by Nkrumah’s designs, but in brief reports titled “Developments in Ghana,” nationalization policy. Design authorship seems to have been where the fair was discussed as an infrastructural and engi- the criterion for publication in West African Builder and Archi- neering project. The text implied that the GNCC was the tect, since the journal presented buildings designed by RIBA contractor rather than the planning office, the designers of architects even if they were constructed by the GNCC.129 the buildings were not mentioned, and neither drawings nor The competition between the GNCC and other architects photographs were published.134 in Accra sometimes took direct forms: for example, Nkrumah invited both Kenneth Scott and Witold Wojczy ski of the Socialist Labor and Eastern European GNCC to submit designs for his private theater; the com- Experience mission, not realized, went to Wojczy ski, as he recalls.130 On an institutional level, the competition between these two The discourse on the “Cold War division of intellectual groups was reflected in the existence of two professional labor” pointed at the conditions of labor rather than at ideol- organizations of architects in the first half of the 1960s: the ogy, aesthetics, or technology as a critical line of division Gold Coast Society of Architects (GCSA), founded during between architects from socialist countries and those from the colonial period (1954), and the Ghana Institute of Archi- the West. Indeed, the conditions of labor at the GNCC were tects (GIA), founded in 1962. Most architects from socialist distinct from those at private practices in Accra. The differ- countries working for the GNCC were members of the GIA, ences included remuneration and taxation (for example, including Chyrosz and Rymaszewski.131 besides paying taxes in Ghana, Polish architects were paying Yet on the pages of West African Builder and Architect this substantial fees to Polservice) and the organization of labor economic rivalry was translated into what Carl Pletsch has (with less apparent hierarchies among architects, where one called the “Cold War division of intellectual labor” in West- could be the design architect for one project while answering ern discourse. In this discourse, the Cold War appeared as a to somebody else on another project).135 mode of production of knowledge in which cultural works These differences did not suggest, however, that the work were assumed to be produced only by the “First,” “demo- of GNCC architects was “non-free” in any meaningful sense. cratic,” “free” world; by contrast, the “Second,” socialist While most architects from socialist countries in Ghana were world could, at best, produce industrial and engineering dissatisfied with the bureaucratic constraints imposed on works.132 Within Western Cold War discourse, labor under their work under socialism, they perceived their employment socialism appeared as “non-free,” forced labor; hence, it at the GNCC as an alternative to conditions back home, not could not produce cultural objects, which, in this discourse, as their extension. They held this view in spite of the fact that require the work of free, creative, and spontaneous subjects. some constraints continued in the GNCC, and their employ- In other words, architects from socialist countries per- ment was differentiated according to citizenship (for exam- ceived themselves as members of one world of international ple, the Polservice contracts were limited to three years, after architectural culture, together with professionals from the which the architects had to return to Poland, while architects Commonwealth, or Western, networks. But in fact the who were citizens of Yugoslavia were not subjected to such “worlds” they belonged to were not exactly the same, and the strict time limits).136 Although Polservice took political views transfers between these worlds were subject to gatekeeping into account in the recruitment for contracts abroad, profes- procedures. In the reports on socialist countries in the Gha- sional experience and knowledge of English were more naian press, their technical prowess was presented hand in important criteria and could trump political disloyalties hand with their cultural achievements. By contrast, the con- toward the regime—in particular since Ghanaians partici- dition of visibility of a cultural object from a socialist country pated in the last round of interviews in Warsaw. Few archi- within Western discourse—and its condition of entry to the tects from Poland and Hungary working in Ghana were market of intellectual labor controlled by Western institu- card-carrying members of the Communist Party in their tions—was its translation into a technical object, deprived of respective countries; neither Chyrosz nor Rymaszewski was cultural capital. This devalorization procedure was conveyed a party member. The fact that Charles Polónyi was not a by Fry and Drew, who, in Tropical Architecture, compared the member deprived him of state commissions in Hungary massive change under way in the “tropical zone” to changes and motivated him to leave for Ghana.137 Those among the

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Polish group who were suspected to be informants for the “understand” the Africans.144 Ghanaians reporting on East- secret police were socially isolated by others.138 Even func- ern European countries in the 1960s drew parallels between tionaries of the regime presented themselves as pragmatic in the colonization of Ghana and the long history of domina- West Africa: Rymaszewski recalled that the Polish trade tion over the territories between Prussia and Austria to the counselor “told us upon our arrival to Accra that they don’t west and Russia and the Ottoman Empire to the east. For need people for slogans but people who can get things example, a Ghanaian journalist argued that because Bulgar- done.”139 ians were “five hundred years . . . under the Turkish rule,” This ambiguous relationship with the regimes in their they “understand the African and are very sympathetic with countries resulted in a balancing act between the necessary her struggle for the liberation of [the] continent from foreign maintenance of links with state institutions back home and domination.”145 (This, however, contrasted uncomfortably their strategic loosening. While institutions in Poland and with a number of racist incidents against Africans in Sofia at Hungary responsible for the export of labor to Ghana, such that time.)146 Similarly, Josip Broz Tito pointed out the paral- as Polservice or TESCO, encouraged the contracted archi- lels between the history of Yugoslavia and that of West tects to facilitate new commissions for companies back home, Africa, and Nkrumah himself used the term “Balkanization” these architects were reluctant to follow such instructions. to refer to the dangers faced by a divided Africa.147 More often than not, they were skeptical about their profes- The Eastern European architectural culture invested, sional prospects upon their return home and, rather, invested since the late nineteenth century, in the integration of ter- in networking in Ghana. For Rymaszewski, this strategy paid ritories characterized by multiple cultures and emerging off: after returning to Poland in 1967, he went back to Ghana from cultural dependence on external powers was a reference two years later, against the recommendation of Polservice point for a number of architects from the region working in but at the explicit wish of the Ghanaian authorities.140 This postindependence West Africa. This experience informed fine-tuned distance from official institutions of their coun- the work in Nigeria by Zbigniew Dmochowski, an architect tries of origin was reflected in the everyday lives of Eastern and scholar at the Institute of Polish Architecture at the War- European architects, who, in contrast to Soviet technicians, saw Polytechnic during the 1930s and a teacher at the Polish preferred to socialize with their Ghanaian colleagues rather School of Architecture in Liverpool during the war. Unwill- than at official ceremonies in their embassies: “My Ghanaian ing to return to Soviet-dominated Poland after the war, he boss, Vic Adegbite, taught me how to dance the twist,” stayed in the United Kingdom, and in 1958 he was appointed recalled Rymaszewski.141 to the Department of Antiquities in , where he initi- In other words, if architects from socialist countries ated a program of mapping Nigerian vernacular architecture. needed to legitimate their work in West Africa, it was not This program, which he continued after Nigeria’s indepen- because of its presumably “non-free” character. Rather, the dence (1960), employed techniques that he had developed challenge was to prove their professional and cultural cre- while making his prewar measured drawings of wooden dentials. As Polónyi recalled about a press conference during architecture in what was then eastern Poland. Dmochowski his stay in Nigeria (1969–76): “The first question put to me dedicated his study to the “architectural youth of Nigeria,” was the following: ‘You are Hungarians. You never had colo- who should accept “tradition as the starting point of their nies. You don’t have any tropical experience. Do you consider creative, independent thinking” and “evolve . . . a modern yourselves competent to prepare a master plan for a city in school of Nigerian Architecture.”148 A different experience West Africa?’ ”142 In response, Polónyi pointed to his tenure of the Eastern European architects—one of rupture rather at KNUST but also to his previous experience in the resettle- than of evolution—that reverberated with cultural politics ment projects in 1940s Hungary. Other Eastern European in postindependence West Africa was interwar functional- architects also stressed their involvement in state-led plan- ism in such contested territories as Moravia and Silesia. The ning, industrialization, and urbanization after World War II. radiant modernity of new governmental buildings in Brno For example, Gra yna Jonkajtys-Luba and Jerzy Luba linked and Katowice manifested a break with the past associated their Labadi Slum Clearance scheme, developed at TCPD with German historicism and hence the support of new in Accra (1965), to their previous work on the postwar recon- states reemerging after World War I, Czechoslovakia and struction of Warsaw, and in particular to their projects for Poland. the neighborhood of Powi le, one of the poorest and most The attitude toward colonization was ambiguous in East- underdeveloped parts of Warsaw.143 ern European architectural culture, however. This included Polónyi also stressed a longer cultural tradition that, in Polónyi, who bemoaned the “colonization” of Hungary by his view, aligned Eastern Europeans and West Africans. the Soviet Union but admitted the gains of the Austrian He argued that both had experienced “colonization” by “colonization” of the Danube basin after Turkish rule.149 In external powers, and this shared experience allowed him to Poland, colonial fantasies were developed during the

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions interwar period by the Maritime and Colonial League, which modernism,” let alone as a sum of Eastern European “other demanded colonies for Poland.150 Much more real was the modernisms.” Rather, I have theorized the difference of the program of “internal colonization” of the eastern territories GNCC architecture as compared with architectural produc- of interwar Poland, underdeveloped and inhabited by tion elsewhere by focusing on the antagonisms between national minorities, Belarusian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, and competing “projects” of the world, according to the concept Jewish. In these “borderlands,” the typology of the Polish of mondialisation. From this perspective, I have studied the gentry country house was applied not only to housing but architecture in Ghana under Kwame Nkrumah as produced also to numerous railway stations and post offices, schools, from within antagonistic visions of global cooperation and and military barracks. The journalist Ryszard Kapu ci ski solidarity that mobilized the circulation of resources and grew up in such a “colonized territory” in the 1930s and later regulated the gatekeeping procedures between these net- discovered similar territories in Africa when reporting on the works at a variety of scales. emergence of postcolonial countries, including Nkrumah’s Ghana lost its visibility as a beacon of decolonization Ghana.151 Kapu ci ski and the left-wing part of the Polish after the fall of Nkrumah, but the mondialisation of modern intelligentsia did not cherish any sentiment for colonialism, architecture described in this article was about to be gener- and this attitude was only strengthened by German-Nazi alized in the years to come. Over the course of the 1960s, biopolitics, which most Polish architects working in Ghana this process was facilitated by the increase in the number of had experienced firsthand. architects from European socialist countries working Because of this historical experience of both the colonized abroad. For example, while in 1965 Ghana received most of and the colonizers, which was very well understood by the the Polish specialists in Africa (102 people), in the following Ghanaian elites, the arrival of Eastern European architects years that number quickly declined, and in 1971 Nigeria was complicated the logics of subalternity in Ghana, and in par- on the top of the list (94), just a little ahead of Algeria (91).154 ticular the clear-cut cultural hierarchies between Africans These architects were welcomed in countries that were and Europeans inherited from the colonial period. The nominally socialist or ruled by socialist parties but whose changed conditions of labor were the very site of this com- governments negotiated their positions across Cold War plexity; in the words of one architect in Accra, “I remember rivalries rather than siding with one or the other hegemonic very well these Eastern European architects, because it was bloc: Syria since the 1960s; Iraq after Abdel Karim Kassem’s the first and the last time that a white man had an African coup d’état in 1958 and later under Saddam Hussein; boss in Ghana. It never happened before and it never hap- Afghanistan between 1953 and 1973, when the Afghan gov- pened after.”152 ernment accepted assistance from both sides of the Iron Curtain; Algeria under the Boumédienne regime (1965–78); Libya under (after 1969); and, after the Conclusions: Not Another Modernism 1960s, Nigeria, , and others.155 Employed by state In recent years, scholars have demonstrated that the global offices and private firms, architects from socialist and Non- mobility of modern architecture after World War II did not Aligned countries worked in competition and, sometimes, mean its homogenization. Against reductive critiques of glo- in cooperation with architects from the West, as well as balization as leading to a regime of sameness where every- architects from regional networks and local professionals thing resembles everything else, scholars have pointed out and administrators. In this sense, far from being an excep- the differentiation and specificity of postwar modern archi- tional case, the architectural production in Nkrumah’s tecture around the world, sometimes captured in concepts of Ghana manifested the mondialisation dynamics that were to “African,” “Eastern,” and “Third World” modernisms and, shape the urbanization processes in the coming decades of more generally, “other” modernisms.153 This study contrib- the Cold War. utes to such efforts. By putting aside the metropolitan model of architectural transmissions, I have argued that the process Notes in the course of which modern architecture was becoming 1. I am grateful for the funding and support granted to me by a number the technocultural dispositif of urbanization outside Europe of institutions. This article results from a research project supported in and North America cannot be reduced to the exports from 2010 by the Institute of History and Theory of Architecture (GTA), Swiss one or more “centers.” Yet this renouncement of the metro- Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich (ETH); the Museum of Modern politan model requires a theorizing of difference in the Art in Warsaw; Casco–Office for Art, Design and Theory; and Adam worldwide mobility of architecture that is not based on the Mickiewicz Institute in Warsaw. The research project was initiated at the Institute GTA; continued at the Center for Advanced Study in the polarity between “center” and “periphery,” “core” and “mar- Visual Arts (CASVA), of Art, Washington, D.C., where gins,” “the same” and “the other.” This is why I have not I was the 2011–13 A. W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow; and completed approached the architecture of the GNCC as “Ghanaian at the Manchester Architecture Research Centre (MARC), University

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions of Manchester. Parts of this article were also presented at the Bartlett York: Routledge, 2003); Donald McNeill, The Global Architect: Firms, Fame School of Architecture, University College London; Columbia University; and Urban Form (New York: Routledge, 2009); Kim De Raedt, “Between Graduate School of Design; the University of Lisbon; ‘True Believers’ and Operational Experts: UNESCO Architects and the University of Liverpool; and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. School Building in Post-colonial Africa,” Journal of Architecture 19, no. 1 I am grateful for the feedback I received after these presentations. I would (2014), 19–42. also like to thank the chairs and participants of COST Action IS0904, 9. See the theme issues of two journals: Łukasz Stanek, ed., “Socialist European Architecture beyond Europe, in particular Johan Lagae, Rachel Networks and the Internationalization of Building Culture after 1945,” Lee, Ola Uduku, and Mercedes Volait, who commented on this work. Special ABE Journal 6 (2014), http://dev.abejournal.eu (accessed 29 June 2015); thanks go to the architects and engineers working in Ghana in the 1960s, and Łukasz Stanek and Tom Avermaete, eds., “Cold War Transfer: Archi- their families, for granting me interviews and access to their private archives: tecture and Planning from Socialist Countries in the ‘Third World,’ ” Encho Balukchev, Attila Em dy, Jacek Chyrosz, Zdenka Ciko, Gra yna Journal of Architecture 17, no. 3 (2012). For bibliographic overviews, see Jonkajtys-Luba, Anikó Polónyi, Evlogi Raychev, Stanisław Rymaszewski, Stanek, “Second World’s Architecture and Planning”; and my introduc- Hannah Schreckenbach, Nebojsa Weiner, Witold Wojczy ski, and tion to Stanek, “Socialist Networks and the Internationalization of Build- Zvonimir Žagar. I am particularly grateful to those who helped me with ing Culture.” the research in Accra: Foster Asae-Akonnor, Małgorzata Asare, Kofi 10. Henri Lefebvre, “The Worldwide Experience” (1978), in State, Space, Asare, Alexander Eduful, Nat Nuno-Amarteifio, and Henry Nii-Adziri World: Selected Essays, ed. Neil Brenner and Stuart Elden, trans. Gerald Wellington. I would also like to thank Elena Balabanska, Piotr Bujas, Alicja Moore, Neil Brenner, and Stuart Elden (Minneapolis: University of Min- Gzowska, Aleksandra K dziorek, and Balint Tolmar for their invaluable nesota Press, 2009), 274–89; Jean-Luc Nancy, The Creation of the World, or assistance during my archival research in Europe. Globalization (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007). 2. For a description of the programming of the ITF, see Stanisław 11. Lefebvre, “The Worldwide Experience”; Stuart Elden, “Mondialisation Rymaszewski, “Handing Over Notes: Ghana International Trade Fair,” before Globalization: Lefebvre and Axelos,” in Space, Difference, Everyday Accra, 27 May 1967, Stanisław Rymaszewski Archive, Warsaw. Life: Reading Henri Lefebvre, ed. Kanishka Goonewardena, Stefan Kip- 3. Nana Kwame Ofori-Amanfo, interview by author, June 2012, Accra. fer, Richard Milgrom, and Christian Schmid (New York: Routledge, 2008), 4. See Łukasz Stanek, “Second World’s Architecture and Planning in the 80–93; Łukasz Stanek, Henri Lefebvre on Space: Architecture, Urban Research, and Third World,” Journal of Architecture 17, no. 3 (2012), 299–307; Łukasz the Production of Theory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011). Stanek, “Miastoprojekt Goes Abroad: The Transfer of Architectural 12. Hannah Le Roux, “The Networks of Tropical Architecture,” Journal of Labour from Socialist Poland to Iraq (1958–1989),” Journal of Architec- Architecture 8, no. 3 (Sept. 2003), 337–54. ture 17, no. 3 (2012), 361–86; Łukasz Stanek, Postmodernism Is Almost 13. On the programs carried out by the French, Belgian, and Portuguese All Right: Polish Architecture after Socialist Globalization (Warsaw: Fundacja colonial governments, see, for example, Maurice Culot and Thiveaud de B c-Zmiana, 2012); Łukasz Stanek, “Mobilities of Architecture in the Jean-Marie, eds., Architectures françaises outre-mer (Liège: Mardaga, 1992); Global Cold War: From Socialist Poland to Kuwait and Back,” Interna- Jean-Luc Vellut, ed., Villes d’Afrique: Explorations en histoire urbaine (Paris: tional Journal of Islamic Architecture 4, no. 2 (2015), 365–98. L’Harmattan, 2007); Johan Lagae, Claude Laurens: Architecture—Projets et 5. By contrast, a pavilion for Taiwan was built. See “19 Will Man Hungar- réalisations de 1934 à 1971 (Ghent: Vakgroep Architectuur en Stedenbouw, ian Pavilion,” Daily Graphic, 18 Jan. 1967, 1; “Ghana, Hungary to Sign Universiteit Gent, 2001); Madalena Cunha Matos, “Colonial Architecture Trade Agreement,” Daily Graphic, 30 Jan. 1967, 19; “Deku: Need for Africa and Amnesia: Mapping the Work of Portuguese Architects in Angola and Market Now Great,” Daily Graphic, 16 Feb. 1967, 10; Mike Adjei, “Trade Mozambique,” OASE, no. 82 (2010), 25–34. Fair Opens Today,” Daily Graphic, 1 Feb. 1967, 2. 14. Jiat-Hwee Chang, “Building a Colonial Technoscientific Network: 6. Regarding such UN programs, see, for example, Charles Abrams, Tropical Architecture, Building Science and the Politics of Decoloniza- Vladimir Bodiansky, and Otto H. G. Koenigsberger, Report on Housing in tion,” in Lu, Third World Modernism, 211–35. See also Stephen J. Collier the Gold Coast (New York: United Nations Technical Assistance Adminis- and Aihwa Ong, “Global Assemblages, Anthropological Problems,” in tration, 1956). Global Assemblages: Technology, Politics, and Ethics as Anthropological Prob- 7. On the concept of planetary urbanization, see Neil Brenner and lems, ed. Stephen J. Collier and Aihwa Ong (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, Christian Schmid, “Towards a New Epistemology of the Urban?,” City: Anal- 2005), 3–21. ysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 19, nos. 2/3 (2015), 151–82. 15. See Mark Crinson, Modern Architecture and the End of Empire (Alder- 8. See Sandy Isenstadt and Kishwar Rizvi, eds., Modernism and the Middle shot, : Ashgate, 2003); Le Roux, “The Networks of Tropical East: Architecture and Politics in the Twentieth Century (Seattle: University of Architecture.” Washington Press, 2008); Patsy Healey and Robert Upton, eds., Crossing 16. Robert L. Tignor, W. Arthur Lewis and the Birth of Development Econom- Borders: International Exchange and Planning Practices (London: Routledge, ics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006). On the compet- 2010); Annabel Wharton, Building the Cold War: Hilton International Hotels ing notions of (African) modernity during the Cold War, see Odd Arne and Modern Architecture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001); Joe Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Nasr and Mercedes Volait, eds., Urbanism: Imported or Exported? (Chiches- Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Peter Gesch- ter: Wiley-Academy, 2003); Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali, and Mar- iere, Birgit Meyer, and Peter Pels, eds., Readings in Modernity in Africa ion von Osten, eds., Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past, Rebellions for the (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008). Future (London: Black Dog, 2010); Tom Avermaete and Johan Lagae, eds., 17. For an account in architectural history of labor as resource, see Paul “L’Afrique c’est chic: Architecture and Planning in Africa 1950–1970,” B. Jaskot, The Architecture of Oppression: The SS, Forced Labor and the Nazi OASE, no. 82 (2010); Duanfang Lu, ed., Third World Modernism: Architec- Monumental Building Economy (London: Routledge, 2000). ture, Development, and Identity (London: Routledge, 2011); Jack Masey and 18. “G.N.C.C.’s 3 Years of Notable Achievements,” Daily Graphic, 19 May Conway Lloyd Morgan, Cold War Confrontations: US Exhibitions and Their 1961, 18; “Ghana to Form Joint Company with Israel,” Daily Graphic, Role in the Cultural Cold War (Baden: Lars Müller, 2008); Anthony King, 25 Mar. 1958, 1; “G.N.C.C. Trains Its Own Men for Key Posts,” Daily The Bungalow: The Production of a Global Culture (London: Routledge, Graphic, 19 May 1961, 19; “Ministry Building,” Daily Graphic, 20 Apr. 1984); Jeffrey W. Cody, Exporting American Architecture, 1870–2000 (New 1963, 1; “Prison Offices,” Daily Graphic, 24 Apr. 1963, 8; “90 Rooms

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Added to Govt House,” Daily Graphic, 14 Feb. 1963, 1; “Atlantic Hotel,” 26. Nickson, Borys & Partners, National Archives Building in Accra, Daily Graphic, 21 July 1964, 1. See also “GNCC Springs Hope in Ghana’s drawings, 1959, AESL Archives, Accra. Other projects by Nickson, Reconstruction Programme” (advertisement), Evening News, 30 Sept. Borys & Partners in the AESL Archives include Kumasi Technical Insti- 1961, 8; “Workers Greet the Leader,” Evening News, 24 Dec. 1964, 8; tute (1958), Accra Technical Institute (1959), Memorial Library in Accra “G.N.C.C. Can Make More Profit,” Evening News, 18 Jan. 1965, 3. On (1960), Magistrates Courts in Accra (1960), Central Library Extension in Israeli-Ghanaian relations, see Zach Levey, “The Rise and Decline of a Accra (1961), School for Librarians in Accra (1961), and Survey Head- Special Relationship: Israel and Ghana, 1957–1966,” African Studies Review quarters (1961). 46, no. 1 (Apr. 2003), 155–77; Haim Yacobi, Israel and Africa: A Genealogy of 27. Maxwell Fry, “Accra Gradually Becoming a Handsome City,” Daily Moral Geography (London: Routledge, 2015). See also “Solel Boneh (Over- Graphic, 11 May 1960, 9; Jane Drew, “The Progress Achieved Has Been seas Contracting and Harbor Works Branch) Activities in West Africa,” Enormous,” Daily Graphic, 11 May 1960, 13; Maxwell Fry, “Accra Was Confidential U.S. State Department Central Files, Ghana 1960–January a Sleepy Town,” Daily Graphic, 29 Feb. 1960, 7; A. Graham Tipple, The 1963, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; and “Annual Report of the Development of Housing Policy in Kumasi, Ghana, 1901 to 1981: With an Ghana National Construction Corporation (Formerly Division of Public Analysis of the Current Housing Stock (Newcastle: Centre for Architectural Construction) for the Period 1959–60” (Accra: Ministry of Information Research and Development Overseas, 1987), 23–25; Miles Danby, Gram- and Broadcasting on behalf of the Ghana National Construction Corp., mar of Architectural Design: With Special Reference to the Tropics (London: 1963), Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Oxford University Press, 1963); Crinson, “Dialectics of Internationalism.” 19. After independence, the PWD was shortly subsumed under the 28. The designs by Gerlach & Gillies-Reynburn included the Great Hall Ministry of Works and Housing. After the fall of Nkrumah, the PWD at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology in Kumasi was again separated from the GNCC; see “P.W.D. May Come into Its (ca. 1964; see Crinson, “Dialectics of Internationalism,” 146) and the Own . . . ,” Evening News, 11 June 1966, 1. On the role of the PWD in the Achimota Primary School (1961), AESL Archives, Accra. See also Barnes, British Empire, see Peter Scriver, “Empire-Building and Thinking in the Hubbard & Arundel Architects and Town Planning Consultants, Wiawso Public Works Department of British India,” in Colonial Modernities: Build- Teachers Training College, drawings, 1961, AESL Archives, Accra; A. ing, Dwelling and Architecture in British India and Ceylon, ed. Peter Scriver Gilmour, designs of private bungalows, 1960–62, AESL Archives, Accra. and Vikramaditya Prakash (London: Routledge, 2007), 69–92. 29. John Carmichael, Together We Build: Fifty Years of Taylor Woodrow in 20. See, for example, Nigeria Public Works Department Specifications (Lagos: Ghana, 1947–1997 (London: Taylor Woodrow Construction Limited, PWD, 1938); A Handbook on Semi-permanent Housing, prepared and com- 1997). See also the supplement on Taylor Woodrow, Ghanaian Times, 10 piled by Desmond Agg, issued by W. C. Fitz-Henry (Lusaka: Government Mar. 1961; Peter Jones, Ove Arup: Masterbuilder of the Twentieth Century Printer, 1947); Information Book: Hospitals and Dispensaries (Lagos: PWD, (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2006), 141, 155; “Ambassador 1939); the series of technical papers published by various PWD branches; Hotel,” Daily Graphic, 4 Oct. 1962, 9; “The Bridge That’ll Span the Anko- A Building Guide for Self Help Projects (Accra: Ministry of Social Welfare, bra,” Ghanaian Times, 30 Aug. 1960, 2. 1961); Jane B. Drew and E. Maxwell Fry, in collaboration with Henry L. 30. “Commonwealth in Action,” Ghana Review 7, no. 1 (1967), 3–6; “Work Ford, Village Housing in the Tropics (London: Lund Humphries, 1947). on the £G11 Million Kwame Nkrumah Commercial Centre to Begin,” 21. Jacek Chyrosz, interview by author, June 2011, Warsaw; Gra yna Evening News, 11 Apr. 1962, 1, 6. Jonkajtys-Luba, interview by author, June 2011, Warsaw. 31. On the architects from Italy, see Renato Severino, Equipotential Space: 22. See “Staff List of Administrative, Professional, Senior Executive and Freedom in Architecture (New York: Praeger, 1970), 16–19; compare the Senior Technical Appointments” for the fiscal (financial) years 1956–57, project of the Marine Drive in Accra by Valle, Angrisani, and Pacello, Edi- 1957–58, 1959–60, 1960–61, 1961–62, National Archives, Accra. For lizia Moderna 89–90 (1967), 62. discussion of architecture in postindependence Ghana, see Crinson, Mod- 32. “New Terminal for Accra Airport,” Daily Graphic, 17 Aug. 1964, 1; ern Architecture, in particular the chapter “Dialectics of Internationalism: “New Airport,” Daily Graphic, 15 July 1965. Architecture in Ghana 1945–66,” 127–56; Ikem Stanley Okoye, “Architec- 33. “Korle to Be Turned into a Holiday Resort,” Ghanaian Times, 3 Feb. ture, History, and the Debate on Identity in Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, and 1961, 5; “Germans to Build Houses in Accra,” Evening News, 27 July 1966, 1. South Africa,” JSAH 61, no. 3 (Sept. 2002), 381–96; Janet B. Hess, “Imag- 34. Ola Uduku, “Bolgatanga Library, Adaptive Modernism in Ghana 40 ining Architecture: The Structure of Nationalism in Accra, Ghana,” Africa Years On,” in The Challenge of Change: Dealing with the Legacy of the Modern Today 47, no. 2 (2000), 35–58; Janet B. Hess, “Imagining Architecture II: Movement—Proceedings of the 10th International DOCOMOMO Conference, ‘Treasure Storehouses’ and Constructions of Asante Regional Hegemony,” ed. Dirk van der Heuvel, Maarten Mesman, Wido Quist, and Bert Lemmens Africa Today 50, no. 1 (2003), 27–48. See also Keith Jopp, Ghana: Ten Great (Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2008), 265–72; Max Bond, Studio and Practice Hall Years, 1951–1960 (Accra: Ghana Information Services, 1960); Ghana Min- for the National Orchestra, drawings, 1964, AESL Archives, Accra. istry of External Affairs, This Is Ghana (London: Welbecson Press, n.d.). 35. Doxiadis Associates, “Kwame Nkrumah Commercial Area—Accra, 23. “Adegbite the Great Architect,” Evening News, 2 Apr. 1960, 13. Here Ghana,” Ekistics: The Problems and Science of Human Settlement (August and in what follows, unless stated otherwise, the date refers to the year 1961), 110–25; Viviana d’Auria and Bruno de Meulder, “Unsettling Land- of completion of the building in question. In references to the AESL scapes: New Settlements for the Volta River Project between Tradition Archives, the dates pertain to the drawings. and Transition (1951–1970),” OASE, no. 82 (2010), 115–38; Viviana 24. A. W. Charaway, interview by author, June 2012, Accra; E. G. A. Don d’Auria, “From Tropical Transitions to Ekistic Experimentation: Doxiadis Arthur, interview by author, June 2012, Accra. Associates in Tema, Ghana,” Positions: On Modern Architecture and Urban- 25. “Kumasi Stadium May Be Ready Next Year,” Daily Graphic, 8 Aug. ism/Histories and Theories 1 (2010), 40–63. 1958, 14; “3 Million Pounds Extension to Korle Bu Hospital,” Evening 36. Robert Legvold, Soviet Policy in West Africa (Cambridge, Mass.: Har- News, 9 Dec. 1960, 9; Udo Kultermann, ed., Central and Southern Africa, vard University Press, 1970); Sergey Mazov, A Distant Front in the Cold vol. 6 of World Architecture 1900–2000: A Critical Mosaic, general ed. War: The USSR in West Africa and the Congo, 1956–1964 (Washington, Kenneth Frampton (New York: Springer, 2000), 66–67; “Volta River D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2010). Authority—Offices,” West African Builder and Architect 4, no. 4 (1964), 37. Ghana Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Sovetsko-ganskoe 66–69; “£600,000 Offices for V.R.P.,”Evening News, 8 July 1964, 5. sotrudnichestvo, 1961.

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 38. “Workers’ Flats,” Daily Graphic, 6 Nov. 1965, 10; “This’s the Soviet zharkii klimat (Moscow: Stroiizdat, 1975); “Soviet Experts in Accra,” Daily Union,” Evening News, 11 July 1961, 6; “Housing the Soviets,” Daily Graphic, 9 Aug. 1961, 1. Graphic, 8 Nov. 1965, 11; “A Fine Art School,” Evening News, 27 June 46. “African Unity Tower for Accra,” Daily Graphic, 20 June 1964, 1. 1961, 4; “Workers’ Housing Estates in Shanghai,” Evening News, 24 May 47. “Ghana’s Many Pacts with the East,” Daily Graphic, 5 Mar. 1962, 5. For 1962, 4; “Modern Buildings at New Belgrade,” Evening News, 16 Nov. discussion of the Development Plan of Conakry (1963) by the Yugoslav 1962, 2; “Visit to First Socialist Town,” Daily Graphic, 4 Apr. 1964, 6–7; (Croatian) Urban Planning Institute, see Jennifer Czysz, “Urban Design as “Hungary on the High Way to Socialism,” Evening News, 26 Nov. 1962, 5; a Tool for Re-imagining a Capital City: Planning Conakry, Guinea, after “Constanta, Seaport on Black Sea,” Evening News, 23 Aug. 1963, 5; “This Independence” (PhD diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001). Is Poland,” Evening News, 27 July 1961, 6; “Osagyefo’s Activities in Pic- 48. “Pact for Olympic Stadium Signed,” Daily Graphic, 25 June 1964, 1; tures,” Evening News, 9 Aug. 1961, 6; “Raised from War Ruins,” Evening “Olympic Stadium for Ghana,” Evening News, 13 Apr. 1964, 1; “Sporten News, 27 July 1961, 4; “It’s Warsaw Day,” Daily Graphic, 17 Jan. 1964, 7; kompleks v Akra—Gana,” Architektura (Sofia), nos. 9/10 (1963), 12–17; “State Farm at Lublin County,” Evening News, 31 Oct. 1963, 4. “Kompleks ‘krajbrezna zona’ v Akra—Gana,” Architektura (Sofia), no. 7 39. See Robert H. Bates, Markets and States in Tropical Africa: The Political (1964), 34–38; Encho Balukchev, personal dossier, Society of Bulgarian Basis of Agricultural Policies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981); Architects Archive, Sofia. Benno J. Ndulu, Stephen O’Connell, Jean-Paul Azam, Robert H. Bates, 49. Ákos Moravánszky, “Peripheral Modernism: Charles Polónyi and the Augustin K. Fosu, Jan Willem Gunning, and Dominique Njinkeu, eds., Lessons of the Village,” Journal of Architecture 17, no. 3 (2012), 333–59; The Political Economy of Economic Growth in Africa, 1960–2000 (Cambridge: Anikó Polónyi, telephone interview by author, February 2013. Cambridge University Press, 2008). 50. The drawings of designs by Charles Polónyi as project architect 40. “Project Our Personality by Socialism,” Daily Graphic, 2 Jan. 1963, 3. (Vic Adegbite, chief architect) in the AESL Archives include Bunga- 41. Deborah Brautigam, The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa low Allocation Housing in Accra, Airport Estates, 1964; Garden of the (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 32, 313; Cole Roskam, “Non- Ghana News Agency, 1964; Extension to the Old Chapel Wing of the Osu aligned Architecture: China’s Designs on and in Ghana and Guinea, 1955– Castle, 1964; and Osu Castle Mausoleum, 1965. See also Vic Adegbite 92,” Architectural History 58 (2015), 261–91. (chief architect), Teresa Kulikowska (design architect), drawings checked 42. “Semi-annual Report on Sino-Soviet Bloc Politico-economic Relations by Charles Polónyi, Furniture for the Extension of the Osu Castle, 1964, with Ghana,” 22 Dec. 1959; “International Communist Prospects in Ghana,” AESL Archives, Accra. In addition, see Charles Polónyi, An Architect- 26 May 1960; “Projects to Be Undertaken by Communist Countries,” Planner on the Peripheries: The Retrospective Diary of Charles K. Polónyi 1 Sept. 1960; “Soviet Union Trying to Move in on Volta River Project,” (Budapest: M szaki Könyvkiadó, 2000), 53–80. 13 Nov. 1960; “Note to the Secretary of State,” 21 Dec. 1960; “Report on 51. Zvonimir Žagar, telephone interview by author, February 2013; Sino-Soviet Bloc Politico-economic Relations,” 23 Dec. 1960. All of the Nebojsa Weiner, telephone interview by author, February 2013; I. C., preceding are found in Confidential U.S. State Department Central Files, “In Memoriam Miro Marasovi ,” Gra evinar 56 (2004), 323. Ghana 1960–January 1963, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 52. Zdenka Ciko, email correspondence with author, March 2014; 43. “Agreement between the USSR and Ghana on Economic and Tech- “Osagyefo Opens Police ‘House,’ ” Daily Graphic, 11 June 1962, 5; nical Cooperation,” signed 4 August 1960 in Moscow, in A Calendar of “Osagyefo Will Open New Police H’quarters,” Evening News, 3 June 1962, 8. Soviet Treaties, 1958–1973, ed. George Ginsburgs and Robert M. Slusser 53. Evlogi Raychev and Encho Balukchev, interview by author, July 2014, (Alphen aan den Rijn, Netherlands: Sijthoff & Noordhoff, 1981), 107; Sofia; Ivan Naidenovich, personal dossier, Society of Bulgarian Architects “The Ghana Metal Industries Limited,” Ghanaian Times, 29 Sept. 1961, Archive, Sofia. Besides Naidenovich, other Bulgarian architects work- 9; “Factories Are Coming: The Jobs Are Coming,” Evening News, 16 Nov. ing at the GNCC included Evlogi Raychev, S. T. Ploskov, T. I. Todorov, 1962, 1; “Model of Pwalugu Tomato Processing Plant,” Evening News, 19 and Z. Doytchev. On Bulgarian export projects, see Grigor Doytchinov, Feb. 1963, 1; “Sardine Factory for Tema,” Evening News, 13 May 1964, 1; “Pragmatism, Not Ideology: Bulgarian Architectural Exports to the ‘Third “Why This Economic Sabotage?,” Evening News, 1 Oct. 1965, 5; “At Asut- World,’ ” Journal of Architecture 17, no. 3 (2012), 453–73. suare . . . ,” Daily Graphic, 12 Feb. 1966, 6–7. See also “Polish Firm to Build 54. I compiled the list of the Polish architects during my research at the Cement Factory,” West African Builder and Architect 2, no. 5 (1962), 108. AESL Archives in Accra in June 2012 and corroborated it by querying the 44. “Czech Factories for Ghana,” West African Builder and Architect 1, SARP Archive (Warsaw) and other archives, and through interviews with no. 4 (1961), 107; “Transfuzní stanice pro Ghanu,” Architektura SSR 6 Bulgarian, Hungarian, and Polish architects. (1964), 351. The bus assembly plant for Accra (1963) was designed by 55. Jacek Chyrosz and Stanisław Rymaszewski, “Mi dzynarodowe Targi w Attila ­Em dy for IPARTERV, Industrial Buildings Consulting Co. Buda- Akrze, 1.2.1967–19.2.1967,” Architektura (Warsaw) 4 (1969), 143–46. pest, private archive of Attila Em dy, Budapest. The print works near Tema 56. Chyrosz, interview by author, June 2011; Stanisław Rymaszewski, (1964) was designed by Kurt Fiedler for VEB Zentrales Projektierungsbüro interview by author, June 2011, Warsaw. “Polygraph” Leipzig; see “Ghana: Regierungsdruckerei in Tema,” Deutsche 57. State House Complex (Job 600), drawings and photographs, 1965, Architektur 13 (Sept. 1964), 539–47; “Sugar Factory Combine at Asutsuare private archive of Witold Wojczy ski, Warsaw; see also SARP Archive, near Akuse in Ghana,” Archiwum Akt Nowych, Warsaw, Cekop 2309, Warsaw, dossier 770. 1/104, no. 15. 58. Ryszard Kapu ci ski, Gdyby cała Afryka (1971; repr., Warsaw: Agora, 45. “Agreement between the USSR and Ghana on Technical Aid,” signed 2011), 248; see also Charles L. Sanders, “Kwame Nkrumah: The Fall of a in Accra on 12 June 1961, in Ginsburgs and Slusser, Calendar of Soviet Trea- Messiah,” Ebony, Sept. 1966, 138–46. ties, 147; “Exchange of Notes between the USSR and Ghana Concerning 59. See, for example, O. J. Ludlam (chief architect), J. Laube (superin- Soviet Technical Aid to Ghana in a Construction of a Residential Area in tendent architect), A. Gadomska (project architect), Accra High School, the Town of Tema,” sent 7 Feb. 1965 in Accra, in Ginsburgs and Slusser, drawings, 1967, AESL Archives, Accra; E. Y. S. Engmann (engineer in Calendar of Soviet Treaties, 288; “Soviet to Aid Ghana. Pact Is Signed for chief), O. J. Ludlam (chief architect), J. Kotli ski (superintendent archi- Designing of Residential Areas,” New York Times, 13 June 1961, 2; Anatolii tect, hospitals), Extension to the School of Hygiene, Korle Bu Hospital, Nikolaevich Rimsha, Gradostroitel’stvo v usloviiakh zharkogo klimata (Mos- drawings, 1970, AESL Archives, Accra; S. F. Kwaku (chief engineer), Vic cow: Stroiizdat, 1972), 191, 193; Anatolii Nikolaevich Rimsha, Gorod i Adegbite (chief architect), J. Kotli ski (project architect), New Laboratory

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions C.R.I., Ghana Academy of Sciences, drawings, 1964, AESL Archives, Accra; July 1963, 6; “Self-Help Spirit Grips the Villages,” Evening News, 25 July E. Lartey (engineer in chief), Vic Adegbite (chief architect), K. Sierakowski 1963, 6. Designs for resettlement villages were also provided by architects (architect), I. Naidenovitch (architect), Prison Headquarters, Accra, drawings, at Kumasi University; see the articles on this subject in the Kumasi special n.d., AESL Archives, Accra. See also SARP Archive, Warsaw, dossier 623. issue of Arena: Architectural Association Journal 82 (July/Aug. 1966). 60. The women included Anna Gadomska, who contributed to designs 71. E. Lartey (engineer in chief), Vic Adegbite (chief architect), E. Dasz- of numerous schools, including the extension of Accra Academy (1967), kiewicz (architect), Standard schools and colleges, single story, 4 class- designs for students’ lodgings (1967–69), and the design of the ITF; rooms, drawings, n.d., AESL Archives, Accra; E. Y. S. Engmann (engi- Barbara Zb ska-Bartoszewicz, who designed numerous housing projects neer in chief), O. J. Ludlam (chief architect), E. K. Osei (superintendent in and outside Accra (1965–67) as well as the Kumasi Relay Station (1967); architect), Jan Laube, Anna Gadomska, I. Naidenovitch, Accra Academy, and Emilia Massalska, who, during her two stays in Ghana, was respon- drawings, 1967, AESL Archives, Accra. sible for hospital buildings in Accra and Sunyani (1966–71) as well as 72. “Ghana’s Changing Cities and Towns,” Evening News, 19 Feb. 1964, the layout of the Central Department Area in the ministries complex in 6; for the series “The Changing Face of Ghana,” see Ghanaian Times, Accra (with Kami ski, 1968). Others were Teresa Kulikowska, respon- 21 June 1961, 3; 22 June 1961, 3; 24 June 1961, 4; 28 June 1961, 3. See sible for the interior design of the Osu Castle (1964); Maria Hatt, the also “Progress in Ghana Is Evident in New Buildings,” Evening News, 30 designer of the telecommunication engineering school in Accra (1966); Sept. 1961, 5; “Flats for All Workers,” Evening News, 17 May 1962, 3; and Maria Waschko, who designed an office building, a hotel, and “Extensions to Korle Bu Hospital,” Evening News, 28 June 1963, 6. On bungalows in Accra (1969–74); see AESL Archives, Accra. At TCPD, the cathedral and the cinema, see “New £40,000 Cathedral for Tamale,” Maria Ostrowska-Podwysocka contributed to master plans of numerous Daily Graphic, 16 Mar. 1963, 6; E. Y. S. Engmann (engineer in chief), O. Ghanaian cities, including Sekondi-Takoradi, and Gra yna Jonkajtys- J. Ludlam (chief architect), J. T. Laube (project architect), Regal Cinema, Luba, together with her husband, Jerzy Luba, delivered detailed traffic Accra, drawings, 1970, AESL Archives, Accra. master plans of Accra, the Labadi Slum Clearance project, and numer- 73. “Osagyefo Will Open New Police H’quarters.” ous landscaping projects, including Marine Drive and Korle Bu Lagoon in 74. Ibid. Accra; see SARP Archive, Warsaw, dossiers 344, 711, 759. 75. See the photographs in Evening News, 7 Mar. 1960, 1, and 5 May 1960, 61. “Pomnik Prezydenta Nkrumaha,” Kontynenty 5, June 1964, 8; “Polish 2; “President Nkrumah Opens TUC H’D Quarters,” Evening News, 9 July Sculptress Show-Piece,” Ghanaian Times, 18 May 1965. The monument 1960, 7. was destroyed after the 1966 coup. 76. “Ghana’s Changing Cities and Towns,” 6; “Kumasi City Hotel Is Now 62. Hannah Schreckenbach, email correspondence with author, Decem- Completed,” Evening News, 22 June 1964, 5. ber 2012; Hannah Schreckenbach, with the assistance of Jackson G. K. 77. Žagar, telephone interview by author, February 2013; Weiner, telephone Abankwa, Construction Technology for a Tropical Developing Country (Esch- interview by author, February 2013. born: German Agency for Technical Cooperation for the Department of 78. “Origins of the Conspiracy,” Evening News, 11 Dec. 1961, 2–7. Architecture, University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana, 1983). 79. “Ex-GNCC Boss Toured 5 Nations in a Month,” Evening News, 10 63. Jacek Chyrosz, telephone interview by author, July 2012. Dec. 1966, 2; “Release ‘Job 600’ for Concerts,” Daily Graphic, 13 June 64. Anikó Polónyi, telephone interview by author, February 2013; Łukasz 1966, 1; “Did the Peduase Lodge Cost £750,000?,” Evening News, 16 Stanek, ed., Team 10 East: Revisionist Architecture in Real Existing Modernism July 1966, 1; Kweku Tsen, “Peduase Lodge: Architectural Masterpiece of (Warsaw: Museum of Modern Art; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Ghana,” Graphic Online, http://www.graphic.com.gh (accessed 18 Dec. 2014). 2013). See also “The Estate of Nkrumah,” Daily Graphic, 5 Mar. 1966, 5; 65. Jacek Chyrosz, interview by author, June 2012, Warsaw; Przemysław “Fathia’s Villa . . . in Cairo,” Daily Graphic, 11 Mar. 1966, 1; “Palaces for Kaniewski, Polska Szkoła Architektury w Wielkiej Brytanii 1942–1954 (War- Two Chiefs,” Daily Graphic, 1 Apr. 1966, 1. saw: Marek Woch, 2013). 80. “Kumasi City Hotel Is Now Completed,” 5. 66. Schreckenbach, email correspondence with author, December 2012. 81. “This Is the New Ghana Kwame Nkrumah Is Building,” Evening News, 67. See “Annual Report of the Ghana National Construction Corporation.” 21 May 1963, 6. 68. These papers addressed a limited readership but reached a much 82. “Progress in Ghana Is Evident in New Buildings,” 5. broader audience than professional journals such as West African Builder 83. “Accra: Fast Developing City . . . ,” Evening News, 17 Feb. 1966, 5. and Architect or debates at KNUST; see Jennifer Hasty, The Press and Politi- 84. “The Kingsway Street Map of Accra,” 1958, G8854.A2 1958.H3, cal Culture in Ghana (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005). Given Geography and Map Reading Room, Library of Congress, Washington, that most articles did not carry bylines and that, by the mid-1960s, the D.C.; “Accra. Compiled, drawn, and photo-lithographed by the Survey of newspapers were subject to increasingly tight censorship, one can only Ghana,” 1965, G8854.A2 1965.G5, Geography and Map Reading Room, speculate about the authors, who seem to have included journalists, prac- Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. ticing architects, state officials, and, sometimes, academics. See “Kumasi 85. Jerzy Luba and Gra yna Jonkajtys-Luba, Traffic Studies for Stadium—A Real Sculpture in Concrete,” Daily Graphic, 21 June 1961, Accra, TCPD, 1960s, Jerzy Luba and Gra yna Jonkajtys-Luba Archive, 7; see also the critique of the design of the National Theatre in Accra by Warsaw. Dorothy Padmore, “It Means Living Theatre Not Building,” Ghanaian 86. “Progress in Ghana Is Evident in New Buildings”; “Ministry Build- Times, 12 June 1961, 10; and “Exciting Housing That Fuses 2 Worlds,” ing”; “New Residency for the Western Regional Commissioner,” Evening Daily Graphic, 19 July 1961, 7. News, 30 June 1964, 5; “The People’s Shop,” Evening News, 7 July 1962, 1; 69. “Modern Buildings Are Simple in Form—but Old Designs Are Still in Polónyi, An Architect-Planner on the Peripheries, 55. Use,” Daily Graphic, 19 May 1961, 18. 87. “The Task Ahead,” Evening News, 7 Aug. 1964, 9; Rymaszewski, 70. “Rural Housing—Akosombo Offers Possible Solution,” Daily Graphic, “Handing Over Notes,” 5. 20 May 1961, 12–13; “New Hall for Apam,” Daily Graphic, 23 Apr. 1962, 88. “Flats for All Workers”; “A New Accra Rises on the Hills,” Evening 6; “The 3 Types of Roofs to Think About,” Daily Graphic, 11 Jan. 1962, News, 26 July 1962, 1; “2000 More Houses for the Workers!,” Evening 4; Asirifi Danquah, “Self-Help Gives Agogo a New Look,” Daily Graphic, News, 18 July 1963, 1; “People’s 7-Year D-Plan,” Evening News, 11 Mar. 27 Sept. 1965, 5; “Forward to Work and Happiness,” Evening News, 12 1964, 5; “The People Are Being Housed,” Evening News, 11 July 1964, 5;

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This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions “Government Votes £20m for Housing,” Evening News, 11 July 1964, 5; 104. “What Have You for the Masses?,” Ghanaian Times, 27 July 1961, 5; “Cheap Houses for the People,” Evening News, 15 July 1964, 5; “600 More J. F. Seebach, “Save the Temples,” Daily Graphic, 7 June 1961, 7. Workers’ Houses to Be Built,” Evening News, 21 Aug. 1964, 5; “More Flats 105. “Plan Blends the Old with the New,” Daily Graphic, 14 Sept. 1959, 5; for Workers,” Evening News, 9 Oct. 1965, 5. “An Idea for Ghanaian Architects,” Evening News, 19 June 1961, 5. 89. “Houses for the People,” Daily Graphic, 24 Nov. 1960, 10–11. 106. “Exciting Housing.” See also Kultermann, Central and Southern 90. “Ghana Has Hotels Galore for All!,” Daily Graphic, 29 June 1961, 9, Africa, 88–89. Another article praised a hotel at Akosombo Dam for merg- 15; “Takoradi’s New Hotel,” Daily Graphic, 18 Mar. 1963, 1–3; “ ‘Unity’ ing old and modern building traditions and forms: “The Past Leads to the Motel Opened,” Daily Graphic, 12 Aug. 1963, 3. Present,” Daily Graphic, 2 Aug. 1961, 7. 91. “This Gives Hotels a Chance to Expand Business,” Daily Graphic, 16 107. Vic Adegbite (chief architect and project architect), J. Chyrosz Mar. 1960, 7; “Accra Takes a New Look,” Daily Graphic, 7 Aug. 1962, 7. (project architect), Proposal, residence Bolgatanga, drawings, 1962, AESL 92. “Krobo, Your New Building Is Too Ostentatious!,” Evening News, Archives, Accra. 13 Apr. 1962, 1; “Exclusive Pictures of Krobo’s New Mansion,” Evening 108. “What Is Good for the Tropics?,” Daily Graphic, 7 Aug. 1962, 9; News, 14 Apr. 1962, 1; “Who Owns This Building?,” Evening News, “House Designs for Tropics,” Daily Graphic, 21 Aug. 1963, 7; “Project Afri- 11 Dec. 1963, 1; “Don’t Miss Tema Dance,” Ghanaian Times, 27 July can Personality in Our Buildings,” Evening News, 30 Sept. 1961, 7; “Let’s 1961, 5. Make Good Use of Our Local Materials,” Evening News, 30 Sept. 1961, 6, 9. 93. “Osagyefo Brought Big Changes to Ghana,” Evening News, 19 June 109. Jacek Chyrosz, interview by author, June 2010, Warsaw. 1964, 5. See also the series “This Is the New Ghana Kwame Nkrumah Is 110. “20 Russians Sent Away . . . and Four Chinese Too,” Evening News, Building,” Evening News, 17 May 1963, 8, 20 May 1963, 6, 21 May 1963, 17 Mar. 1966, 1. 6, and 23 May 1963, 6; “Rapid Progress,” Evening News, 4 Oct. 1963, 6; 111. “At Trade Fair Site,” Evening News, 7 July 1966. “Spectacular!,” Evening News, 21 Oct. 1963, 6. 112. See note 38. 94. “He Turns the Key,” Daily Graphic, 26 Aug. 1960, 8–9; “£10,000 113. Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, Tropical Architecture in the Humid Zone Centre for Achiase . . . ,” Daily Graphic, 6 June 1961, 8–9; “Law School (New York: Reinhold, 1956), 23; see also Michel Écochard, Jane Drew, and Building Opened in Accra,” Daily Graphic, 6 Jan. 1962, 6–7; “New £4,500 Maxwell Fry, “Deux études d’urbanisme applicables au Sénégal” (n.p., 1962); Gymnasium for Adisadel,” Daily Graphic, 19 June 1963, 7; “Kwame at Drew and Fry, Village Housing in the Tropics; Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew, Cape Coast Varsity,” Daily Graphic, 8 Dec. 1965, 8–9; “Pioneers Getting Tropical Architecture in the Dry and Humid Zones (New York: Reinhold, 1964). Ready for Queen,” Evening News, 25 Oct. 1961, 6; “Forward to Work and 114. Rémi Le Caisne, “Les conditions de l’architecture en Afrique tropi- Happiness”; “Opening of Sampa’s £20,000 Health Centre,” Daily Graphic, cale,” Techniques et Architecture, nos. 5/6 (1952), 45–48; Johan Lagae, 26 May 1960, 8–9. “Building ‘Le Nouveau Congo’: Fifties Architecture and the Emergence 95. “Facilities for Educating Girls Have Now Doubled,” Evening News, of the Modern Cityscape in the Belgian Congo,” in Additions to Architec- 6 Nov. 1961, 5. tural History: XIXth Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Histori- 96. Evening News, 18 July 1962, 1. ans of Australia and New Zealand, ed. John Macarthur and Antony Moulis 97. “Women Challenge Men for Top Jobs,” Daily Graphic, 6 Nov. 1961, 9. (Brisbane: Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, Regarding the cold storage in Tema, see Daily Graphic, 10 May 1963, 8–9. 2002); Johan Lagae, “ ‘Kongo zoals het is’: Drie architectuurverhalen uit 98. “Nunoo Sees Ministry’s Stand at Trade Fair,” Daily Graphic, 30 Jan. de Belgische kolonisatiegeschiedenis 1920–1960” (PhD diss., Ghent Uni- 1967, 4; “Some Facts You Must Know,” Daily Graphic, 17 Jan. 1967, 7, 10; versity, 2002), 316–17. “The Big Trade Fair Site at a Glance,” Daily Graphic, 17 Jan. 1967, 8–9. 115. Chyrosz and Rymaszewski, “Mi dzynarodowe Targi w Akrze.” See also Bianca Murillo, “Ideal Homes and the Gender Politics of Con- 116. “Konkurs dla Konga Belgijskiego: Nagrodzona praca polska,” Architek- sumerism in Postcolonial Ghana, 1960–70,” in Homes and Homecomings: tura (Warsaw) 10 (1959), 463; SARP Archive, Warsaw, dossiers 401, 852. Gendered Histories of Domesticity and Return, ed. K. H. Adler and Carrie 117. Jacek Chyrosz, telephone interview by author, February 2013. Hamilton (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 106–21. 118. “Ghana Factory for the Production of Weather Proof Plywood,” West 99. “Uphold the Dignity of African Personality—Osagyefo,” Evening African Builder and Architect 1, no. 2 (1961), 45–46; “Czech Factories for News, 6 Dec. 1963, 1. Ghana”; “Structural Use of Exterior Grade Plywood in West Africa,” West 100. Joe Joseph, “The Summit—Your Civic Duties . . . ,” Daily Graphic, African Builder and Architect 5, no. 2 (1965), 41; “Low Cost Housing in 12 Oct. 1965, 5. Nigeria,” West African Builder and Architect 7, no. 6 (1967), 171. 101. “Osagyefo Inspects ‘Castle,’ ” Ghanaian Times, 25 Aug. 1960, 1; 119. Fry and Drew, Tropical Architecture in the Humid Zone, 24. “Ghana’s Building Heritage: Lessons from Ancestors,” Daily Graphic, 20 May 120. “Schedule of various overseas orders for Ghana International Trade 1961, 9; “Reprieve for 12 Old Houses,” Daily Graphic, 5 Jan. 1963, 1; “African Fair,” 10 Aug. 1966, AESL Archives, Accra. Artists Are Destined to Develop a Creative Tradition,” Evening News, 22 121. Jacek Chyrosz and Nebojsa Weiner, telephone interview by author, Mar. 1963, 5–6. Jan Laube and Stanisław Rymaszewski were appointed February 2013. Of particular importance for the construction of the ITF by the government to survey colonial architecture by means of measured was the firm A. Lang; among other contractors operating in Accra and drawings; see, for example, the measured drawings of late nineteenth- Kumasi, Weiner mentions J. Monta and E. Tonone. century bungalows in Kumasi by Rymaszewski, Stanisław Rymaszewski 122. See Crinson, Modern Architecture, 139–41; Jane Drew, “Recent Work Archive, Warsaw; and R. B. Nunoo, director, Ghana Museum, Accra, “Tes- by Fry, Drew, Drake & Partners and Fry, Drew, Drake & Lasdun in West timonial to Mr S. H. Rymaszewski,” 17 Jan. 1974, Stanisław Rymaszewski Africa,” Architectural Design 25, no. 5 (May 1955), 137–74. Archive, Warsaw. 123. “Dylematy tropiku,” Fundamenty 1, no. 576 (1968), 13. 102. “Castle Will Be Ready Soon for Queen’s Visit,” Ghanaian Times, 124. Maciej Ziółek, “Budownictwo w warunkach klimatu tropikalnego,” 1 Aug. 1961, 1. In ynieria i budownictwo 7 (1965), 216–20. 103. E. Y. S. Engmann (engineer in chief), O. J. Ludlam (chief architect), 125. For example, Ziółek’s paper (ibid.) was illustrated with photographs W. Wojczy ski (project architect), Osu Castle, extension to the offices of of West African architecture by Drew, Fry, and Scott. In another paper, the prime minister, n.d., AESL Archives, Accra. For Polónyi’s projects for Ziółek suggested that designers should learn from countries with extensive the Osu Castle, see note 50. experience in tropical construction, and his bibliography included French,

A r chitects f r o m S o c i a l i s t C o u n t r i e s i n G h a n a ( 19 5 7 – 6 7 ) 441

This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Thu, 3 Dec 2015 04:27:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Russian, U.S., and Israeli sources in addition to British ones. Maciej Ziółek, 137. Polónyi, An Architect-Planner on the Peripheries, 82. “Problemy budownictwa w warunkach klimatu tropikalnego,” Informa- 138. Stanisław Rymaszewski, interview by author, August 2010, Warsaw. cja adresowana 58 (1968), 1–14. For Soviet publications, see V. L. Voronina, 139. Ibid. Narodnye traditsii arkhitektury Uzbekistana (Moscow: Gos. izd-vo arkhitek- 140. O. J. Ludlam, chief architect, Public Works Department, Accra, Ghana, tury i gradostroitel’stva, 1951); Vladimir Nikolaevich Punagin, Tekhnologiia “Letter of Reference for Stanisław Rymaszewski,” 24 Jan. 1972, Stanisław betona v usloviiakh sukhogo zharkogo klimata (Tashkent: Fan, 1977); S. A. Rymaszewski Archive, Warsaw. During his second stay in Accra, Rymaszewski Mironov and E. N. Malinskii, Osnovy tekhnologii betona v usloviiakh sukhogo continued to work on the ITF, preparing the second fair in 1972. zharkogo klimata (Moscow: Stroiizdat, 1985); L. N. Kiselevich, V. A. 141. Rymaszewski, interview by author, August 2010. See also “Report on Kossakowskii, and O. I. Rzhehina, Zhillishchnoe stroitel’stvo v usloviiakh zharkogo Sino-Soviet Bloc Politico-economic Relations.” klimata (Moscow: Izdatelstvo literatury po stroitel’stvu, 1965); Rimsha, 142. Polónyi, An Architect-Planner on the Peripheries, 82. Gradostroitel’stvo v usloviiakh zharkogo klimata; Rimsha, Gorod i zharkii klimat. 143. Jerzy Luba and Gra yna Jonkajtys-Luba, Labadi Slum Clearance 126. Bogodar Winid, “The Centre of African Studies of Warsaw University,” Project at TCPD, photocopies of drawings, 1965, Archive of Gra yna Studies on Developing Countries 2 (1972), 151–58; Stanisław Grzywnowicz Jonkajtys-Luba, Warsaw; Jonkajtys-Luba, interview by author, June 2011. and Jerzy Kiedrzy ski, Prawa i obowi zki specjalisty (Warsaw: Wydawnictwa 144. Polónyi, An Architect-Planner on the Peripheries, 25, 46, 184. UW, 1972). 145. “Socialist Europe as I Saw It,” Ghanaian Times, 4 Sept. 1961, 5. 127. “Naco Louvre Windows” (advertisement), West African Builder and 146. Julie Hessler, “Death of an African Student in Moscow: Race, Architect 8, no. 1 (1968), A5; “Naco Louvre Windows” (advertisement), Politics, and the Cold War,” Cahiers du Monde russe 47, nos. 1/2 (2006), West African Builder and Architect 8, no. 2 (1968), A5. 33–63. 128. Ghana Review 7, no. 2 (1967). 147. “Yugoslavia Ready to Co-operate with Ghana,” Ghanaian Times, 11 129. “Volta River Authority—Offices.” Feb. 1961, 2; Nkrumah quoted in K. F. Buah, A History of Ghana (London: 130. Witold Wojczy ski, interview by author, June 2011, Warsaw. Macmillan, 1980), 187. 131. Jacek Chyrosz and Stanisław Rymaszewski, interview by author, 148. J. C. Moughtin, ed., The Work of Z. R. Dmochowski: Nigerian Tra- June 2011, Warsaw. For example, among nineteen architects present at ditional Architecture (London: Ethnographica, 1988), 15–16; Zbigniew the GIA meeting on 29 September 1964, eleven were from socialist coun- Dmochowski, An Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, 3 vols. tries (ten of them from Poland): J. Nowosadski, K. Sierakowski, J. Przera- (London: Ethnographica, 1990). dowski, J. Chyrosz, S. Ploskov, J. Kotli ski, Z. Lewa ski, E. Massalska, 149. Polónyi, An Architect-Planner on the Peripheries, 46; Moravánszky, W. Wojczy ski, J. Dru y ski, and E. Szymczak. See “Minutes of the Gen- “Peripheral Modernism.” eral Meeting of Ghana Institute of Architect[s] Held on Tuesday 29/9/64,” 150. Marek Arpad Kowalski, Dyskurs kolonialny w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej Max Bond Papers 1951–2009, 2009.015, Box 26, Avery Drawings & (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo DiG, 2010). Archives Collection, Columbia University, New York. The GCSA merged 151. Artur Domoławski, Kapu ci ski non-fiction (Warsaw: wiat Ksi ki, with the GIA in 1965. 2010), 24; Kapu ci ski, Gdyby cała Afryka; Ryszard Kapu ci ski, The Shadow 132. Carl E. Pletsch, “The Three Worlds, or the Division of Social Scien- of the Sun (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001). tific Labor, circa 1950–1975,”Comparative Studies in Society and History 23, 152. Interview by author, June 2012, Accra. no. 4 (1981), 565–90. 153. See, for example, Manuel Herz with Ingrid Schröder, Hans Focketyn, 133. Fry and Drew, Tropical Architecture in the Humid Zone, 24. and Julia Jamrozik, eds., African Modernism: The Architecture of Inde- 134. “International Trade Fair to Be Held in Accra,” West African Builder pendence—Ghana, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Zambia (Zurich: Park and Architect 3, no. 6 (1963), 116; “Special Import Licenses for Trade Fair,” Books, 2015); Hertha Hurnaus, Benjamin Konrad, and Maik Novotny, West African Builder and Architect 4, no. 2 (1964), 42; “International Trade Eastmodern—Architecture and Design of the 1960s and 1970s in Slovakia Fair,” West African Builder and Architect 4, no. 4 (1964), 86; “Trade Fair (New York: Springer, 2007); Lu, Third World Modernism. For a recent Postponed,” West African Builder and Architect 5, no. 1 (1965), 19. critical review, see Carmen Popescu, “At the Periphery of Architec- 135. Chyrosz and Rymaszewski, interview by author, June 2011; Jacek tural History—Looking at Eastern Europe,” ARTL@S Bulletin 3, no. Chyrosz, telephone interviews by author, February 2013. 1 (2014), 8–17. 136. Chyrosz and Rymaszewski, interview by author, June 2011; Žagar, 154. Grzywnowicz and Kiedrzy ski, Prawa i obowi zki specjalisty, 21–22. telephone interview by author, February 2013; Weiner, telephone inter- 155. Stanek, Postmodernism Is Almost All Right; Stanek, “Mobilities of view by author, February 2013. Architecture.”

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