'You'll Never Beat the System by Bombing Number 1O' Perceptions of the Utility of Political Violence in Anarcho- Punk
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Bernadette Devlin (Mcaliskey) John Hume Gerry
Bernadette Devlin John Hume Gerry Adams (McAliskey) Born Cookstown, Co.Tyrone 1947 Born Derry 1937 Born 1948 Student at Queen's University, Went to St. Columb's College in Derry Republican family Belfast University of Maynooth BA Left school at 17 to be a barman Involved in civil rights movement Worked as teacher in St. Columb's IRA 1969 and marches organised by NICRA 1964-1965 involved in campaign for Interned 1971 1968-69 university to be located in Derry Involved in secret talks with Northern 1968 involved in left-wing student Involved in civil rights campaign Secretary (Whitelaw) 1972 group People's Democracy Elected to DHAC (Derry Housing Rearrested 1973 ran against Chichester-Clarke in 1969 Action Committee) 1968 Maze Prison election to Stormont Parliament in NI Elected to Stormont Parliament in 1969 Wrote 'Brownie Articles' for Ran in Westminster by-election 1969 1970 helped set up SDLP (Social Republican News as nationalist 'Unity' candidate Democratic and Labour Party) Suggested IRA needed political as Elected MP to Westminster age 21 Involved in negotiations on power- well as military campaign (youngest woman ever elected to sharing which led to Sunningdale Released 1977 House of Commons) Agreement 1974 Vice President SF 1978 Retained her seat in 1970 General Minister for Commerce in NI President SF 1983 Election to Westminster Excecutive set up by Sunningdale 'Armalite in one hand and the ballot Involved in 'Battle of the Bogside' But Executive collapsed May 1974 after box in the other' 1969 general strike organised by unionist -
Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 Foreword
• Forward by Kevin McNamara MP • An Outline of the Contents • Preparing the ground • Military manoeuvres • Rumours of coups • The 'private armies' of 1974 re-examined • The National Association for Freedom • Destabilising the Wilson government 1974-76 • Marketing the dirt • Psy ops in Northern Ireland • The central role of MI5 • Conclusions • Appendix 1: ISC, FWF, IRD • Appendix 2: the Pinay Circle • Appendix 3: FARI & INTERDOC • Appendix 4: the Conflict Between MI5 and MI6 in Northern Ireland • Appendix 5: TARA • Appendix 6: Examples of political psy ops targets 1973/4 - non Army origin • Appendix 7 John Colin Wallace 1968-76 • Appendix 8: Biographies • Bibliography Introduction This is issue 11 of The Lobster, a magazine about parapolitics and intelligence activities. Details of subscription rates and previous issues are at the back. This is an atypical issue consisting of just one essay and various appendices which has been researched, written, typed, printed etc by the two of us in less than four months. Its shortcomings should be seen in that light. Brutally summarised, our thesis is this. Mrs Thatcher (and 'Thatcherism') grew out of a right-wing network in this country with extensive links to the military-intelligence establishment. Her rise to power was the climax of a long campaign by this network which included a protracted destabilisation campaign against the Liberal and Labour Parties - chiefly the Labour Party - during 1974-6. We are not offering a conspiracy theory about the rise of Mrs Thatcher, but we do think that the outlines of a concerted campaign to discredit the other parties, to engineer a right-wing leader of the Tory Party, and then a right-wing government, is visible. -
Accounting and Discounting for the International Contacts of the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Michael Mckinley
Conflict Quarterly Of "Alien Influences": Accounting and Discounting for the International Contacts of the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Michael McKinley NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS In a world where nation states are unanimous in their disavowal of terrorism — even if they are incapable of unanimously agreeing on a defini tion of what it is they are disavowing — and in a Western Europe which regards separatist and irredentist claims as anathema, mere is a natural ten dency for those who are so excluded to make common cause where they might Disparate as these groups are, they really have only themselves to meet as equals; though they might wish to be nation states or represent nation states in the fullness of time, they exist until then as interlopers in the relations between states: seldom invited and then almost always disappointed by their reception. It is a world with which the Provisional Irish Republican Army and its more political expression, Sinn Fein, are entirely familiar and also one in which, given their history, political complexion, strategy and objectives, it would be extraordinarily strange for them not to have a wide range of inter national contacts. But potent as the reflex of commonality by exclusion is, it does not completely determine these linkages because to argue this is to argue on the basis of default rather than purpose. For the Provisionals there is a utility not only of making such contacts but also in formalizing them where possible within the movements' organizational structure. Thus, in 1976 the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis moved to establish, under the directorship of Risteard Behal, a Foreign Affairs Bureau, with Behal as its first "sort of roving Euro pean ambassador . -
Author's Note
AUTHOR’S NOTE A history of MI9 was first provided by Airey Neave (Saturday at MI9) in 1969. His account, followed by those of Donald Darling and then M.R.D. Foot with Jimmy Langley, closely matches the history and development of MI9 as seen in the official MI9 histories, training lectures and manuals and MI9 bulletins.1 The types of escape aids, and the amounts of these sent in to POW camps, were also detailed in their books prior to declassification of the official MI9 war diary.2 There are limiting factors with the MI9 files which contain no historical accounts of the formation and history of the Comet Line, Pat Line or sea evacuations. MI9 was running its operations in the context of a war that needed to be won and therefore was clearly not collecting information to write an official history of the escape lines later. The reconstructions by Foot and Langley, Darling and Neave from eyewitness accounts, leaders of the escape lines, helpers and MI9 agents provide the first detailed histories of escape lines that cannot be reconstructed from material in MI9 files. New material will emerge in this book on the role of MI9’s women who worked at its headquarters, first in London and then at Wilton Park in Beaconsfield. MI9 used female interrogators – a job traditionally reserved only for men. I also uncover new evidence related to women’s intelligence work in occupied Europe. Through simple and ordinary acts of resistance, they made a significant contribution to saving Allied airmen and soldiers. Their stories in Italy are a good example of this. -
Rebel Alliances
Rebel Alliances The means and ends 01 contemporary British anarchisms Benjamin Franks AK Pressand Dark Star 2006 Rebel Alliances The means and ends of contemporary British anarchisms Rebel Alliances ISBN: 1904859402 ISBN13: 9781904859406 The means amiemls 01 contemllOranr British anarchisms First published 2006 by: Benjamin Franks AK Press AK Press PO Box 12766 674-A 23rd Street Edinburgh Oakland Scotland CA 94612-1163 EH8 9YE www.akuk.com www.akpress.org [email protected] [email protected] Catalogue records for this book are available from the British Library and from the Library of Congress Design and layout by Euan Sutherland Printed in Great Britain by Bell & Bain Ltd., Glasgow To my parents, Susan and David Franks, with much love. Contents 2. Lenini8t Model of Class 165 3. Gorz and the Non-Class 172 4. The Processed World 175 Acknowledgements 8 5. Extension of Class: The social factory 177 6. Ethnicity, Gender and.sexuality 182 Introduction 10 7. Antagonisms and Solidarity 192 Chapter One: Histories of British Anarchism Chapter Four: Organisation Foreword 25 Introduction 196 1. Problems in Writing Anarchist Histories 26 1. Anti-Organisation 200 2. Origins 29 2. Formal Structures: Leninist organisation 212 3. The Heroic Period: A history of British anarchism up to 1914 30 3. Contemporary Anarchist Structures 219 4. Anarchism During the First World War, 1914 - 1918 45 4. Workplace Organisation 234 5. The Decline of Anarchism and the Rise of the 5. Community Organisation 247 Leninist Model, 1918 1936 46 6. Summation 258 6. Decay of Working Class Organisations: The Spani8h Civil War to the Hungarian Revolution, 1936 - 1956 49 Chapter Five: Anarchist Tactics Spring and Fall of the New Left, 7. -
Communities of Resistance Unite! a Radical History of the Edinburgh Unemployed Workers Centre
Communities of Resistance Unite! A Radical History of the Edinburgh Unemployed Workers Centre Demonstration against the termination of the lease and the eviction threat in 19941. This paper looks into the history of the Edinburgh Unemployed Workers Centre (EUWC) and the struggles of anti-authoritarian revolutionary groups in Edinburgh during the 1980s and early 1990s2. Grassroots and direct action oriented groups started to organise together in the early 1980s against the various attacks on the 1 Scottish Radical Library, Drawer: ACE/ECAP/Edinburgh Claimants, Folder: cling film with several photos [hereafter SRL, D: label, F: label (further description)], Photo by Norman Watkins, 1994. 2 You can contact the author through [email protected] . 1 working class. They were often based in the EUWC and developed highly sophisticated forms of community resistance which culminated in their crucial role in the Poll Tax rebellion. This paper reveals forms of bottom up revolutionary organising to add important parts to the local radical history of Edinburgh. It furthermore developed as a contribution to current debates on how the radical left can organise collectively against capital, state and any form of oppression today. The references made in text aim to collect some of the most inspiring sources on the topic. As traces they invite for further research. Cover picture from the 2015 booklet "Up Against the State: The Battle for Broughton St Unemployed Workers Centre"3. The booklet was produced by the Autonomous Centre of Edinburgh (ACE) and tells the story of the centre. The first section gives a small introduction into the political climate of the time and looks not only at Thatcher's roll back of socialism but also at reactionary politics of the Labour party. -
You'll Never Beat the System by Bombing Number 10
You’ll never beat the system by bombing Number 10 Perceptions of the utility of political violence in anarcho-punk 1977-1987 Rich Cross No Sir, I Won’t: Reconsidering the legacy of Crass and anarcho- punk, Oxford Brookes, 28 June 2013 Contention Anarcho-punk should not be seen simply as a pacifist-punk culture. The culture’s self-identification as ‘peace punk’ was not immediate, and anarcho- punk quickly became diverse in political and cultural ambition, especially concerning the nature of opposition to the state Perceptions of the utility of political violence changed within a few short years, as anarcho-punk responded to a range of pressures and counter-pressures. Changing views of violence reflect shifts in the centre of political gravity within the movement “Boring fucking politics will get us all shot” No Sir, I Won’t: Reconsidering the legacy of Crass and anarcho- punk, Oxford Brookes, 28 June 2013 Airey Neave Blown up in the House of Commons car park by the INLA in March 1979 Warrenpoint and Mountbatten Warrenpoint ambush: PIRA kill 18 soldiers; blow up Lord Mountbatten – August 1979 Inner-city riots -1981 Wave of rioting across British inner-cities in spring of 1981 Falklands War - 1982 Nearly 1,000 killed in war between Britain and Argentina over the Falklands-Malvinas Great Miners’ strike – 1984-85 Widespread, year-long clashes between striking miners, the police (and soldiers in police uniform) Battle of the Beanfield - 1985 Police assault and break-up traveller convoy, to prevent gathering at Stonehenge - June 1985 -
The Politics of Anarchy in Anarcho Punk,1977-1985
No Compromise with Their Society: The Politics of Anarchy in Anarcho Punk,1977-1985 Laura Dymock Faculty of Music, Department of Music Research, McGill University, Montréal September, 2007 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts, Musicology © Laura Dymock, 2007 Libraryand Bibliothèque et 1+1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-38448-0 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-38448-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, électronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Mckay-4Word-The-Aesthetic-Of-Our
Minor Compositions Open Access Statement – Please Read This book is open access. This work is not simply an electronic book; it is the open access version of a work that exists in a number of forms, the traditional printed form being one of them. All Minor Compositions publications are placed for free, in their entirety, on the web. This is because the free and autonomous sharing of knowledges and experiences is important, especially at a time when the restructuring and increased centralization of book distribution makes it difficult (and expensive) to distribute radical texts effectively. The free posting of these texts does not mean that the necessary energy and labor to produce them is no longer there. One can think of buying physical copies not as the purchase of commodities, but as a form of support or solidarity for an approach to knowledge production and engaged research (particularly when purchasing directly from the publisher). The open access nature of this publication means that you can: • read and store this document free of charge • distribute it for personal use free of charge • print sections of the work for personal use • read or perform parts of the work in a context where no financial transactions take place However, it is against the purposes of Minor Compositions open access approach to: • gain financially from the work • sell the work or seek monies in relation to the distribution of the work • use the work in any commercial activity of any kind • profit a third party indirectly via use or distribution of the work • distribute in or through a commercial body (with the exception of academic usage within educational institutions) The intent of Minor Compositions as a project is that any surpluses generated from the use of collectively produced literature are intended to return to further the development and production of further publications and writing: that which comes from the commons will be used to keep cultivating those commons. -
Northern Ireland •
No 47 February 1983 20p BRITAIN • Northern Ireland • - I Northern Ireland 1983 presents a grim picture. British imperialist terror stalks the streets, as the Royal Ulster Constabulary carries out a '?hoot Or! s~Z~-t:' ~1,~~cl?-: 1?~·.~~Qi:~n ??:Q~ !H~t P('-::~l~] ;.c~n a-c·t~ \"! sts. The Catholic ghettos are hellholes of despair and oppression; the Protestant working-class areas scarcely better off. Against a backdrop of social deprivation, 25 per cent official unemployment and army/police re ",~~«.;d pression, the interpenetrated Catholic and Protestant communities are Top: British troops terrorise Belfast. Bottom: Droppin well after INlA bombing. locked into sectarian antagonisms which only seem to harden by the month. The conflicting claims of the Irish Catholic and Ulster Protestant peoples, two distinct communities sharing and contesting the same terri tory, cannot be democratically resolved within the framework of capital ipm. Every day the British army remains, it simply exacerbates the op pression of the Catholic masses and deepens the communal divisions. It is Troops out now - an elementary duty for proletarian revolutionists to demand their im mediate, unconditional withdrawal. But the Republican programme of forcible reunification of the Thirty Two Counties would simply reverse the current terms of oppression between Protestant and Catholic. There can be no solution to social oppression and the conflicting national/ smash the RUC/UOR! communal ciaims in Northern Ireland other than through the perspective of proletarian revolution, forging class unity between Catholic and Protestant workers in struggle against the common enemy. The gelignite bomb planted by the Irish National Liberation Army in a crowded pub in Ballykelly early last December, which killed six Prot Not Green against Orange estant civilians and eleven British soldiers, served only to deepen the sectarian hatred. -
INLA's Bloody Feud
Now days are dragon-ridden, the nightmare Rides upon sleep; a drunken soldier Can leave the mother, murdered at her door To crawl in her own blood, and go scol_ freei The night can sweat with terror as before We pieced our thoughts into philosophy, And planned to bring the world undir a rule, Who are but weasets fighting ,n hloJ\"",_ A rnother, murdered at her door, to crawl in her own blood, during the struggles to set up the independent Irish state... A mother, Mary McGlinchey, shot dead in Dundalk Agnes O' at the funeral on 31 January as she bathed her nine year old son, who vainly shouted at the killers, "Leave Mummy alone,'. Mary McGlinchey,s death was the mosr INLA's bloody feud horrifying incident during the recent feud Paddy Dollard looks between two sections of the so-called Irish at some lessons National Liberation Army, in which 13 gangsterism, Kirkpatrick was promised _ ed the fire people died and 20 were injured. as INLA tore itself apart. and will surely get an early release. In The Provos Mary McClinchey was the wile of jailed return - who have sometim he helped put 30 others behind commented adversely- one-time INLA chief of staff Dominic bars. on INLA's wildt McGlinchey, and most counterproductive activitir and she is said to have been At that point McGlinchey, a dismissed killed revenge and denounced 'Me Fein, gangsterism in for her husband's sum- Provo, came out of jail. By mid 1982 he mary 'execution' of an INLA declared that the best contiibution INL activist. -
Globalization and Its Discontents
Globalization and its discontents DUNCAN GREEN AND MATTHEW GRIFFITH* On 11 September the Financial Times published an article entitled ‘The mosquitoes begin to swarm’, the first of a four-part series on what it described as the counter-capitalist movement. The author, James Harding, vividly captured the chaotic energy of a ‘movement of movements’ based on a pervasive ‘queasiness about capitalism’. It is wide in its tactics and ambitions, violent and revolutionary on the edges, peaceful and reformist in the main. It rushes in often contradictory directions, anti-corporate and entrepreneurial, anarchist and nostalgic, technophobe and futuristic, revolutionary and conservative all at the same time. º It does not have one source. Many tributaries have swollen counter-capitalism: the anti-apartheid movement, the campaigns against US intervention in Central America, environmentalism, the emergence of protest movements in the Third World, famine relief in Africa, the Asian financial crisis, human rights protection, Acid House raves in Europe, road rallies organized by Reclaim the Streets and hip-hop music in the US. Following the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the re- maining three articles were hurriedly spiked. The political and social momentum of the movement appeared to have gone into deep freeze. Some groups appeared to be morphing into the nucleus of an anti-war movement; others tried to continue with business as usual, issuing policy documents and calls for supporter actions on the debt burden and the WTO ministerial meeting in Qatar. Even before the 11 September attacks, the movement was entering a period of uncertainty. Six weeks earlier, violence by both police and protesters in the streets of Genoa during the G8 summit had left a young Italian protester dead, many injured, and a brewing sense of crisis over the movement’s direction.