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Liberum Veto: Republican Theory and Practice in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1639-1705)

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Liberum Veto: Republican Theory and Practice in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1639-1705) THE CURIOUS EVOLUTION OF THE LIBERUM VETO: REPUBLICAN THEORY AND PRACTICE IN THE POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH (1639-1705) A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Catherine Jean Morse McKenna, M.A. Washington, D.C. March 2, 2012 Copyright 2010 by Catherine J.M. McKenna All Rights Reserved ii THE CURIOUS EVOLUTION OF THE LIBERUM VETO: REPUBLICAN THEORY AND PRACTICE IN THE POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH, 1639-1705 Catherine Jean Morse McKenna, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Andrzej S. Kamiński, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Historians of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth have traditionally presented the liberum veto, a parliamentary practice that allowed any member of parliament to object to any measure and thereby suspend deliberations, as a result of Polish citizens’ (the szlachta’s) peculiar political culture, particularly their attachment to the principles of consensus and unanimity. This assumption led scholars to focus on theoretical justifications for the abuse of the veto that began during the second half of the seventeenth century and by the middle of the eighteenth century had paralyzed the Polish parliament (the Sejm) entirely. Until now, no one has considered the advent and persistence of the veto in the context of the long struggle between the two central political ideologies of the early modern period, republicanism and absolutism. By examining the writings of republican citizens who used and defended the veto during the heated battle over constitutional reform waged in the Commonwealth during the 1660s and early 1670s, we see that the veto was initially embraced as a tool to defend republican liberty against the illegal designs of a king bent on monarchical reforms. This tactic proved disastrous for the citizens who first used the veto to suspend parliaments as their opponents quickly embraced the practice for their own selfish ends. The result was partisan gridlock as well as a theoretical impasse between those who advocated a well- iii regulated (but unfree) monarchy and those who advocated a free (but chaotic) republic. Not until Stanisław Dunin Karwicki wrote his De ordinanda republica in 1704 or 1705 were republican writers able to propose a constitution that guaranteed both efficient execution of laws and security without sacrificing the positive freedoms Poles understood to be the proper end of any constitution. Although Karwicki’s reforms were never put into practice, they shed invaluable light on the struggle that defined seventeenth-century politics across Europe and that in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth led to the creation and curious evolution of the liberum veto. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Ten years ago I knew absolutely nothing about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Nearly everything I have since learned about the subject has been thanks to the patient, if sometimes inscrutable, advice of my beloved advisor, Prof. Andrzej Kamiński. He introduced me to the fascinating worlds of early modern Europe and the Commonwealth, but more importantly, he taught me to look at everything in a new, clearer light— especially the big assumptions many of us carry around with us for our whole lives. Never one to provide his students with the easy answers, he insisted that I read the documents—never the author’s introduction—and then, like the artist who draws what his eyes see rather than what his brain tells him he sees, I learned to draw my conclusions based on what was actually there in the text rather that what I thought should be there. I must also thank Prof. Kamiński for his lack of sympathy for what I perceived as the hardships associated with completing this project. Whenever I would begin to feel overwhelmed by the difficulty of reading so many Old Polish documents or living away from my family or writing two coherent paragraphs with a toddler pulling at my sleeve, he would adjust my perspective and refocus my efforts with some colorful tale of genuine hardship from history or his own past. It is particularly hard to complain about quotidian challenges to man who survived both Nazi and Soviet occupations. Along with Prof. Kamiński, I must thank the other professors who have provided countless hours of support along the way, Prof. Gerry Mara, my steadfast cheerleader, v Prof. Jim Collins, my favorite critic, and Prof. John McNeill, my go-to source for a completely different perspective. As deeply indebted as I am to my academic advisors, I fear I have racked up even greater debts to my friends and family over the course of this long, selfish adventure. First, I have to thank my sister, Jennifer Oakes, who stands at the fore of a small army of women who held down the domestic front so I could run off to my archives and libraries. Her unflagging support at home was complemented by another contingent of women in Poland, led by Pani Joanna Renner. Thanks largely to their efforts, my daughter Annie appears to be a happy, well-adjusted six-year-old—with a lot of frequent flier miles. Continuing down my list of accumulated debts, I must thank the talented women who taught me Polish and enthusiastically answered a never-ending stream of questions about Old Polish grammar and vocabulary, Pani Iwona Sadowska, Pani Danuta Gałyga and Pani Basia Sadurska. These women, along with the helpful staffs at the Czartoryski and PAN-PAU Archives and Jagiellonian Library in Kraków, kept me going, especially during the difficult early days of my research. My final debt of gratitude is to my husband, Rajiv Vinnakota. Although Raj shares none of my passion for Poland, he understands what it means to have such a passion. Never once did he suggest that I just give up the stress and expense of trips abroad to learn obscure languages and read dusty documents. He dutifully bought the plane tickets, listened to all my tiny breakthroughs and setbacks, and proudly boasted about his wife’s research to anyone who would listen. For this, I am very grateful. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction: The Conundrum of the Liberum veto in light of the work of Stanisław Dunin Karwicki p. 1 Chapter One: Inter maiestas ac libertas: Political Theory and Practice at the sejmy of 1639 and 1652 p. 48 Chapter Two: Reform and the Liberum Veto: From Three Estates to Two Factions (1658-1662) p. 95 Chapter Three: Civil War and the Curious Evolution of the Liberum Veto (1664-1666) p. 157 Chapter Four: Our Free Speech vs. Their Free Speech: The More Curious Evolution of Głos Wolny During the Reign of Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki (1669-1673) p. 220 Chapter Five: The Republic Must Be Reformed: A Way Out of the Impasse p. 273 Conclusion p. 312 Appendix 1: Exorbitancje in all three estates of the Republic briefly collected and also a means to correct these exorbitancje and assuage distrust among the estates presented for the consideration of leading citizens by a nobleman of the Crown. p. 318 Appendix 2: A Map of the Commonwealth in 1635 p. 405 Bibliography p. 406 vii Introduction: The Conundrum of the Liberum veto in light of the work of Stanisław Dunin Karwicki And this is the true source of all diffidence, fights and domestic disturbances among us in Poland, that we have two things both important to us, which are inherently opposite and have an apparently inborn antipathy for each other: that is royal majesty and the people’s freedom. For the appetite for unlimited rule and ensnaring freedom is inborn in kings. Meanwhile, self-preservation is inborn in freedom, so that from its birth, freedom is increasingly frightened and suspicious, hence the constant mistrust of kings and courtiers. And so, when, because of discontent over some kind of grant or when a vacancy passes them by, the most powerful men beat the drum and there are fights and domestic disturbances… It has come to such an extremity that now we clutch at means to preserve freedom that could sooner bring about her ruin, such as uprisings and the breaking of parliaments, and other similar things.1 Stanisław Dunin Karwicki Exorbitancje in the Three Estates (c. 1705) Faced with seemingly irreconcilable religious conflicts, seventeenth-century Europeans struggled to find political arrangements capable of reconciling warring parties all claiming to have God and right on their side. Political theorists like Jean Bodin and Thomas Hobbes rejected classical traditions of mixed government and argued that the only way to prevent civil war in their post-Reformation world was to accept a single, 1 Adam Przyboś and Kazimierz Przyboś, Dzieła polytyczne z XVIIw. Kraków: 1992. p. 27. 1 indivisible and unquestionable sovereign as an ultimate authority. Meanwhile, republican theorists like Hugo Grotius and James Harrington maintained that a mixed republic based on Aristotle’s classical mixture of rule by the one, few and many, was the only way to maintain the civic freedoms that were the proper end of any constitution. While the theorists debated the shape of the ideal constitution, almost every country in Europe experienced protracted, often violent, power struggles between their kings and their citizens.2 By the turn of the eighteenth century, it seemed that the autocratic model advanced by Louis XIV’s France, along with the rapidly centralizing states of Prussia, Russia and the Habsburg Empire, represented the way of the future. The proponents of autocracy had seemingly won out across most of the continent.3 There were, of course, exceptions to this trend. In some places citizens accustomed to self-government were able to defend their civic freedoms by rejecting their monarchs’ efforts to consolidate political power in royal hands.
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