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THE MILITARY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS (1966-1979): CORRECTIVE AGENT OR MERE USURPER OF POWER? By SHINA L. F. AMACHIGH " Bachelor of Arts Ahmadu Bello University Samaru-Zaria, Nigeria 1979 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate Col lege of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS May, 1986 THE MILITARY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS (1966-1979): CORRECTIVE AGENT OR MERE USURPER OF POWER? Thesis Approved: Dean of the Graduate College 1251198 i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My foremost thanks go to my heavenly Father, the Lord Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit for the completion of this study. Thank you, Dr. Lawler (committee chair), for your guidance and as sistance and for letting me use a dozen or so of your personal textbooks throughout the duration of this study. Appreciation is also expressed to the other committee members, Drs. von Sauer and Sare, for their in valuable assistance in preparation of the final manuscript. Thank you, Ruby and Amen (my wife and son) for not fussing all the times I had to be 11 gone again. 11 I love you. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I • INTRODUCTION Backqround 1 The Problem 2 Thesis and Purpose 2 Analytical Framework and Methodology 3 I I. REVIEW OF THEORETICAL LITERATURE 5 The Ataturk Model ....• 16 The Origins of Military Intervention 18 Africa South of the Sahara .... 20 I II. BRIEF HISTORY OF MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN NIGERIAN POLITICS (1966-1979) 23 IV. THE PROBLEM OF NATIONAL INTEGRATION 29 British Colonialism and National Inte- gration in Nigeria .... -
Lessons from Colombia for Curtailing the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria
Lessons From Colombia For Curtailing The Boko Haram Insurgency In Nigeria BY AFEIKHENA JEROME igeria is a highly complex and ethnically diverse country, with over 400 ethnic groups. This diversity is played out in the way the country is bifurcated along the lines of reli- Ngion, language, culture, ethnicity and regional identity. The population of about 178.5 million people in 2014 is made up of Christians and Muslims in equal measures of about 50 percent each, but including many who embrace traditional religions as well. The country has continued to experience serious and violent ethno-communal conflicts since independence in 1960, including the bloody and deadly thirty month fratricidal Civil War (also known as the Nigerian-Biafran war, 1967-70) when the eastern region of Biafra declared its seces- sion and which claimed more than one million lives. The most prominent of these conflicts recently pitch Muslims against Christians in a dangerous convergence of religion, ethnicity and politics. The first and most dramatic eruption in a series of recent religious disturbances was the Maitatsine uprising in Kano in December 1980, in which about 4,177 died. While the exact number of conflicts in Nigeria is unknown, because of a lack of reliable sta- tistical data, it is estimated that about 40 percent of all conflicts have taken place since the coun- try’s return to civilian rule in 1999.1 The increasing wave of violent conflicts across Nigeria under the current democratic regime is no doubt partly a direct consequence of the activities of ethno- communal groups seeking self-determination in their “homelands,” and of their surrogate ethnic militias that have assumed prominence since the last quarter of 2000. -
Pervasive Corruption in Nigeria: a Holistic Approach
KIU Journal of Social Sciences KIU Journal of Social Sciences Copyright©2017 Kampala International University ISSN: 1996902-3; 3(1): 199–207 Pervasive Corruption in Nigeria: A Holistic Approach S.M. ABDULMALIK Lead City University, Ibadan, Nigeria. L.A. AYINLA University of Ilorin, Nigeria Abstract. “Our strange romance with corruption constitutes the major political agenda of began with the enthronement of a kleptomaniac President Mohammadu Buhari led Federal leadership at the exits of the military from our Government of Nigeria as manifested in his on- polity. The biggest mistake of the electorates is going fight against the malaise. To this end, this the sale of its franchise to greedy ruling elites paper therefore sets out to examine the varying who captured power and cornered our resources avalanches of corrupt practices by political and to the extent that it is now adept at the tricks of public office holders in Nigeria coupled with its self-perpetuation---We now have corruption attendant negative consequences with a view to sharing the spotlight with terrorism as our proffer workable and viable remedies to this biggest and most common problem. They are clog in wheel of the Nigeria progress. Emphasis like Siamese twins who have an embryonic will be placed on the on-going crusade, activities relationship”. Going by international rating as /actions of the Buhari led Federal Government regard corrupt practices, Nigeria has consistently of Nigeria in the fight against the menace. been rated as either the most corrupt or one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Keywords: Corruption, Pervasive Corruption, Corrupt Practices, Democracy and Nigeria. -
Nigeria Page 1 of 8
Nigeria Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Nigeria Nigeria Country: Nigeria Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 5 Aggregate Score: 48 Freedom Rating: 4.5 Overview: After 16 years in power, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lost the 2015 presidential election and its majority in the National Assembly to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). The polls, which observers regarded as competitive and generally well conducted, represented a milestone in the country’s democratic development, marking the first time that the opposition gained power at the national level through elections. On assuming office in May, President Muhammadu Buhari identified combatting corruption, defeating the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, and boosting the living standards of Nigerians as his main policy priorities. The new administration implemented reforms to increase the effectiveness of the Nigerian military in its counterinsurgency efforts. By December, the government had recaptured a significant amount of territory, and Buhari announced that the military had “technically” defeated Boko Haram, saying the group could no longer mount full-scale attacks on security forces or population centers. The government’s gains were attributed in part to an offensive launched in mid-February by the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), which includes soldiers from Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Chad, and Benin. Nevertheless, the security situation in northeastern Nigeria remained grave throughout 2015, as Boko Haram carried out guerilla-style attacks and suicide bombings against civilian and government targets. In addition, reports from domestic and international https://freedomhouse.org/print/48089 6/17/2016 Nigeria Page 2 of 8 advocacy groups indicated that government forces continued to commit gross human rights violations with impunity, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary mass arrests, illegal detentions, and torture of civilians. -
Rethinking the US Approach to Boko Haram
Rethinking the U.S. Approach to Boko Haram: The Case for a Regional Strategy Julia McQuaid and Patricio Asfura-Heim With contributions from Daniella Mak and Alexander Powell February 2015 Distribution unlimited This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution Distribution unlimited. Specific authority: N00014-11-D-0323. Copies of this document can be obtained through the Defense Technical Information Center at www.dtic.mil or contact CNA Document Control and Distribution Section at 703-824-2123. Cover Photo: The damage caused by Boko Haram’s bombing of a bus station in Nyanya, a suburb of Abuja, on 14 April 2014. Photo courtesy of Voice of America (public domain). Approved by: February 2015 Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2015 CNA Abstract U.S. Naval Forces Africa asked CNA to recommend an approach for the United States government (USG) to counter Boko Haram. The USG has been working with the government of Nigeria (GoN) to defeat the group, but the two governments are taking divergent approaches and efforts to date have not been effective. The GoN is taking a narrow counterterrorism approach that relies heavily on the military, whereas a broader whole-of-government approach is required. Due to the political dynamics in Nigeria, the USG has few ways to change the GoN’s approach to the conflict. We propose that the USG and other supporting partners focus on assisting Chad, Niger, and Cameroon to become increasingly able to prevent Boko Haram from taking root within their borders. -
Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University In
79I /f NIGERIAN MILITARY GOVERNMENT AND PRESS FREEDOM, 1966-79 THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Ehikioya Agboaye, B.A. Denton, Texas May, 1984 Agboaye, Ehikioya, Nigerian Military Government and Press Freedom, 1966-79. Master of Arts (Journalism), May, 1984, 3 tables, 111 pp., bibliography, 148 titles. The problem of this thesis is to examine the military- press relationship inNigeria from 1966 to 1979 and to determine whether activities of the military government contributed to violation of press freedom by prior restraint, postpublication censorship and penalization. Newspaper and magazine articles related to this study were analyzed. Interviews with some journalists and mili- tary personnel were also conducted. Materials collected show that the military violated some aspects of press freedom, but in most cases, however, journalists were free to criticize government activities. The judiciary prevented the military from arbitrarily using its power against the press. The findings show that although the military occasionally attempted suppressing the press, there are few instances that prove that journalists were denied press freedom. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES............ .P Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . 1 Statement of the Problem Purpose of the Study Significant Questions Definition of Terms Review of the Literature Significance of the Study Limitations Methodology Organization II. PREMILITARY ERA,.... 1865-1966...18 . From Colonial to Indigenous Press The Press in the First Republic III. PRESS ACTIONS IN THE MILITARY'S EARLY YEARS 29 Before the Civil War The Nigeria-Biaf ran War and After IV. -
Boko Haram: an Assessment of Strengths, Vulnerabilities, and Policy Options
Boko Haram: An Assessment of Strengths, Vulnerabilities, and Policy Options Report to the Strategic Multilayer Assessment Office, Department of Defense, and the Office of University Programs, Department of Homeland Security January 2015 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Based at the University of Maryland 3300 Symons Hall • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 • www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The author of this report is Amy Pate, Research Director at START. Questions about this report should be directed to Amy Pate at [email protected]. The following Nigerian consultants assisted with field interviews: Bukola Ademola‐Adelehin (Abuja), Kop’ep Dabugat (Abuja and Kano), and Chris Kwaja (Jos). Sadiq Radda assisted in identifying informants and collecting additional published materials. The research could not have been completed without their participation. The following research assistants helped with the background research for the report: Zann Isaacson, Greg Shuck, Arielle Kushner, and Jacob Schwoerer. Michael Bouvet created the maps in the report. This research was supported by a Centers of Excellence Supplemental award from the Office of University Programs of the Department of Homeland Security with funding provided by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) office of the Department of Defense through grant award number 2012ST061CS0001‐ 03 made to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). The author’s travel to the field was supported by the Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO) of the U.S. -
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ETHNO-RELIGIOUS CONFLICT AND SETTLEMENT DYNAMICS IN PLATEAU STATE, NIGERIA, 1994-2012 BY ONYEKACHI ERNEST NNABUIHE B.A. (Imo), M.A. (Ibadan) A Thesis in PEACE and CONFLICT STUDIES Submitted to the Institute for Peace and Strategic Studies, in partial fulfilment for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN SEPTEMBER 2016 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i ABSTRACT Persistent communal conflicts in Plateau State underscore the differences between ethno-religious identities and aggravated segregation in human settlements. Existing studies on ethno-religious conflict have focused on colonial segregated settlement policy otherwise known as the Sabon Gari. These studies have neglected settlement dynamics as both cause and effect of ethno-religious conflicts. This study, therefore, interrogated the complex interaction between ethno-religious conflict and settlement dynamics in Plateau State. This is with a view to showing how conflicts structure and restructure settlements and their implications for inter-group relations, group mobilisation and infrastructural development. The study adopted Lawler‘s Relational theory and case study research design. Respondents were purposively selected from four Local Government Areas comprising Jos North, Jos South, Barkin- Ladi and Riyom. Primary data were collected through 46 in-depth interviews from twelve neighbourhood leaders, eleven ethno-religious group leaders, three members of civil society organisations, four estate managers, two security officials, two academics and twelve youth leaders. A total of six Focus Group Discussions were held: one each with Afizere, Anaguta and Hausa ethnic groups in Jos North, Berom in Jos South, Igbo in Barkin-Ladi and Fulani in Riyom. Non-participant observation method was also employed. -
Accredited Observer Groups/Organisations for the 2011 April General Elections
ACCREDITED OBSERVER GROUPS/ORGANISATIONS FOR THE 2011 APRIL GENERAL ELECTIONS Further to the submission of application by Observer groups to INEC (EMOC 01 Forms) for Election Observation ahead of the April 2011 General Elections; the Commission has shortlisted and approved 291 Domestic Observer Groups/Organizations to observe the forthcoming General Elections. All successful accredited Observer groups as shortlisted below are required to fill EMOC 02 Forms and submit the full names of their officials and the State of deployment to the Election Monitoring and Observation Unit, INEC. Please note that EMOC 02 Form is obtainable at INEC Headquarters, Abuja and your submissions should be made on or before Friday, 25th March, 2011. S/N ORGANISATION LOCATION & ADDRESS 1 CENTER FOR PEACEBUILDING $ SOCIO- HERITAGE HOUSE ILUGA QUARTERS HOSPITAL ECONOMIC RESOURCES ROAD TEMIDIRE IKOLE EKITI DEVELOPMENT(CEPSERD) 2 COMMITTED ADVOCATES FOR SUSTAINABLE DEV SUITE 18 DANOVILLE PLAZA GARDEN ABUJA &YOUTH ADVANCEMENT FCT 3 LEAGUE OF ANAMBRA PROFESSIONALS 86A ISALE-EKO WAY DOLPHIN – IKOYI 4 YOUTH MOVEMENT OF NIGERIA SUITE 24, BLK A CYPRIAN EKWENSI CENTRE FOR ARTS & CULTURE ABUJA 5 SCIENCE & ECONOMY DEV. ORG. SUITE KO5 METRO PLAZA PLOT 791/992 ZAKARIYA ST CBD ABUJA 6 GLOBAL PEACE & FORGIVENESS FOUNDATION SUITE A6, BOBSAR COMPLEX GARKI 7 CENTRE FOR ACADEMIC ENRICHMENT 2 CASABLANCA ST. WUSE 11 ABUJA 8 GREATER TOMORROW INITIATIVE 5 NSIT ST, UYO A/IBOM 9 NIG. LABOUR CONGRESS LABOUR HOUSE CBD ABUJA 10 WOMEN FOR PEACE IN NIG NO. 4 MOHAMMED BUHARI WAY KADUNA 11 YOUTH FOR AGRICULTURE 15 OKEAGBE CLOSE ABUJA 12 COALITION OF DEMOCRATS FOR ELECTORAL 6 DJIBOUTI CRESCENT WUSE 11, ABUJA REFORMS 13 UNIVERSAL DEFENDERS OF DEMOCRACY UKWE HOUSE, PLOT 226 CENSUS CLOSE, BABS ANIMASHANUN ST. -
Uwazuruike, A
Article An analysis of Nigeria’s soft Special Issue on African Courts and non-compliant approach to Contemporary Constitutional domestic and regional court Developments orders and its implication for Enyinna S Nwauche Guest Editor human rights and the rule of law Vol 35 No 1 (2021) Published 31 March 2021 Allwell Uwazuruike* Lecturer in Law at the University of Central ISSN 2523-2177 Lancashire, United Kingdom Abstract Enshrining executive accountability and rule of law practices have been the drive behind democratic developments and the rise of regional human rights courts across the African continent. At the national level, a concern has been the need to practise effective separation of powers in order to ensure the independence of the judiciary. At the regional level, the literature has focused mainly on the human rights mandates of regional courts and tribunals with particular emphasis on states’ compliance with the decisions of these bodies. With the dominant reaction of states, most especially in instances of unfavourable regional rulings, Speculum Juris being largely characterised by aggression and confrontation, the literature has failed to address a more recent trend of states’ cooperative and compliant rhetoric, towards adverse judgments of regional courts, albeit with a predetermined position not to comply with the ruling of those courts. This chapter attempts to address these gaps in the literature by analysing the “soft” approach of non-compliance in cases that crisscross national and regional courts. In doing this, the chapter will examine two Nigerian cases (involving Sambo Dasuki and Nnamdi Kanu) where abuses of court processes and the state’s disregard for court orders have seen the defendants make much-needed appeals to the regional court. -
Nigeria: the Challenge of Military Reform
Nigeria: The Challenge of Military Reform Africa Report N°237 | 6 June 2016 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Long Decline .............................................................................................................. 3 A. The Legacy of Military Rule ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Military under Democracy: Failed Promises of Reform .................................... 4 1. The Obasanjo years .............................................................................................. 4 2. The Yar’Adua and Jonathan years ....................................................................... 7 3. The military’s self-driven attempts at reform ...................................................... 8 III. Dimensions of Distress ..................................................................................................... 9 A. The Problems of Leadership and Civilian Oversight ................................................ -
S/N COMPANY NAME ADDRESS LICENSE NUMBER 1 CVS Contracting International Ltd Suite 16B, Sabondale Shopping Complex, Jabi, Abuja CL/S&I/001/07
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