The Case Against Vicarious Jurisdiction
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The Standing Doctrine's Dirty Little Secret
Copyright 2012 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 107, No. 1 THE STANDING DOCTRINE’S DIRTY LITTLE SECRET Evan Tsen Lee & Josephine Mason Ellis ABSTRACT—For the last forty years, the Supreme Court has insisted that the standing doctrine’s requirements of imminent injury-in-fact, causation, and redressability are mandated by Article III of the Constitution. During that same time, however, the federal courts have consistently permitted Congress to relax or altogether eliminate those requirements in many “procedural rights” cases—ones in which a federal statute creates a right to have government follow a particular procedure, including to provide judicial review of agency decisions. This Article asks how best to rationalize this contradiction. After examining several possibilities, we conclude that the best course is to recognize openly that the Case or Controversy Clause of Article III means different things in different types of litigation. In one “tier”—cases where Congress has made it clear that it has created procedural rights that may be vindicated in court without meeting the usual injury, causation, and redressability requirements—the plaintiff should merely be required to show that he or she falls within the “zone of interests” the statute aims to protect. In all other cases—the other “tier”—existing Article III standing requirements would apply. AUTHORS—Evan Tsen Lee is Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Research, University of California, Hastings College of the Law. Josephine Mason Ellis is Law Clerk to the Honorable James L. Dennis, United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit (2012–2014); J.D., University of California, Hastings College of the Law; B.A., University of California, Berkeley. -
Rethinking How We Regulate Lawyer-Politicians, 57 Rutgers L
UIC School of Law UIC Law Open Access Repository UIC Law Open Access Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2005 The Politics of Misconduct: Rethinking How We Regulate Lawyer- Politicians, 57 Rutgers L. Rev. 839 (2005) Kevin Hopkins John Marshall Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.uic.edu/facpubs Part of the Law and Politics Commons, and the Legal Profession Commons Recommended Citation Kevin Hopkins, The Politics of Misconduct: Rethinking How We Regulate Lawyer-Politicians, 57 Rutgers L. Rev. 839 (2005). https://repository.law.uic.edu/facpubs/108 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UIC Law Open Access Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UIC Law Open Access Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UIC Law Open Access Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RUTGERS LAW REVIEW VOLUME 57 Spring 2005 NUMBER 3 THE POLITICS OF MISCONDUCT: RETHINKING How WE REGULATE LAWYER-POLITICIANS Kevin Hopkins* INTRODU CTION .................................................................................... 840 I. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE LAWYER-STATESMAN .......................... 849 A. The Lawyer in Colonial America ............................................ 850 B. The Decline of the Lawyer-Statesman.................................... 855 II. THE REGULATION OF PRACTICING LAWYERS .................................. 859 A. The Powers of the Court and Bar ........................................... 861 B. The Exercise of Self-Regulation ............................................. -
Civil Offenses and Presidential Clemency
Buffalo Law Review Volume 64 Number 4 Article 2 8-1-2016 A New Power?: Civil Offenses and Presidential Clemency Noah A. Messing Yale Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview Part of the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Noah A. Messing, A New Power?: Civil Offenses and Presidential Clemency, 64 Buff. L. Rev. 661 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview/vol64/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 64 AUGUST 2016 NUMBER 4 A New Power?: Civil Offenses and Presidential Clemency NOAH A. MESSING† INTRODUCTION Article II of the U.S Constitution empowers presidents to pardon “Offences against the United States.” The traditional understanding of that power suggests that presidential clemency extends only to crimes. That view, however, is mistaken. This Article shows that presidents may also pardon civil offenses and opens a discussion about how this power could be used by presidents. Federal civil offenses are laws or regulations that impose penalties on offenders—but that cannot result in the offender being sent to prison.1 Parties who violate these laws may be † Lecturer in the Practice of Law and Legal Writing, Yale Law School. The author received invaluable support from the Lillian Goldman Law Library at Yale Law School, including Julie Graves Krishnaswami, John Nann, Michael VanderHeijden, Drew Adan, and Michael Widener. -
2833 the President's Pardon Power Is a Near-Blank Check Hidden Among
THE PRESIDENT’S CONDITIONAL PARDON POWER The President’s pardon power is a near-blank check hidden among the Constitution’s checks and balances.1 Despite substantial hand- wringing about possible abuses of the power, scholars have almost en- tirely overlooked the most potent tool in the President’s pardon power arsenal: the ability to attach conditions to clemency grants (the “condi- tional pardon power”).2 As a subset of the general pardon power, the conditional pardon power is assumed to be similarly “unfettered,”3 “ple- nary,”4 or “unlimited.”5 This cannot be correct. If the conditional pardon power were truly “unfettered,” then the President could wield it for political advantage. He or she could pardon, and thereby re-enfranchise, thousands of convicted felons in key swing states upon the condition that they vote for his or her party in the up- coming election. Pardon recipients who failed to fulfill the condition would be thrown back in jail.6 If the conditional pardon power were truly “plenary,” then the President could use it to replace a duly enacted penal scheme with one of his or her own choosing. Imagine Congress unanimously passed, over the President’s veto, a bill requiring jailtime for police officers who killed unarmed civilians with chokeholds. A President who preferred only limited civil liability could unilaterally impose a different penal scheme by pardoning all such officers upon the condition they pay the ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 The power is granted with only two textual limits: the President may only pardon crimes “against the United States” and may not issue pardons “in Cases of Impeachment.” See U.S. -
PRESIDENTIAL PARDON POWER: Are There Limits And, If Not, Should There Be?
PRESIDENTIAL PARDON POWER: Are There Limits and, if Not, Should There Be? Paul F. Eckstein* Mikaela Colby** ABSTRACT Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the Constitution gives the President power to pardon those who have committed “offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.” Although it seems straightforward and all-sweeping, questions about when the clause may and should be employed abound: May the President grant a pardon before a crime has been charged or even committed? May the President grant a pardon for a corrupt purpose and, if so, is the pardon valid? May Congress limit the pardon power in any way? Is a pardon of a person convicted of criminal contempt valid? And, perhaps most often discussed today, may the President pardon himself? This article examines the text of the clause granting the pardon power, offers a brief history of pardons, and discusses the adoption of the clause at the Constitutional Convention, and its treatment in the Federalist Papers and at the various ratification conventions. After suggesting answers to the questions asked above, the article discusses possible ways to cabin the President’s pardon power. Humanity and good policy conspire to dictate, that the benign prerogative of pardoning should be as little as possible fettered or embarrassed. The criminal code of every country partakes so much of necessary severity, that without an easy access to exceptions in favor of unfortunate guilt, justice would wear a countenance too sanguinary and cruel. As the sense of responsibility is always strongest in proportion as it is undivided, it may be inferred that a single man would be most ready to attend to the force of those motives, which might plead for a mitigation of the rigor of the law, and least apt to yield to considerations, which were calculated to * Partner at Perkins Coie, LLP and member of the State Bar of Arizona since 1965. -
The President's Power to Pardon: a Constitutional History
William & Mary Law Review Volume 18 (1976-1977) Issue 3 Article 3 March 1977 The President's Power to Pardon: A Constitutional History William F. Duker Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Repository Citation William F. Duker, The President's Power to Pardon: A Constitutional History, 18 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 475 (1977), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol18/iss3/3 Copyright c 1977 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr William and Mary Law Review VOLUME 18 SPRING 1977 NUMBER 3 THE PRESIDENT'S POWER TO PARDON: A CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY WILLIAM F. DUKER* INTRODUCTION The Constitution of the United States specifically invests the President with the power "to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeach- ment."' This power is not among the most awesome powers of the American Chief Executive; it is, at best, his most benevolent power. This capacity for benevolence, however, has not inspired this study. The Article was prompted, rather, by the complacent acceptance of an apparently benign executive gift that cannot be checked by the other branches of government. This lack of restriction on the exer- cise of the power suggests that it is time to consider alteration of the President's pardoning power. This Article, primarily a constitutional and legal history, explores one facet of the United States' Executive's power to pardon. The political history surrounding the power is not discussed except inso- far as it affected the form of the power and insofar as it aids in an understanding of the prerogative. -
An Unappreciated Constraint on the President's Pardon Power
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2020 An Unappreciated Constraint on the President’s Pardon Power Aaron Rappaport Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Rappaport, Aaron, "An Unappreciated Constraint on the President’s Pardon Power" (2020). Connecticut Law Review. 444. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/444 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 APRIL 2020 NUMBER 1 Article An Unappreciated Constraint on the President’s Pardon Power AARON RAPPAPORT Most commentators assume that, except for the few restrictions expressly mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, the President’s pardon power is unlimited. This Paper suggests that this common view is mistaken in at least one unexpected way. Presidential pardons must satisfy a modest procedural rule: they must list the specific crimes covered by the pardon. The “specificity requirement” means that vague and broadly worded pardons are invalid. This claim bears a significant burden of persuasion, since it runs so counter to accepted opinion. Nonetheless, that burden can be met. This Paper’s argument rests on an originalist understanding of the constitutional text, an approach that the Supreme Court has repeatedly endorsed as the appropriate method for interpreting the Pardon Clause. That approach leaves little doubt that a specificity requirement is a binding limitation on the President’s pardon power. The final part of this Paper examines the ramifications of the specificity requirement for federal criminal investigations, particularly investigations into Russia’s interference in the 2016 presidential election. The specificity requirement may prove surprisingly significant in this latter context, since it both raises the political costs, and narrows the legal scope, of any pardon the President might grant to former campaign advisors. -
EX PARTE GARLAND OVERRULED; the PRESIDENTIAL PARDON IS NO LONGER UNLIMITED Zachary J
Western New England Law Review Volume 41 41 (2019) Article 7 Issue 1 2019 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW—I BEG YOUR PARDON: EX PARTE GARLAND OVERRULED; THE PRESIDENTIAL PARDON IS NO LONGER UNLIMITED Zachary J. Broughton Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.wne.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Zachary J. Broughton, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW—I BEG YOUR PARDON: EX PARTE GARLAND OVERRULED; THE PRESIDENTIAL PARDON IS NO LONGER UNLIMITED, 41 W. New Eng. L. Rev. 183 (2019), https://digitalcommons.law.wne.edu/lawreview/vol41/iss1/7 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Review & Student Publications at Digital Commons @ Western New England University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Western New England Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Western New England University School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 7 - BROUGHTON. PUBLISHER READY. 2.19.2019 (DO NOT DELETE) 2/28/2019 9:46 PM WESTERN NEW ENGLAND LAW REVIEW Volume 41 2019 Issue 1 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW—I BEG YOUR PARDON: EX PARTE GARLAND OVERRULED; THE PRESIDENTIAL PARDON IS NO LONGER UNLIMITED Zachary J. Broughton President Trump’s August 2017 pardon of Joseph Arpaio for his contempt of court conviction raised the constitutional question of whether there are any limitations to the president’s pardoning power. In the 1867 seminal case, Ex parte Garland, the Supreme Court opined that the president is the only person who can limit the pardon power, and that a pardon can be issued before, during, or after conviction. -
A Blank Check: Constitutional Consequences of President Trump’S Arpaio Pardon
A BLANK CHECK: CONSTITUTIONAL CONSEQUENCES OF PRESIDENT TRUMP’S ARPAIO PARDON Genevieve A. Bentz* ABSTRACT On August 25, 2017, President Donald J. Trump issued the first pardon of his administration to Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio. The pardon was in response to Arpaio’s conviction of criminal contempt by U.S. District Judge Susan Bolton. Judge Bolton found Arpaio to have flagrantly disregarded the previous ruling of United States District Judge G. Murray Snow. In 2011, Judge Snow charged Arpaio with civil contempt after Arpaio violated a preliminary injunction ordering him to stop racially profiling Latino drivers. The Department of Justice also found that the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office had engaged in discriminatory policing including racial profiling and illegal searches—violating both federal law and the Constitution. President Trump’s pardon was issued before Arpaio was formally sentenced or granted appeal. An amicus brief filed by Erwin Chemerinsky on September 11, 2017, argues Trump’s pardon is constitutionally invalid. An executive pardon for a contempt of court charge was last explicitly addressed in the century-old case of Ex Parte Grossman. Trump’s pardon deserves scrutiny because it undermines the separation of powers between the executive and judicial branches while also emboldening future disrespect for the rule of law. The Arpaio pardon is an attack on the judiciary as a whole, beyond a particular judge and his orders. * Genevieve A. Bentz is a current student at Georgetown University Law Center with an expected graduation date of May 2019. She previously attended Princeton University, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts in English Literature in 2012. -
The Solicitor General and Intragovernmental Conflict
Michigan Law Review Volume 76 Issue 2 1977 The Solicitor General and Intragovernmental Conflict Michigan Law Review Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility Commons, Other Law Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Michigan Law Review, The Solicitor General and Intragovernmental Conflict, 76 MICH. L. REV. 324 (1977). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol76/iss2/5 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Solicitor General and Intragovernmental Conflict According to one former occupant of the office, "[t]he Solicitor General has no master to serve except his country."1 In serving that master, the Solicitor General has broad authority to formulate the legal position of the United States in particular matters, 2 and that power has far-reaching effects. Through his authority to deny fed eral agencies and departments access to the Supreme Court, 3 the Solicitor General may significantly influence agency and depart ment policy. In acting as the government's advocate before the Supreme Court, 4 in deciding whether to appeal cases unsuccessfully litigated by the Justice Department/' and in authoring briefs for the United States as amicus curiae in appellate cases, 0 the importance of the Solicitor General's role is obvious. -
Proposals to Reform the Presidential Pardon Power
An Absolute Power, or A Power Absolutely in Need of Reform? Proposals to Reform the Presidential Pardon Power Democracy and the Constitution Clinic Fordham University School of Law Milana Bretgoltz, Albert Ford, & Alicia Serrani January 2021 An Absolute Power, or A Power Absolutely in Need of Reform? Proposals to Reform the Presidential Pardon Power Democracy and the Constitution Clinic Fordham University School of Law Milana Bretgoltz, Albert Ford, & Alicia Serrani January 2021 This report was researched and written during the 2019-2020 academic year by students in Fordham Law School’s Democracy and the Constitution Clinic, where students developed non-partisan recommendations to strengthen the nation’s institutions and its democracy. The clinic was supervised by Professor and Dean Emeritus John D. Feerick and Visiting Clinical Professor John Rogan. Acknowledgments: We are grateful to the individuals who generously took time to share their general views and knowledge with us: Christopher Cuomo, Esq., Professor Richard Epstein, Professor Andrew Kent, Deborah Leff, Esq., and Professor Mark Osler. This report greatly benefited from Gail McDonald’s research guidance and Stephanie Salomon’s editing assistance. Judith Rew and Robert Yasharian designed the report. Table of Contents Executive Summary .....................................................................................................................................1 Introduction .....................................................................................................................................................3 -
The Essential Supreme Court Decisions, 15Th Edition
Essential Supreme Court Decisions Essential Supreme Court Decisions Summaries of Leading Cases in U.S. Constitutional Law Fifteenth Edition JOHN R. VILE ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2010 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Vile, John R. Essential Supreme Court decisions : summaries of leading cases in U.S. constitutional law / John R. Vile. — 15th ed. p. cm. Rev. ed. of: Summaries of leading cases on the Constitution / Joseph F. Menez and John R. Vile. 14th ed. 2004. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4422-0384-6 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4422-0385-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4422-0386-0 (electronic) 1. Constitutional law—United States—Digests. I. Menez, Joseph Francis, 1917– Summaries of leading cases on the Constitution. II. Title. KF4547.4.V55 2010 342.7300264—dc22 2010008375 ϱ ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.