Our Ancestors Were Bedouin”









  OURANCESTORSWEREBEDOUIN

Memory,IdentityandChange: TheCaseofHolySitesinSouthernJordan





PÄIVIMIETTUNEN















Academicdissertationtobepubliclydiscussed,byduepermissionof theFacultyofArtsattheUniversityofHelsinkiinAuditoriumʹ (Siltavuorenpenger10),onthe13thofDecember,2013,at2:00p.m.





UniversityofHelsinki,DepartmentofWorldCultures

Helsinki2013















































̹PäiviMiettunen2013

ISBN978-952-10-9576-4(pbk.) ISBN978-952-10-9577-1(PDF)

PDFversionavailableathttp://ethesis.helsinki.fi/

Unigrafia Helsinki2013 

ABSTRACT

Thisstudyconcentratesonthreeconcepts:memory,identityandchange. studythe concept of memory in the formation of ƒ communal identity. Individual experiences andemotionsaregiveninterpretationandmeaningfromthebasisoftheindividual's ownsphereofknowledge,taughtandtransmittedbyhisowncultureandsociety.This memory then becomes the shared idea and ideal of the community, and when transmitted to the next generations it overcomes the boundaries of time. In this process,thememory,therefore,isessentiallythefactorwhichatthesametimedefines andisdefinedbythecommunityitself.Whatpeoplecall“change”canbeconsideredto beƒconstantprocessofrememberingandforgetting. ThestateofJordanhascreatedƒnationalidentitywheretheBedouinpastand culture are seen as the promoted symbols of the state. At the same time, the governmenthasworkedonthemodernizationoftheBedouins:thenomadsarebeing sedentarized,secularandreligiouseducation,aswellasmoderntechnologyandhealth care,areavailableevenintheareasthatusedtobethemostdangerousperipheriesin thepast.Theseprocesseshavealsoinfluencedtheidentityoftheinhabitantsofsouth Jordaninthelastfewdecades,yetdespiteallthechanges,themostprominentfactors intheiridentitycontinuetobethetribalheritageandbeingƒBedouin. amapproachingtheseconceptsfromthecaseofthelocal“saints”(Awliy¢).In the everyday religion, these holy men and women have gained an important role: people have addressed the saints in order to gain health, wealth, rain, fertility and protectionamongotherthings. haveconductedfieldworkinsouthJordanandlocated several holy sites, many of them uncharted until now. Recording folklore and old memories of the sacred places, while also observing the religious practices and everydaylifeofthelocalpeoplehasbeenthegoalofthiswork. WhenstudyingthelocaltraditionofholyplacesinSouthJordan,itisevident thattheoldtraditionsarebeingforgotten,butwhatisreplacingtheoldtraditions,and howdoesthischangeaffecttheidentityofthelocalpeople?Whensuchplaceslose theirsignificance,whateffectdoesithaveȂorperhaps,isitƒresultofƒchangethat hasalreadytakenplaceȂintheidentityofthepeople?Onetopicofspecialinterestis theroleofwomen,astheyplayedƒveryactivepartinmanyoftheoldtraditionsand rituals.Anothercentralissueisthetribalintegrityandidentity,asmanyofthesacred placeswerestronglyconnectedtothepastofthetribes,withvarioussaintsbeingtheir ancestors and earlier leaders. Comparing the change in Southern Jordan to the processesthataretakingplaceinotherpartsoftheworldhasprovidedƒframework forthisresearch. Thisworkisƒcasestudyofthechangeinaction,showingonƒlocallevelhowƒ communityreactstothenewideasinnumerousways,forexample,byreturningtoits ownrootsononehandandembracingthenewglobalsceneontheotherȂeventothe levelofreinventingitsownpast.  

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Asƒyoungstudent, climbedthestrenuouspathuptotheMountainofAaronforthe first time in 2000.  could not have guessed then that  would return to make that journey again Ǧand again-during the following decade and that eventuallyit would leadmeonƒlongerjourneythroughthecultural,spiritualandgeographicallandscape ofsouthernJordan.Today,over13yearsaftermyfirstascentonJabal ¢”ón, am writingthesefinalwordsofmyworkinordertothankallthosepeoplewithoutwhom wouldneverhavebeenabletoreachthepeak.  wouldliketothankmysupervisors,ProfessorEmeritusTapaniHarviainen, Professor Hannu Juusola and Professor Emeritus Heikki Palva. Their support and encouragement have been invaluable during my work. As they all have different expertise and foci of interest in their research,  have received comments and ideas fromseveralperspectives,thusgivingmethepossibilitytolookatmyworkfrom variousangles.  Myuttermostgratitudegoestomypre-examiners,Dr.GéraldineChatelardand Dr.AndrewPetersen.Theirworkshavebeenimportantsourcesformyresearch,and their in-depth knowledge of the region was known to me even before they kindly accepted to read my thesis. Therefore, their comments and feedback were much welcomed and anticipated.  am grateful for their constructive criticism and suggestionswhichhelpedmetoimprovemywork. alsowishtothankMargotStout WhitingwhodidnotonlycorrectmyEnglish,butofferedherowninsightonvarious topics in my work. Needless to say, any remaining mistakes, misunderstandings or shortcomingsaremyown.  thank Professor Emeritus Jaakko Frösén, the director of the Finnish Jabal HarounProject,andDocentZbigniewT.Fiemaforalltheirsupport.DocentFiemaalso readandcommentedonchapter6,forwhich amverygrateful.Mygratitudealso belongstothewholeFJHPtribe.What learnedfromthemandexperiencedwiththem willneverbeforgotten.  ThePhDseminararrangedatmydepartmentgaveƒgreatopportunitytomeet othercolleaguesduringtheoftenverylonelywritingprocess.  wishtothankallthe participantsoftheseminarfortheinterestingmeetingsanddiscussions. Sometimesevenƒshortperiodcanbeƒturningpointinresearch.Forme,such ƒmomenttookplaceduringtheNordicPhDWorkshopinCairoandAlexandriaon2-8 June2008,organizedbytheNordicsocietyforMiddleEasternStudies. givemywarm thankstoProfessorKnutS.Vikør,ProfessorJakobSkovgaard-Petersenandtoall participants of the workshop for their insightful comments, ideas and criticism that helpedmeimmenselytorefocusmyresearch. alsowanttoextendmythankstothe participantsoftheinternationalconferenceswhere havepresentedresearchpapers, especiallyintheNordicconferencesin2007,2010and2013.Theinterestshownby myaudiencesinmyresearchgreatlyencouragedmeinmywork. amgratefulforseveralfoundationsthathavesupportedmyworkfinancially. WithgrantsfromResearchFoundationoftheUniversityofHelsinki,FinnishCultural

FoundationandFinnishAcademyofScienceandLetters, wasabletofocusonmy researchfulltime.TheFoundationoftheFinnishInstituteintheMiddleEastgranted metwotravelgrantswithwhich couldconductmyfieldworkinsouthJordan.During mytimeintheMiddleEast, havealsobeenabletostayinvariousinstitutes.When visiting Damascus,  had the opportunity to reside in the Dutch institute while spendingmydaysreadinginthelibrariesoftheDanishInstituteandInstitutfrançais du Proche-OrientǤ The American Center for Oriental Research was my base when staying in Amman. Their library containing collections on Jordanian history and culturewasƒtruecaveoftreasuresforme. amtrulygratefulforhavingallthese possibilities. amgreatlyindebtedtomyfamilyandfriends.Theyhavepatientlyunderstood mypassionforresearch,givingmespacetoworkandconcentrate,butalsooffering help when  have needed it. They encouraged me and urged me forward when  hesitated. They also persistently kept me aware of the world outside research. To JanneandPetra,andtomyfriends:JohannainFinland,RiggsinTexasandShonain JordanȂthankyou.

.ϢϬΗΎϴΣ Ϧϋ ϲϧϮΛΪΣϭ ϢϫέΎϳΩ ϲϓ ϲϧϮϠΒϘΘγ΍ Ϧϳάϟ΍ αΎϨϟ΍ .ϥΩέϷ΍ ΏϮϨΟ ΐόη ήϜη΃ ϱΩΎη ϡ΍ϭ ϢΜϴϫ ϡ΃ ϭ ήϫΎη ϮΑ΃ ϰϟ· ιΎΨϟ΍ ϲϧΎϨΘϣ΍ ϪΟϭ .ΎϬϟ ΩϮΟϭ ϻ Δγ΍έΪϟ΍ ϩάϫ αΎϨϟ΍ ˯ϻΆϫ ϥϭΩ Ϧϣ. .ϲϘϴϘΤϟ΍ ϭΪΒϟ΍ ϡήϛ ϰϨόϣ ϲϧϮϤϠϋ Ϧϳάϟ΍ ϢϬΗϼ΋Ύϋ ϰϟ·ϭ  

CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... 4 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 8 1.1. Background and the aim of the work ...... 8 1.2. Outline of the work ...... 10 1.3. Notes on language use and transcription ...... 12 2. SOURCES AND METHODOLOGY ...... 16 2.1. Written Sources ...... 16 2.2. The Fieldwork Process ...... 19 2.2.1. Methods...... 19 2.2.2. Readjusting the tools – problems of methodology ...... 22 2.2.3. A woman in the field – does gender matter? ...... 27 3. THEORETICAL FRAME...... 30 3.1. A Word on religion ...... 30 3.2. Memory ...... 32 3.3. Identity ...... 35 3.4. Change...... 39 4. OVERVIEW OF THE SAINT TRADITION IN ISLAM ...... 46 4.1. Evolution of belief ...... 46 4.2. Saintly hierarchies ...... 50 4.3. Voices against the tradition ...... 53 4.4. Using sacred power for secular means ...... 55 4.5. Saints of the people – and the elite? ...... 57 4.5.1. Separating magic and miracle – theory and theology ...... 57 4.5.2. Combining magic and miracle – the dynamics of living traditions...... 60 4.6. Discussion ...... 61 AN - CONSTRUCTING THE IDENTITY ...... 62ٷH, AL-MALIK, AL-WA ALL .5 5.1. Tribal identity – the people of south Jordan ...... 62 5.1.1. Tribal society ...... 62 5.1.2. Local narratives and tribes of South Jordan ...... 65 5.1.3. From pastoralism to tourism – adaptations in economy ...... 75 5.2. National identity – The narrative of the Jordanian state ...... 78

5.3. Religious identity – Islam in Jordan...... 82 5.4. Defining Identities ...... 84 6. THE HOLY SITES IN SOUTHERN JORDAN – A MATERIAL APPROACH ...... 88 6.1. Methods and the sources ...... 88 6.2. Description of sites...... 89 6.3. Comparative analysis of types ...... 119 6.3.1. Site types ...... 123 6.3.2. Gender ...... 124 6.3.3. Location ...... 124 6.3.4. Types of saints ...... 127 7. DIALOGUES BETWEEN THE TWO WORLDS ...... 130 7.1. Remembering the dead ...... 131 7.2. Secular meets sacred – the celebrations and rituals ...... 134 7.2.1. Communal Rites ...... 136 7.2.2. Transition Rites ...... 141 7.2.3. Situational Rituals...... 144 7.3. The punishing saints ...... 150 7.4. Leaders, dreamers and healers – the people with power...... 154 7.5. Discussion ...... 157 8. TRANSFORMATION OF THE COMMUNAL MEMORY ...... 160 8.1. Memory – Meaning...... 160 8.2. Identity – Being ...... 161 8.3. Change...... 167 8.3.1. Modernization in action ...... 167 8.3.2. Breaking the chain of memory ...... 170 8.3.3. Reconstruction and deconstruction of the sacred ...... 174 9. “OUR ANCESTORS WERE BEDOUIN”...... 180 10. BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 183 11. APPENDICES...... 202 I: Maps ...... 202 II: Images of sites...... 204 III: Vocabulary ...... 218 

 

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Backgroundandtheaimofthework

ϒϴϨϣή˰˰μ˰˰ϗ Ϧϣ ϲϟ· ΐΣ΃ Ϫϴϓ ΡΎϳέϷ΍ ϖϔΨΗ ΖϴΒϟ ϑϮϔθϟ΍ βΒϟ Ϧϣ ϲϟ· ΐΣ΃ ϲϨϴϋ ήϘΗϭ Γ˯ΎΒϋ βΒϟϭ ϒϴ˰˰Ϗήϟ΍ Ϟϛ΃ Ϧϣ ϲϟ· ΐΣ΃ ϲΘϴΑ ήδϛ Ϧϣ Γήϴδϛ Ϟϛ΃ϭ ϑϮ˰˰˰ϓΪϟ΍ ήϘϧ Ϧϣ ϲϟ· ΐΣ΃ Ξϓ ϞϜΑ ΡΎϳήϟ΍ Ε΍Ϯλ΃ϭ ϒ˰˰˰ϴ˰˰ϟ΃ ςϗ Ϧϣ ϲϟ· ΐΣ΃ ϲϧϭΩ ϕ΍ήτϟ΍ ΢ΒϨϳ ΐϠϛϭ 1ϑϮ˰Ϩ˰ϋ ΞϠϋ Ϧϣ ϲϟ· ΐΣ΃ ϒϴΤϧ ϲϤϋ ϲϨΑ Ϧϣ ϕήΧϭ  ThesewordswerewrittenbyMaysón,theBedouinwifeofthefirstUmayyadcaliph Muᦧ¢wiyainthe7thcentury.2Almost14centurieslater,thewordsstillreflectmanyof thestereotypicalidealsoftheBedouinlifeanditsprinciples,suchasthefreedom,the simplicity,thekinshiptiesandthepride.However,despitethecontinuity,changeisan inevitableaspectofalllivingcommunities.Duringthelastdecades,eventheBedouins havehadtoadaptthemselvestothewaysofmodernlife.Theprocessofchangeinthe traditionallifestyle has been studied by sociologists and anthropologists throughout theworldinvariouscommunitiesȂincludingamongtheBedouintribes.Thisworkisƒ study of the various tribal societies of southern Jordan, and it participates in the discourseontheeffectsofchangeontheidentityofbothindividualsandcommunities. However, the focus will be onone aspect of the traditional culture, namely the holy sitesandvenerationoflocalsaints. In2000, becameƒmemberoftheFinnish Jabal Haroun Project3 which excavatedƒByzantinepilgrimagecenterandmonasteryonJabal ¢”óbetween1997 and 2007. The place, Aaron's Mountain, is the place where Ȃ according to Jewish, ChristianandIslamictraditionȂtheHighPriestAaron,brotherofMoses,diedandwas buried.Whiletheprojectfocusedontheruinedmonasticcomplex,therearealsoother sitesonthemountain.OnthehighestpeakstandsanIslamicshrinewhichisbelieved tohousethetombofAaron.Theshrinehasbeenƒcenterofveneration,especiallyfor theinhabitantsofPetraregion,andƒrichtraditionofbeliefs,ritualsandlegendsare connectedtoboth ¢”óandhistomb. soonbecamemoreinterestedinthistradition andeventuallyitturnedintothetopicofmyMaster'sthesis.4 Two observations briefly presented in my MA thesis drew my attention and gaveƒstartingpointformoredetailedresearch:

1Thehomethatthewindsflutter lovemorethantheloftypalace. Towearƒcloakandbeofgoodcheer lovemorethanfinerobes. Toeatcrumbsinthecornerofmyhome lovemorethaneatingsoftloaf. Thesoundsofthewindineverydirection lovemorethanbeatingofthetambourines. Thedogthatbarksateveryonebutme lovemorethanƒpetcat. Andthebreachingofmyuncle’sleansons lovemorethanƒroughuncouthman. 2Unlessotherwisestated,alldatesinthisworkaregiveninCE. ͵http://www.fjhp.info/. ͶMiettunen2004.

8

1. Aaron's tomb is not the only holy site in the region. Several other sites were mentionedbythelocalpeople,anditseemedverylikelythatmanyothersexisted.To understand the full meaning of the tradition it was, therefore, important to find as manyoftheseholysitesaspossible,andgatheroralinformationconcerningtherituals andbeliefsrelatedtothesesites. 2.Thetraditionsconnectedtotheholysitesseemtobegoingthroughƒdrasticchange, powered by both secular and religious reasons. With sedentarization and increased levelofeducation,theknowledgeaboutthescholarlyinterpretationsofIslamisrising, and ƒ different form of religious behavior is slowly replacing the local popular traditions. It is especially interesting to see how this affects the role of women in religiousactivity.Inthefolkreligion,womenoftenhaveƒmoreactive andoutgoing roleinthecult,whilethescholarlyreligiontendstolimittheiractivitiestotheprivate sphere. Moreover, many of the local saints are respected tribal ancestors Ȃ ancient sheikhs and grandfathers (judód) ofthefamilieswhoarestilllivingintheregion.It couldbeexpectedthatthechangeof attitude towardsthetombsoftheseancestors, onceveneratedbythetribes,wouldaffecttheinterpretationofthepast,aswell.

Basedonthesetwoinitialobservationsmyworkevolvedintoƒmultifacetedstudyof the cultof ancestors and saints as representations of communal memory and group identity.Mygoalistoanalyzetheeffectofchangeonthisparticularaspectofthelocal society.Theresearchhasrequiredapplyingtheoriesandmethodsfromseveralfields tobuildasthoroughanimageaspossibleofthesaintcultintheregion.Theoriesofthe sociologyofreligion,fieldworkingmethodsofanthropologicalresearchandeventhe basicmethodologyofarchaeologicalsurveyhavebeenusedduringthecourseofthis work. Despite the number of tools used, it is not my attempt to form new theories. Instead, this is ƒcultural study of southern Jordanian society, where similar studies fromdifferentareas,aswellasvarioustheoriesfromotherfieldshavebeenappliedto explainandunderstandƒspecificphenomenon:thechangeandcontinuityofidentities asshownfromthepointofviewofthetraditionofholysites. Theprinciplesofthisstudycanbeexplainedwithƒsimplegraph.  IDENTITY  



 Continuity Change

 HOLY SITES 

 TRADITIONS INNOVATIONS 

9

The culture is shaped by traditions and innovations. Traditions are the preserving force in the human community, the things that have been learned from earlier generations and accepted as the “norms” of everyday life. The innovations are novelties:newthoughts,methodsandwaysthatareintroducedtothecommunityand areeitheracceptedorrejectedbyit.Theprocessofacceptanceorrejectionisrarely simpleandsmooth,especiallyiftheinnovationsareclearlyincontrastwiththe traditions,butonceaninnovationhasbeenaccepted,itgraduallybecomespartofthe tradition.changehastakenplace.Thus,traditionsandinnovationsareinconstant interaction with each other. Similarly, identity is based on this interaction. The community forms its own identity from the basis of the common traditions. At the same time, it is constantly affected by the innovations, changing as the traditions changeintheprocess.Thevenerationofancestorsandotherholysitesispartofthe traditionoftheregion,andassuch,anelementofthegroupidentityǦthesystemof beliefsharedbythecommunity.Inthiswork,thistraditionofsacredplacesisstudied bothseparately,asƒcenteroffocus,butalsoaspartofthebeliefsystemasƒwhole.As BronislawMalinowskipointsout:…theritualperformancecannotbefullyunderstood exceptinrelationtothepragmaticutilitarianperformanceinwhichitisembedded,and towhichitisintrinsicallyrelated.5Thesainttraditionhasbeenlookedatfromthe viewpointofallthreecornersofthetriangle,discussingtheroleofthesaintsandcult ofsaintsaspartoflocalcultureandidentity,butespeciallyinrelationtomodernlife andhowthechangesinthesocietyhaveaffectedtheoldpracticesandbeliefs.

1.2. Outlineofthework

Inmystudy,thecultofsaintshasbeenapproachedfromvaryingangles,eachchapter concentratingononeaspect.Chaptersʹthroughͷaredescriptivetextswherethefull methodological, theoretical, historical, theological and geographical frames will be established. In Chapter 2,  begin by going through the earlier research related to Bedouinandthelocalcultureinthepast.  includeanddescribethemostinfluential sourcesthatcontaininformationconcerningtheculturalaspectsandthebeliefsystem. The earliest sources related to the topic are from the 19thcentury,thusprovidingƒ written historical dimension. More recent studies, on the other hand, represent the view on the traditional culture under change. After the introduction of the written evidence, turntotheoralandmaterialsourcesanddescribemyownmethodsandthe processoffieldworkconductedintheregion.Inadditiontothisinformation, wishto raise ƒ few questions concerning the validity of the chosen methods, as well as the problemsandpossibleeffectsofthedifferentchosenorexistingvariables(especially gender)ontheoutcomeanddatareceivedduringthecourseofthefieldwork. InChapter3, moveontopresentthetheoreticalframe.Thefocusison defining and explaining three aspects that together represent the theoretical core of thiswork.Thefirstaspectismemory,especiallytheconceptofcommunalmemory.An important theme is the concept of the chain of memory, ƒ term defined by French

5Malinowski1969:26.

10

sociologist Daniele Hervieu-Léger whose work has been of great influence on my research.6Thechainofmemoryrepresentsƒcommunalapproachtodefiningreligion andreligiousbehavior.Thetheoryofferstoolsforthestudyofcommunalmemory, transition of rituals and belief, as well as the whole concept of change within the community.Thesecondaspectisidentity,includingthevariousformsofidentity,such as religious, national or ethnic identities. The topic focuses on how the communal memory shapes identities. Finally, the third aspect is change: the interaction of innovationswiththetraditionandhowtheidentityisaffectedbyƒchange. ChapterͶisdedicatedtothetraditionof“saints”(Awliy¢஝ȌintheIslamicworld. Startingwithƒbriefintroductiontotheevolutionoftheconceptandtheterminology,  first concentrate on the different views represented by various Islamic scholars. Islamicschoolsofthoughthaveeachhadopposingopinionsconcerningthetradition, andthevoicesbothforand againstthevenerationofsaintsarediscussed.Together withthemysticinterpretationsoftheSufiorders, alsodiscussthelivingtraditionsof saintcultintheIslamicworld,includingthepoliticalimportanceofthesetraditions.  will also address the problematics of the concepts of “magic” and “miracle” Ȃ the bordersbetweentheunacceptedandacceptedelementsofreligion. Chapter5,thelastofthechaptersprovidingthebackgroundinformationand basicframeworkforthestudy,turnstheattentiontotheactualregionofthisresearch: southernJordan. describethegeographicalsettingaswellasthehistoryoftheareain relationtothelargerhistoricalframe,includingtheformationofthemodernJordanian stateanditseffectonthesouthernregion.Naturally,itisthetribalsocietythatforms themainfocus.Thetribesoftheregion,theirpastandpresent,andtheirrelationsto eachotherandtooutsidersareintroducedinthischapter. AswillbeshowninChapter4,thetopicofthepopularbeliefsandtraditionof saintsintheIslamicworldhasbeenbroadlystudiedinthepast.However,therehas beennothoroughresearchfocusingonthebeliefsandidentityoftheBedouinof southern Jordan. There are mainly brief notes and observations, found amongother information in the writings of 19th and early 20th century travelers and scholars, as wellasstudiesconcentratingonsmallergeographicalareas.Myfieldworkattemptsto fill this knowledge gap by providing information on both the holy sites as material entitiesȂmanyunknownoronlypartiallystudieduntilnowȂandonthedisappearing knowledgeoffolkloreandlocalbeliefsrelatedtothesesites.Duetopracticalreasons, muchofmydatahasbeencollectedfromthePetraregion,butforcomparativestudy andtogainƒbroaderviewonthetopic, havegatheredmaterialfromseveralpointsin southernJordan.However,beforeitwouldhavebeenpossibletodiscusstheholysites inrelationtotheidentityandchangingtraditionsintheregion,thesiteshadfirsttobe found.Chapter͸isƒdetaileddescriptionofthematerialevidencerelatedtotheholy sites. describetheprocessofthesurvey,andprovideƒlistingofallsites wasableto find.Boththesites havepersonallyvisited,andalsositesthat haveonlyoralor

6Hervieu-Léger2000.

11

written evidence on have been included in the list. The chapter finishes with an analysisofthesitetypology. While Chapter ͸ focuses on the material evidence, the topic of Chapter ͹ is ritual and belief.  do not wish to write ƒ mere list of rites and myths, but instead presentthesystematiccategoriesofthereligiouspracticesconnectedtotheholysites inthelocalcommunities.Bytakingƒmorefunctionalisticapproach, studythecultic andritualrolesoftheholysitesinthewholeculture,aspartofthelocaltradition. Afterestablishingtheframeworkaslaidoutbyearlierresearchandpresenting the material from my own fieldwork, Chapter ͺ concentrates on the theoretical questions related to the identities, modernization and religious practices. The main topics discussed in this chapter are: what changes have taken place in the religious thoughtandpracticeintheregion,arethese changesreflectedintheidentityofthe individualswithinthecommunities,whataspectsareusedinbuildingtheidentityasƒ whole,andwhatarethedifferentapproachesincopingwiththechange? Chapterͻisƒshortepilogueforthewholework.Itconcludesthisstudywithƒ summaryofthemaintopicsandthoughtsraisedinthechapters. alsodiscussbriefly thequestionsthatcouldbeansweredbyfurtherresearch.

1.3. Notesonlanguageuseandtranscription

Eventhoughthisstudyisnotƒlinguisticwork,itwouldbeimpossibletocontinue withoutpayingsomeattentiontothelanguageandwords.Afterall,itisthespoken language with which people mostly communicate with others within and across the communities.Thewaytheyexpressthemselvesinvarioussituationsalsoreflectstheir identityandhowtheywanttobeseenbyothers. InJordan,thedialectsfundamentallyrepresentthesocio-economicstatusofthe speaker.Wethushavethedistinctionbetweenthecity-dwellers,theruralfarmersand theBedouin.InƒstudymadeinAmman,itwasevidentthattheurbanspeakerschose or discarded aspects of the different dialects brought into the city by the various groups, based on what connotations they placed on each aspect.7goodexample wouldbethedevelopmentinthedifferentreflexesof“¢fǤ IntheAmmandialect,the most prominent reflex was the typical urban glottal stop Ȁᦦ/. However, the Bedouin reflex/g/wascommon,especiallyamongtheyoungmentowhomthisform representedmasculinityandpower.Finally,theruralreflex/k/of“¢f was losing groundandwasclearlyregardedoflowerstatusthanthetwootherreflexes.8Thus, even though the city dialects have the highest status, the dialectal forms attesting

7Holes1995:270.ThecomparisonismadetoBahrain,wherethemaindivisionissectarian(Sunni /ShÄᦧa),andtoBaghdad,wherethespeaker’sstylerevealshisreligion,mainlywhetherheisMuslim, ChristianorJewish. 8Holes1995:278.Palva(1984:364)notesthatthereflex/g/has,infact,beenthedominantoneinthe villageandtowndialectsofJordan,aswellasintheagriculturalcommunitiesoftheJordanValley.This featurepointstowardsthefactthatthepeopleoftheregionaremainlyofBedouinoriginandhave relativelyrecentlybecomesedentarized.Theruralreflex/k/apparentlyoriginatesmainlyfrom Palestine,havingarrivedwiththerefugeeswhohavesettledinAmmananditssurroundings.

12

Bedouin origins have ƒ certain prestige even in the urban communities. The rural dialectsseemtohavebecomelinkedwithƒlowerstatusofthespeaker. Thisexampleclearlyshowstheconsciouschoicesmadeinƒspeechtoexpress identityandstatus.Thechoicedoesnotonlyoccurbetweendifferentdialects,butalso in choosing between ƒ certain dialect and ƒ more literary level of Arabic, Standard LiteraryArabicbeingthemostformalwaywhichalsoindicatesƒhighlevelofformal education.Languageuseasanexpressionofidentityisaninterestingtopicandwould requireƒmoredetailedstudyȂƒfocusthatcannotbeprovidedwithintheframeof thiswork. However,thequestionoflanguagevariationandthechoiceofwordsisƒtopic that requires ƒ brief explanation. In southern Jordan, the differences between the dialects are more subtle than in Amman, but nevertheless ƒ variety of dialects also exists in the region studied. Some differences in the dialects spoken by the local groups, especially the vocabulary used, may, therefore, be related to the conscious choices of expressing the identity. The local inhabitants recognize these differences, andalsomakethedistinctionbetweenthe“farmer”and“Bedouin”dialects.9In2005 youngmenfromboththeBedól,andᦧAm¢”Đtribestoldmethatthepeopleofthe nearbyvillageofWadió•¢donotunderstandallthevocabularyusedbythem.The BedóŽdialectseemstobeseenasparticularlydifferentfromtheothers.Alsoin2005,ƒ manfromWadió•¢basedthetheoryoftheBedóŽbeingofJewishoriginonthefact that their dialect is closer to the dialects spoken west of Wadi Araba than to the languageusedinSaudiArabia.Thelatterclaimisvalid,ashasbeenattestedbyRaslan BaniYasinandJonathanOwensintheirstudyoftheBedóŽdialect.10Thesimilarities withthedialectoftheNegevBedouinarepointedout.Ontheotherhand,HeikkiPalva notes that the dialects of Arabia Petraea are as ƒ whole more similar to the Negev dialects,andinsomewaysalsorelatedtotheHijazidialects,ratherthantotheAnazi andShammaridialectsoftheNorthArabianBedouin.11 Anothercommonchoiceintherecordedmaterialisthechoiceofregisters.The localdialectisthenativelanguageofthespeakers,learnedinchildhood.Formanyof theolderinformantswhohavenotreceivedanyformaleducation,itisalsotheonly language they can speak. The younger people, on the other hand, have also learned literaryArabicatschool,andtheycanmakethechoiceofspeakingoneortheotherȂ orƒvariantthatcontainscharacteristicsofboth.verytypicalsituationiswhenthe speakerusesthedialectinaninformalconversation,butwhentherecorderisturned on, he or she chooses to use ƒ more formal speech. Some informants who have ƒ university level education may predominantly use ƒ formal register. This variety of formsinthematerialcreatesanotherchallengeinthealreadyexistingtaskofchoosing thetranscriptionmethodfortheArabicinthisstudy. havechosentousetwostyles:

9In2011,ƒtwo-yearoldgirlinthevillageoftheBedóŽtribewaslearningtospeak.Herfatherwasofthe tribe,buthermotherwasfromfurthernorthandwasconsideredƒfarmer.Thewomeninthefamily wereespeciallyamusedbyherwayofsayingmaddÄ( donotwantȌ“inthewayofthefarmers.”The BedóŽsay¢wuddÄǤ 10BaniYasinƬOwens1984:228. 11Palva2008.

13

simplifiedtranscriptionwherediacriticsandthelengthsofthevowelsarenotmarked inanyway,andƒmoreexactmethodoftransliterationwherethephonologyis followedascloselyaspossible.Thebasicdivisionisasfollows.

Writteninsimplifiedform: x Arabic names and loanwords commonly in use in the English language, e.g., sheikh,imam,caliph,henna,wadi. x Names of rulers, countries, cities and other geographical entities that have ƒ relativelystandardizedforminEnglish,e.g.,HusseinbinTalal,Abbasids,Jordan, Amman,Aqaba,WadiAraba.

Writtenintransliteration: x ArabicwordsnotcommonlyknowninEnglish,e.g.,†Ära,awliy¢஝. x Tribes x Namesoflocalpeopleandplacesoftenappearingindialectalform. x Any quotations from oral sources. This includes the words listed in the “simplifiedform”–listiftheyappearinsuchƒquotation.

Directquotationsfromwrittensourceshavebeenleftastheyare.Clearly,someofthe choicesbetweenƒsimpleformandanexacttransliterationaresomewhatarbitrary, especially when choosing which names could be considered to be “relatively standardizedforms”inEnglish.Itmaybeconfusingtousedifferentvariationsofthe samenamewhentheyappearaloneononehand,andwhentheyarepresentedinthe spokenmaterialontheother.However,usingfulltransliterationswouldnevertheless requiresomecompromise,asthestandardformsandthedialectalvariantswouldnot bethesame. have,therefore,madethedecisiontoconcentrateonthetransliteration ofthespokenvariationoftheArabiclanguageinsouthernJordan,presentingthelocal terminologyandnomenclatureasitappearsintheoralsources.Whendifferentforms ofpronunciationarepresentinthespokenmaterial,ithasbeenmyconsciousattempt to choose the one that typifies the dialect spoken in that region, thus,  hope, presentingthemosttraditionallocalvariant.12

ThefollowingsystemhasbeenusedasthebasisoftransliterationofArabicinthis work:

̵,Ύᦦǡ¢ ΐ„  Ε–  Ιth  ΝŒ  Ρᒒ  Υkh  Ω†  Ϋdh  έ”  ίœ  α•   εsh  ιᒲ  νᒅ13 ρᒷ  υĂ  ωᦧ   ύgh  ϑˆ  ϕ‰(q) ϙ  ϝŽ  ϡ   ϥ  ϫŠ  ϱy,Ä Ϯw,ó Γa,at(st.c.)14

12typicalexamplewhenthechoicehasbeenmadeinfavorofthecommonlocalvariantiswhenthe speakershiftstowardsstandardliteraryArabic.Thisoftenhappenedinmoreformalinterview situations. 13Inspokenlanguage,thereisnoseparationofᒅandĂǤThecommonformismarkedasᒅǤ

14

In addition, the long vowels µ and Û appear in the spoken language, replacing diphthongsayandawrespectively.IntheBedouindialects,thediphthongsstillexist, andbothvariantsmayappearinthespeechsidebyside.InthedialectoftheBedól,the longȂ¢attheendofnounshasƒtendencytoshifttowardsȂÄǤForexample,thenameof thetownWadió•¢ispronounced¢†Äó•Ä.thirdcharacteristicworthnotingin the transliteration is the presence of the epenthesis. According to the description of BaniYasinandOwens,epenthesisoccursȂamongothertimesȂbetweenthefirstand secondelementsofanythreeconsonantsequence,wherefinalandinitialpausecountas consonants15Ǥ havechosentomarktheepentheticsoundwithݻǡforexample,inAmm ݻDfóˆ (Umm Dufóf). No system is perfect, however. There are several aspects of the dialects,suchasstressandpharyngealizationthatarenottreatedatall.Nevertheless,  believethatthechosensystemoffersenoughaccuracytorepresenttheoralmaterialin thecontextofthisstudy.  

14Alsoeinspokenlanguage. 15BaniYasinƬOwens1984:209.

15

2. SOURCESANDMETHODOLOGY

2.1. WrittenSources

The written sources described in this chapter are primarily studies related to the nomadic cultures and folk beliefs in the Middle East. The theoretical works will be discussed in Chapter 3. It is not my intention to make an exhaustive list of all the ethnographicworkreadforthisstudy,althoughthetopichasbeenofgreatinterestto anthropologists and sociologists alike and there are ƒ number of existing studies available. Instead,  wish to introduce the ones that have proved themselves most influentialinthecourseofmyownwork. The first group of literary sources used in this study consists largely of the accounts of the 19th and early 20th century western travelers and researchers. They include broad ethnographic surveys of large geographical regions, but also in-depth studiesofsmallcommunities.ThefoundingofthePalestineExplorationFundin1865 resultedinanextensivegeographicalsurveyinPalestineandTransjordan.Inthenext decades,ƒgrowingnumberofvisitorsandscholarstraveledintheregion.Inaddition to the research-oriented academics, there were also ƒ number of Christian pilgrims andmissionaries,visitingthefamousBiblicalsitesintheregion.Finally,therewerethe wealthyupperclass“tourists.”Allgroupswroteaccounts,articles,journalsandbooks of their experiences and observations.16 Although these publications are of varying quality, and must naturally be treated with ƒ critical approach, they, nevertheless, presentvaluablefirst-handexperiencesandobservations. The major contribution of these accounts to this work has been providing essentialhistoricalinformationontraditionsandcommunitiesinthepast. haveused thedatapresentedinthemforcomparisonandsometimesasƒguideforaskingcertain questionsortryingtofindcertainfeatures.Thesequestionssometimescreatedlively discussionwhentheinformantsinreturnaskedwhere hadobtainedmyinformation. The fact that the knowledge had been written down by European researchers more thanƒhundredyearsagowasclearlyƒsurpriseǦbutapparentlymostlyƒpleasantone. Ontheotherhand,theseearlytextsstandasremindersofthepassingoftime. They prove how short ƒ time frame may be needed for ƒ tradition or belief to be forgottenǦasanactivepractice,andeveninthememoryofpeople.Thatsomeofthese forgotten memories have survived in the written notes of Western travelers also enhancestheawarenessofalltheinformationthathasnotbeenrecordedandisnow irrecoverable.Still,theyarealsoimportantsourcesinanattempttotracethepatterns ofcommunalmemory. Alois Musil was born in 1868 in Moravia, which today is part of the Czech Republic, but at that time belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He studied theology and was consecrated as ƒ priest in 1891. In 1895, he received his PhD in theologyanddecidedtotraveltoJerusalemwhereƒFrenchDominicaninstitutehad

16AccordingtoBen-Arieh(1983:15),morethan5000accountsoftheregionwerepublishedbetween theyears1800and1878.

16

beenopenedrecently.Duringhislife,hemadealtogethereighttripstotheMiddleEast, eachjourneyprovidinginformationaboutthehistoryandcultureoftheregion.Oneof hisearliestnotablefindswastheearly8thcenturyQuᒲayrᦧAmrabuiltinwhattoday comprisestheeasterndesertofJordan.However,itishisethnographicresearchthat providesdetailedinformationaboutthelifeandcultureonbothBedouinandsettled peopleofTransjordanattheturnofthe20thcentury.In1906,hesurveyedthearea between the Egyptian-Turkish border, publishing detailed maps of the region, includingtheareaofWadió•¢ andPetra.1907-1908hepublishedaltogetherfour volumes of his study called Arabia Petraea, containing descriptions of his journeys between 1896 and 1902. The first volume, Moab, is mainly ƒ travel diary of places alonghisrouteintheBiblicalareaofMoab(betweenMadabaandKarak).Thesecond volume,Edomǡ isƒsimilardescriptionoftheregionsouthofKaraktoAqaba,andto Gaza across the Negev. The third volume is of special interest. Ethnologischer Reisebericht gives ƒ list of local tribes and subtribes, their traditional areas and providesdataaboutvariousaspectsoftheculture,includingmagic,saintsandholy sites.Anotherdetailedethnographicworkis“TheMannersandCustomsoftheRwala Bedouin,”publishedin1928.17 Antonin Jaussen (1871-1962) was another scholar with ƒ theological background. He was born in the Ardèche in France and later became ƒ priest of the Dominicanorder.Hestudied,andlatertaughtasƒprofessoratthel’Écolebibliqueet archéologiquefrançaisedeJérusalemfrom1890until1928.Hismajorcontributions includeanarchaeologicalsurveyofNorthArabia,conductedbetween1907and1910 togetherwithanotherpriest,RaphaëlSavignac.Theirobservationswerepublishedas MissionarchéologiqueenArabie.Thefourvolumesincludedƒthoroughdescriptionof the area of Mad¢ᦦin ᐀¢liᒒ(΢ϟΎλ Ϧ΋΍Ϊϣ)ǡ as well as ƒ survey of the desert castles in Transjordan.18Jaussen’sothercontribution,frequentlyreferredtointhiswork,ishis ethnographic study CoutumesdesArabesauPaysdeMoabǡ originally published in 1907.Thisbookalsocontainsƒlistofthetribesinhabitingtheregion,butitishis descriptionofthevarietiesoflocalfolkreligion,includingthesainttraditionandholy sitesthathasbeenofspecialinteresttome.DuringtheWorldWarI,Jaussenbecame involved in wartime politics. The French nominated him as an intelligence officer in theLevant.HisextensiveknowledgeoftheregionwasequallyutilizedbytheBritish, andhehadcontactsto,e.g.,T.E.Lawrence.19 TawfiqCanaan(1882-1964)providesoneofthemostthoroughstudiesonthe subject of the popular veneration of saints. He also visited Petra briefly and made observationsaboutthelocalbeliefsinthelate1920’s.BorntoƒChristianfamilyliving inBeitJala,heworkedmostofhislifeasƒmedicaldoctorinJerusalem,butgradually he developed ƒ growinginterest in the local folklore and popular religion. He made severaltripstothePalestiniancountrysidecollectinginformationaboutfolkmedicine, etiologyanddemonology.SeveralofhisarticleswerepublishedinTheJournalofthe

17ASAM2011. 18Graf2005. 19Pierard.photographfromMarch1917showsthetwomensidebysideonboardHMSLama.

17

Palestine Oriental Societyǡestablishedin1920,andhewasalsoƒmemberofThe American School of Oriental Research. His study on Palestinian saints and shrines, published in 1924-1927 under the title Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestineisstillamongthemostextensivestudiesonthissubject.20Theworkwas based on the earlier research of the German scholar Paul Kahle, whose survey Die MoslemischenHeiligtümerinundbeiJerusalemwaspublishedinPalästina-Jahrbuchdes deutschenevangelischenInstitutsin1910-1912. Edvard Westermarck (1862-1939), ƒ Finnish sociologist, is most widely knownforhisstudiesonmarriage,moralityandtaboo.Histheorieswerebasedonthe evolutionistschoolofthought,nowadaysmostlyoutdated.Nevertheless,hisworksThe History of Human Marriage (1891) and The Origin and Development of Moral Ideas (1906, 1908) are still considered fundamental contributions to the study of social anthropology.EquallyacknowledgedȂandformyownstudymoreinfluentialȂarehis observationsfromhis9-yearlongstayinMorocco.Ritual and Belief in Morocco, publishedintwovolumesin1926containsseveralchaptersonthetopicofbaraka,as wellasdetailedobservationsonmagic,spiritsandsaints.21 Another Finn, Hilma Granqvist (1891-1972) planned initially to conduct ƒ Biblical study and traveled to Palestine in order to undertake comparative research based on the lives of the women in the village of Arᒷ¢• near Bethlehem. Her focus changed during her stay, resulting in an extensive study on the everyday life in ƒ peasantcommunity,includingtopicssuchaskinship,childhood,marriageanddeath.It also provided information especially on women Ǧ material that had been largely missing in the ethnographic work of male authors. In addition, the photographic material taken by her was ƒ major contribution to the development of visual anthropology.22Resultsofheraltogetherthree-yearlongfieldworkincludeMarriage ConditionsinƒPalestinianVillage(Twovolumes,1932and1935),BirthandChildhood inanArabVillage(1947)andMuslimDeathandBurial(1965),ofwhichthelastone hasbeenofspecialinterestformyresearch. Theothergroupofwrittensourcesdiscussedhereismorerecentstudies focusingeitheronthemodernnomadicculturesandthechangestakingplaceintheir waysoflife,oronthemodernpracticesrelatedtothepopularcultofsaintsinthe Islamicworld.Theyofferthesynchroniccomparisoninthequestionsconcerningthe changeinƒtraditionalsociety.Thetimescaleinthisgroupisstillwide,the"modern" consistingofstudiesmadeinthesecondhalfofthe20thcenturyandearly21stcentury.  central element in many of these studies is the change and the development of traditions. Lila Abu-Lughod is ƒ Palestinian-American scholar and professor at the UniversityofColumbia.Inthelate1970’s,shewenttolivewiththeAwl¢†ᦧAlÄtribein Egypt, and has written several books and articles from the material she collected duringhertwoandƒhalfyearstaywiththetribe.Hertwostudiesconcerningthe

20Nashef2002. 21Pipping1982. 22Seger1987:13.

18

traditions of the tribe are VeiledSentiments:HonorandPoetryinƒBedouinSociety (2000)andWritingWomen'sWorlds:BedouinStories(1993).Herworkconcentrates onwomenandhasbeenconsideredƒcontributiontothefieldoffeministethnography.

OthersubstantialworksfocusingontheBedouintribesoftheregionincludestudiesof oralhistoryandidentityamongtheBalgatribesofCentralJordanbyAndrewShryock (1997),WilliamLancaster’sfieldworkamongtheRwalainthe1970’sand80’s,and DonaldCole’sresearchintothechangingtraditioninSaudiArabia,especiallyamong the#ŽMurraBedouinoftheEmptyQuarter.Finally,variousonlinedatabases,surveys andmapsshouldbementionedasusefulsourcesinprovidingdataonvarious locationswhiledoingmyownmaterialsurvey.TheJordanArchaeologicalDatabaseƬ InformationSystem(JADIS)andthelaterMiddleEasternGeodatabaseforAntiquities (MEGA)aresourcesofarchaeologicalinformationwhileWikimapiaoffersƒnewkind ofsourceintheworldofsocialmedia.23

2.2. TheFieldworkProcess

2.2.1. Methods The written works are essential historical, comparative and informative sources. However,themaindatacomesfrommyownfieldworkconductedinJordan.Since  haveseveralsubtopicsinmyresearch, alsohadtoapplydifferentmethodsforeach. First of all,  was studying the sites themselves as material entities, mapping and describingthemindetail.Forthis, appliedthemethodofarchaeologicalsurveyasit enabledmetoconcentrateonthematerialevidenceforhumanactivitiesonthesites. ThesurveyprocessisdescribedindetailinChapter6.Secondly, wasrecordingthe folkloreǦtales,myths,history,ritualsandpracticesconnectedtothesites.Inthispart, thebestmethodshavebeeninformalinterviews.Finally, applytheabovedatatothe aspect of identity and change in the society. In this part, interviews and participant observation have been the main methods. Combining the data gathered with the various methods listed above is the final task which again offers new challenges, especiallywhenvisualevidencedoesnotnecessarilycoincidewiththeoraldata. SincemyfirststayinPetrainJuly-August2000withtheFJHPexcavationteam,  havevisitedtheregionseveraltimes. participatedintheFJHPfieldseasonsof2000, 2002-2003, 2005 and 2007, ranging from three to seven weeks in length. In 2002, 2005, 2009 and 2011, was in Jordan concentrating solely on my own project. The length of the personal field seasons ranged from two weeks to four months, and altogether havespentapproximatelyoneyearintheregion.Duringtheseasonof 2005,  also spent one week in Damascus, studying at the library of IFPO (Institut françaisduProche-Orient),andanotherweekinAmmanatACOR(AmericanCenterfor OrientalResearch).In2009and2011, returnedtoACORforƒfewdays. hadoriginallydefinedthegeographicalboundariesofmystudyinthe

23http://www.wikimapia.org.LikeWikipedia,Wikimapiaisanopenplatformthatcanbefreelyedited byanyoneandisthusnotanofficialsource.Thelocalpeoplehaveaddedmuchpersonalinformationto themap,includingareasoftribalownership,andevenownersofindividualhousesinthevillages.

19

followingway:thenorthernborderrunsfromthesouthernedgeoftheDeadSeaalong Wadial-Ꮱas¢ǡturningsouthtoMudawwara.Inthesouthandwesttheareaislimited bythestateborderswithSaudiArabiaandIsrael.Thus,theareaincludespartsofthe governoratesofᐅafÄle,Maᦧ¢andAqaba.Aftermyfieldseasonin2005,itbecameclear that,giventhetimeandtherangeofthiswork,thisareawastoolargetobestudiedin detail.As ƒresult,  chosetoconcentrateonseveralsmallerregions,represented by theirinhabitingtribes.Theareasandthetribesare:Wadió•¢andtheLiy¢thne,Amm Sayᒒón/PetraandtheBedól,Bayᒅ¢ᦦandtheᦧAm¢”Än,WadiArabaandtheSaᦧĆěÄn,24 Sh¢Äye and Kar¢shĐ in Maᦧ¢n, and finally the Zel¢biye in Wadi Ramm. Additional information was collected in passing from the inhabitants of ¢jef, Mudawwara and Ꮱumayma.MymainbasewasalwaysthevillageofAmmSayᒒó(ϥϮΤϴγ ϡ΍),abouttwo km north of the ancient city of Petra. This naturally creates ƒ situation where the Bedól, and to ƒ certain degree, Liy¢thne and ᦧAm¢”Đ are the main sources for most observationswhiletheothertribesmainlyappearininterviewsconcentratingonthe holy sites and traditions. However, even though this study does not even intend to offer ƒ full view of the lives of all inhabitants of the region, there are indisputable patterns that emerge from the study and from studies of other regions where pastoralismhasbeenthemainbasisoftheeconomy.Thesepatterns trytotraceby usingthemethodsprovided. Itistooeasytoseemethodsasready-madetools,wheninfactthesetoolsreally havetobereconfigured,fixedandevaluatedagainandagain.Whenchoosingtheright methods,thelocallifestyleandnaturehadtobeconsideredthoroughly.Workinginƒ tribalsocietyistoworkwithƒnetworkofcontactswhichslowlyexpands. hadthe opportunitytostartwiththecontacts hadfromtheFinnishJabalHarounProject. Workingwiththelocalpeopleinthearchaeologicalexcavationshasactuallyprovedto beƒveryeffectivemethodofestablishingƒnetworkofcontacts.Inadditiontothe interactionduringtheworkinghours, alsospentƒlargepartofthefreeafternoons andeveningswiththelocalworkerswhowerecampingonthemountain,creatingƒ natural setting for learning the local dialect, for informal discussions and even for moreformaloccasionsforinterviews.Althoughthemajorityoftheworkerscamefrom theBedóŽtribe,membersofothertribesfromtheregion,suchastheᦧAm¢”Đand SaᦧĆěĐwerefrequentlyemployedaswell. Gradually,themenwhowereworkingontheexcavationsitewerealsowilling tointroducemetotheirfamilies.When startedmyresearchin2005,itwasmyplan toliveintheresidencethatwasfrequentlyusedbyvariousforeignexcavationteamsȂ includingtheFJHPgroup,butonlyƒfewdaysafterstartingmywork wasinvitedto stayasƒguestwithƒlocalfamilylivinginthesamevillage.Thisfamilybecamean invaluablehelpduringmystudy,offeringinformation,contactsȂ andƒplacetostay duringeveryvisit.Asƒ"memberofthefamily," wasabletoobservethelocalculture andeverydaylifeindetail. participatedinweddingsandothercelebrations,traveling

24ThisregionactuallyconsistsofseveralstopsinandoutsidetheactualWadiArababasin.Placesvisited includeGrµgra(Qurayqira),AmmMathle(UmmMithla),ᖠDl¢gha(Dil¢gha)andal-Farsh.

20

withthefamilymembersseveraltimestoWadiArabatoattendtraditionalweddings. Observationsofthedailytasksvariedfromtraditionalskills,suchasbreadmakingand goatherding,tointeractionwiththeforeigntourists.Withtheirhelpofthefamily,  hadtheopportunitytoexpandmycontactnetwork,usingeachoccasiontofind potentialinformantsandstudythedynamicsinandbetweenfamiliesandtribes. Mostofmyinterviewsaresemi-orunstructuredandhavebeenrecordedeither onƒminidiscorƒdigitalvoicerecorder. hadnodefinedschedulefortheinterviews asnewinformantswereintroducedtomealongtheway.Settingupanyplannedhours forinterviewsprovedtoberatheruseless,anditwasofteneasiesttosimplywalkinto housestovisitandseeifpeoplehappenedtobeavailable.Managingtointerviewonly one person at ƒ time also proved often quite difficult to accomplish. Other people wouldjoinin,andtheinterviewwouldbeinterruptedwiththetraditionalexchangeof greetings,afterwhichtheotherswouldfreelyjoinintheconversation.Thus,an interviewing situation was constantly fluctuating, with people joining in and others leavingȂattimeseventheoriginalinformantwouldleave,buttheconversationonthe topicwouldcontinue.Someofthebestmaterialcomesfromunplannedgatheringsof people.Attimes, wouldsimplylistentowhateverwasbeingdiscussed,makingnotes later. On some occasions,  would present ƒ question and then listen to the group discussingthetopic. Consideringtheculturalsetting, cametotheconclusionthatitwouldnothave servedanypurposetoforceclosedsessionsfortheinterviews.However, didtestan acculturatedformofformalgroupinterviewonƒfewoccasions.Collectingƒsmall groupof4-5peoplefromthesamegenderandagegroup, wouldasktheparticipants questions which they could discuss among themselves, only guiding the discussion withadditionalquestionsifneeded.Someofthesegroupinterviewswereformedquite naturallyduringtheexcavationseason,whentheyoungermenwouldbegatheredin oneplaceandolder,marriedmencouldbefoundsittinginanotherlocation. also managed to record ƒ group interview of young BedóŽ girls, but in most cases, the recordedgroupinterviewsconsistofmixedgroupsofpeople.Itshouldbealso mentioned that ƒ notable amount of recorded material consists of singing. This has beenrecordedatweddings,butalsoonprivateoccasions.Thewomenandgirls especiallytendedtobemoreopentotheideaofthesongthanbeingaskedintrusive questions.Thus,someofmyinterviewsbeganwiththerecordingoftraditionalsongs, were then followed by ƒ discussion about daily life, and gradually shifted towards morepersonalissues.Thistypeofslow-pacedmethodrequiredƒlotoftimeforsitting, whichwasnotalwayspossible.Thesongs,althoughtheydonotformpartofthesource material of my study and thus cannot be discussed here in detail, are nevertheless valuabledataofƒlocallivingǦandinsomeareasalsoƒdyingȂtradition. Thus,excludingthemusicalmaterial, haverecordedinterviewsofƒtotalof38 people,23menand15women.SixarefromthemembersoftheLiy¢thne,20Bedól,

21

oneᦧAm¢”Än,fourZel¢biye,threeSaᦧĆěĐ andfourfromMaᦧ¢n.25Equallyimportant are the written notes where ƒ number of people appear as sources of information, some of them also in the recordings or in more than one conversation. Among the Bedól, hadthreekeyinformants,onemanandtwowomen,whom consulted frequently on various topics. Because some of the people interviewed appeared uncomfortableatthethoughtofhavingtheirnamespublished, haveanonymizedall informantsexceptforthescholarlysourceswhopublishundertheirownnames. Duetothenatureofthisresearchanditsgoals havechosentodividethe informantsintogroups,presentingthegrouptitlesasthesource.Thus, havegroups ofmenandwomen(Mandrespectively)andgroupsaccordingtoage.Thesecond divisionintoagegroupsworksbestwiththeBedóŽinformants.Withtheothertribes,it mayseemƒbitarbitrary,butcanstillbetakenasanestimate.Thefirstgeneration(1) consistsofolderpeoplewithadultchildrenwhohavelivedmostoftheirlivesinthe traditionalsociety.Thesecondgenerationgroup(2)isformedby adultswhoareor havebeenmarried.AmongtheBedól,theywouldhavebeenbornintothetraditional wayoflife,butwereexposedtoƒmodernlifestyleatanearlyage.Thethirdgeneration (3)consistsofyoungpeoplewhoarenotyetmarriedandwhoamongtheBedóŽwere bornafterthetribewasrelocatedtothevillageofAmmSayᒒón.Thefocusison exposuretothetraditionallifeontheonehand,andmodernlifeontheother.Among othertribes,ofcourse,thisratioisnaturallydifferent.Forexample,theyoungpeople inWadiArabaarestillmostlylivingthetraditionallifestyle.Nevertheless,myattempt asƒwholeistoseethedifferenceandthechangeinattitudeandthoughtbetweenage groupsandgenders.Forthesakeofclarity,theinformant’stribeand,fortherecorded material, an identifying number has been added. Thus, for example ƒ source “15M1 Bedól” would stand for informant number 15 in the recorded material, ƒ first generation(old)manoftheBedóŽtribe.Groupinterviewsdonotdifferentiatebetween individualsandtheyhavebeenmarkedwith“G.”Forexample,“21WG3Bedól”meansƒ groupinterviewofyounggirlsfromtheBedóŽtribe.Writtenfielddatahavenotbeen individuallynumbered.

2.2.2. ReadjustingthetoolsȂproblemsofmethodology It is obvious that even the most secluded society is not ƒ "laboratory" where only specified,isolatedissuescouldbestudiedwithoutanyinterference.Wearestudyingƒ complexhumansocietywhereanalmostinfiniteamountofvariablesaffecttheresult. Evenwiththatinmind,ƒlargenumberofspecificquestionsstillremain.InWestern society, structured forms and interviews are common methods of conducting sociologicalsurveys.Advancesinthetechnologyenableustoproduceandfillinpolls and questionnaires over the Internet. Naturally, interviews have been seen as an effective way of gathering information from communities and groups. Surveys from

25Thenumbersrefertothemainspeakersintherecordings.Asmentionedabove,theinterviewswere notclosedsituations:otherpeoplewouldoftenbepresentduringtheinterview,occasionallyalso commentingonthetopicofdiscussion.Insomeinterviews, wasalsoaccompaniedbyƒguideand/or translator.Thishasbeenmarked(T)inthelistofinterviewsinbibliography.

22

whichprecisequantitativedatacanbecompiledareoftenviewedasmorereliableand objective than the descriptive, unstructured interview materials. On the other hand, structured interviews concentrate on clearly defined issues, and there is always ƒ danger that some valuable information may be left out if the researcher has not thoughtabouttheoptionbeforethesurvey.When wasdoingmyinformalinterviews, thepeopleoftencameupwiththeinformation probablywouldnothavecomeacross inƒstructuredinterviewǦalthoughtherearealsoimportanttopicsthatneitherthe interviewed nor the interviewer notice. Briggs26 argues that interviewing is not as conclusive in non-Western societies. These local traditions may use other metacommunicativemethods,unknowntoƒWesternresearcher.Tryingtointerview peoplewhoaretotallyunfamiliarwiththiskindofcommunicationeventmaycause various setbacks to the research.  researcher may try to ask ƒ question which the informantinterpretsinhisorherownway,andtheissueremainsunsolved. Otherissuesarecloselyrelatedtothisproblem.Inaninterviewsituation,both sides assume certain roles as interviewer and interviewee, and both have certain assumptionsregardingtheserolesandhowtheyshouldbeacted.Thus,theinterview isneverƒ"natural"situation. noticedduringmyresearchhowthemicrophone alwaysalteredtheperformance.Themostcommonreactionfromtheinformantswas tousemoreformallanguage.storytoldtomewhentherecorderwasonwasthe same story told to fellow workmen after work while sitting by the fire, yet it was totallydifferentinlanguageandform.Manypeoplewerenaturallyveryreservedwhen themicrophonewason,andthelivelyconversationdiscussingthetopicbeganonly afteritwasturnedoff. Evenwithoutthefearofƒtechnicaltool,differentprohibitionsandquestionsof trust may also prevent the people from telling what they know. There are several reasons why the information is not revealed to the researcher. One example is the magicalformulaethatcannotbeutteredaloudifthereisnorealneedforthem.27Many peoplelivinginmoreremoteareasarenaturallysuspiciousaboutstrangersandare not willing to share information concerning their holy places. Some knowledge has simplybeenforgotten,andfinallythereisthegrowingnegativeattitudetowardsold holysites.Thus,eventhoughƒpersonmaybeawareoftraditionalholysitesinthe area,hemayrefusetoacknowledgetheexistenceofsuchpaganpractices. Themostcomplexchallengeincollectingoralmaterialisprobablyfindingthe right question Ȃ or rather, formulating the question in such ƒ manner that the interviewer and the informant both have the same understanding of what is being asked.Differentresultsarereceiveddependingonthewordsusedinthequestions.As startedwithaskingaboutal-awliy¢஝ǡtheoutcomewasnotinmanycaseswhat had expectedorhopedforasthisconceptdependsgreatlyontheviewoftheinformant.

26BriggsC.1986:2-3. 27 cameacrossthisissuewheninterviewingtwomeninPogradec,AlbaniainApril2003.Theinformant refusedtospeakaloudprotectivewordsagainsttheEvilEye.Asthemagicinquestionwasprotective andnotharmful,thereasonforthisrefusalmayhavebeenthatusingthemagic“invain”couldhave diminisheditspower.

23

person more educated and aware of the teachings of scholarly Islam may view only Jabal ¢”ó as ƒ walÄ while others are purely pagan sites and should be forgotten. Finally,askingabouttheplaceswherepeopleusedtovisitorstillvisitdoesnot necessarilyrevealanyclearerresults.Althoughziy¢radoeshaveƒcertainconnotation referringtovisitstoholysites,itcouldalsobeunderstoodsimplyasƒvisittoƒfamily cemeterytorememberthedeceased. In every case, silence, denial and even direct misinformation are also information.Understandingwhethersilenceisƒsignofthelackofknowledgeonthe matter,uneasinessoftheinformant,ƒstatementorsomethingelseisthenlefttothe researcher to interpret.  Without doubt, the language skills play ƒ crucial part in interviews.Inthebeginning,whenmyabilitiestocommunicateinArabicwerelimited, the informants often used very simple expressions Ȃ or switched into English. It is clearthatwhenmyownskillsincreased,and becameabletospeakthelocaldialect, theinformantsalsorespondedinƒmorerelaxedmanner. Thematterofcommunicationandinterpretationbringsustoonemoreaspect inthedata-collectionandanalysisthat believerequiresmuchmoreattentioninthe descriptionoftheresearchproject. amreferringtoonevariableintheresearchthatis notrelatedtothetopicandthuscreatesthelargestaspectofsubjectivityintheresultȂ theresearcher.Studyinglivinghumancommunitiesincludestheresearcherasƒpart oftheresearch,notjustƒdetached,objectiveobserver.Theresearcherisinconstant interactionwiththesubjectsofresearch,andthewayheorsheinteractsdoeshavean effectonthework.Thus,tobefullyabletoevaluatetheresultsoftheresearchandthe theoriesdrawnfromtheobservations,theresearchershouldalsoprovideinformation abouthim-orherselfasanactivesubjectduringthetimeofthefieldwork.28 Participant observation in the field is today acknowledged as ƒ fundamental partofanyanthropologicalstudy.29Thedefinitionoffieldworkas“useofpersonasthe researchinstrument”istelling.Eventhetitleofthemethod“participantobservation” containsthefundamentalproblem:thepersondoingtheresearchisatthesametime bothparticipantandanobserver.Howcanoneobserve,whentheobserverisalsoƒ subject immersing in thelife and thoughtof the people heor she is supposed to be observing?30 Immersionofcoursealwayshaslimits.Theresearcherisanoutsider,although theresearchprocessallowshimorhertobecomean“insider”undercertain conditions.GrahamHarveydistinguishesbetweentheold“colonialist-researcher”who wieldsthepowerofknowledge,imposinghisresearchonthepeoplehestudiesand between ƒ “guest-researcher” who acknowledges the knowledge of the researched, waitingtobeinvitedtoparticipateandassumeƒroleofƒpersonlearning,nottheone

28Powdermaker1966:9ǡscientificdiscussionoffieldworkmethodshouldincludeconsiderabledetail abouttheobserver:theroleheplays,hispersonalityandotherrelevantfactsconcerninghispositionand functioninginthesocietystudied. 29Emerson1981. 30GoslingaƬFrank2008:xii.

24

who knows.31 This role involves the responsibility of accepting the fact that the researcheralsochangeshissubjectsofresearch,butatthesametimealsoallowing himself to be changed. But how immersed should the participation be? Should the researcher attend ƒpilgrimage to ƒholy site in order to thoroughly understand the nature of the tradition? Should ƒ person studying monastic life live for ƒ while as ƒ monktocompletehisresearch?WhatifhedecidestobecomeƒmonkintheendǦ wouldthatdistorttheobjectivityofhisresearch? However, if we consider our own daily behavior, the “method of participant observation” does not seem so different from normal human interaction with the surroundingreality.Afterall,ƒhumanbeingisbothanindividualparticipatinginthe worldasanactivesubject,andyetalsocapableofbecominganobserverandstudythe world around him.32 Even without going any deeper into the structuralist analysis, suchaspresentedbyLévi-Strauss,forexample,itisevidentthat“sense-making” happens on ƒ daily basis in human communities. Categorization and creating structures out of the perceived are not privileges of researchers only. With this in mind, the dichotomy of participant observation becomes plausible. The phases of immersiveparticipationanddetachedobservationfollowoneanotherinthecourseof thefieldwork.fulldetachmentfromtheregionalsooffersanopportunitytomake observations,althoughthisrequiresmoredependenceonmemory. The idea of extended fieldwork has been quite soundly established in anthropology. In order to become acquainted with the community studied, the scholarly norm calls for lengthy periods of observation. However, despite frequent visitstoJordan,thetimehasalwaysbeenƒrarecommodityforme.Mylongest continuousstaywasfourmonthsin2005Ȃƒveryshorttimetoconductextensive anthropologicalfieldwork.Ofcourse,bythattime hadalreadypartiallysolvedmany ofthequestionsthatfieldworkersfacewhentheyinitiateresearch: hadestablished contactsduringexcavationseasonsonAaron’sMountain,andeventhoughmyskillsin Arabicwerestillrudimentary, wasabletocommunicateonƒbasiclevel. believemy chosenlevelofparticipationalsopartiallycompensatedforthelackoftime. wasfully presentintheeverydaylifeofthecommunity.Myrhythmfollowedtherhythmofthe family, visiting the sick, attending dinners, weddings and engagement celebrations, fastingduringRamaᒅ¢andspendingdaysinlittlesouvenirtentsandstallswhenthe peopleweresellingnecklacesandteatopassingtourists.Theperiodsofdetachment followedtheperiodsofparticipationwhen traveledawayfromJordan.Returningto theregiononanalmostannualbasisforƒperiodof11years,firstasƒmemberofthe excavationteamandlaterdoingmyownfieldwork,enabledmetofollowthetracksof changeasittookplaceinthecommunity. When participating in the daily interaction of the community, the researcher alsoinevitablybecomesawareofthewiderangeofhumanactivity.Evenifthepeople atfirstwouldtrytocreateƒformalpersona,itisnotpossibletokeepitupforlong.

31Harvey2003:141-142. 32Baal1971:221.

25

Duringmyownfieldworkperiods, neverfeltdeliberatelyexcludedfromanyfamily activitiesanddailylifeofthevillage.Thus, wouldalsoseeandhearƒlotofsensitive things. Gossip would bring to my awareness issues of family disputes, mental and physical problems, feuds and secret romances. Even without stayinglong periods of timeintheregion,bondsoffriendshipwereformed.Withoutdoubt,theyequallyhave theireffectontheresearch,atleastbyraisingthequestionofethics. Robert Janes notes the difference between participant observation and an interview.Inthelatter,bothsideshaveƒclearunderstandingoftherolestheyhavein thesituation.Theinterviewedknowsthattheinterviewerislookingforinformation andanythingtheinformantsayswillbeusedassuch.Thus,theamountandqualityof informationdeliveredisfullyundertheconsiderationoftheinformant.Inparticipant observation,however,thepeopleobservedarenotalwaysawarethattheirbehavioris beingstudied.Eventhoughtheymayknowthatthepersonstayingwiththemisdoing research,theymaynotrealizethatƒrandomconversationoractioncanalsobetreated asinformation.33Thisproblemleavestheresearcherƒheavyresponsibilityforwhat he or she chooses to use as information.  have personally tried to maintain as high anonymity as possible, although  am sure that people familiar with the tribes discussedwillrecognizeindividualsandfamilies.Also,if havehadanydoubtwhether someinformationhasbeenrevealedtomeconfidentiallyasƒfriend,orasanacademic researcher, havechosentowithholdtheinformation. One morecaveat in the issue of methodologyneeds to be addressed in more detail.Allsocietiesare builtuponhierarchies.Rolesandorganizedrelationshipsare based on education, profession, descent, gender, age, marital status, number of offspring and ethnicity, among other things.34 This system dictates the interaction betweenallthemembersofƒcommunity.researcherdoingfieldworkcannotfully escapetheseboundariesoftheprevailingsystem.Hemusteventuallymakechoiceson howtorespondtothestatusimposedonhim.Hecantrytodeviatefromitinorderto be able to make observations from ƒ wider view Ȃ but at the same time risk the opportunity for participating in the community life. Or, he can accept the status, becomingimmersedinthecommunallife,buttherebylosingsomeofthefreedomof anacademicobserver.Sometimesimmersionprovestoofferƒbetteraccesstothe studiedcommunity,atothertimesthetopicofresearchrequiresdetachment,keeping away from the communal hierarchy. In many cases, the researcher has to balance betweenthetwopolesthroughoutthefieldwork.Inaddition,thehierarchiesofhis ownsociety,thestatushehasthereandthechangeheexperienceswhenenteringƒ newcommunityeffecthisvaluesandwayshestructurestheworldaroundhim. Moreover, this problem has been acknowledged in anthropological research, where onestatusseemstobeofspecialinterest,anditsimpactonthefieldworkconductedin traditionalsocietiesisindisputableȂthatbeingthestatusofgender. 

33Janes1961:447. 34Golde1986:7.

26

2.2.3. womaninthefieldȂdoesgendermatter?

…thestructureofinformationflowbetweenthemen’sandwomen’sworldswas notsymmetrical.Becauseofthepatternofhierarchy,menspoketooneanotherin thepresenceofwomen,butthereversewasnottrue…conspiracyofsilence excludedmenfromthewomen’sworld.35

In 2005, ƒ Ruw¢jfe man working in the FJHP excavation site invited me to visit his familyaftertheseason. acceptedtheinvitationandtraveledthe20kmdistancefrom Wadió•¢southtothevillageof¢jefbyƒlocalbus. spentƒweekendinthevillage, takingtheopportunitytotalkwiththevillagers.Duringƒdiscussionwithanold womaninherhouse, mentionedthat waslivingintheBedóŽvillage.Thewomanwas shockedtohearthat hadtraveledallthewayfromAmmSayᒒótohervillageall alone,leavingmyfamilyandnotevenhavingƒmaleguardianwithme. decidednotto revealhowfarawaymyfamilyreallywas. Thiseventisanillustrativeexampleofsituationswheretheresearcherrealizes thatheisnottheonlyobserver:thepeopleheisobservingarealsoobservinghim. Theystudyhisbehavior,assesshisvaluesandclassifyhimonthebasisoftheirown experienceandculture.Inƒtraditionalsocietywheredifferentrulesandtabooslimit theeverydayinteractionsbetweensexes,thequestionofgenderisalmostimpossible toignoreȂandithasnotbeenignored.Inthelastdecades,theissueofgenderhas beenwidelydiscussedinanthropologicalresearch.Women’saccountsarebynomeans absentinearlyaccounts,either.AmongtheWesterntravelersofthelasttwocenturies, therewerealreadynotablewomen,suchasHarrietMartineauin1848andGertrude Bellin1900,whopublishedmaterialontheirjourneys. Asthenumberoffemaleacademicresearchershasincreased,theythemselves have been bringing up the topic of gender in their works.36 This has not been the problem of women only, and men have also addressed the issue, often stating the problemofbiasintheirwork.Thequestionhasbeenseenasƒlimitation37ǡbutalsoas ƒ simple fact of existing reality.38Menhavealsotakenaninterestintheaspectof gender, detaching themselves from the old school which was being accused of “androcentrism”. This approach saw the reality as perceived by men, setting this realityasstandardandthenorm.Thewomen,unlesstheyweresimplyseenasobjects ofmen’sactions,werenotpartofthenormandweremainlystudiedinrelationto theirgender.39Today,researchmayequallylookatmen’spointofviewas ƒgender

35Abu-Lughod1988:23. 36AbuLughod1988,Golde1986. 37Cole1975. 38Shryock1997:xi.Hechallengestheviewsofsubjectiveethnography,remindingthattheresearcheris andremainsan“Other”amongtheresearched,nomatterhowmuchintegrationisattempted.(pp.2-3)  donotobjecttothisview:noamountofimmersionwillenabletheresearchertoreally“gonative”Ȃand itisnottheaimofthefieldwork,either.Itisalsoclearthatsometopicsrequirelessparticipationand muchmoreobservationandformalinterviews. hopenottodrawthefocusawayfromtheobjective researchitselfwhileacknowledgingtheroleoftheresearcherasƒsubject. 39Keinänen2010:10,Tiffany1978:39.

27

study.40Atthesametime,theboundariesofgenderarebeingconsciouslycrossedand studied.41 Studiesalsopresentdifferentmethodstoovercomethelimitations.Onemethod istodofieldworkasƒcouple,whichallowsbothmembersoftheteamtoconcentrate on their own gender respectively.42Therearealsoinstancesofusing“native” ethnography,wheretheresearcherhimselfrepresentsthesameethnicorsocialgroup he is studying.43 Still, none of these methods can guarantee that the fieldwork will succeed as planned. Interaction consists of ƒ number of variables. Gaining trust and overcomingsuspicion,prejudice,evenjealousyanddislike,areissuesthattaketimeto solveandwillneverthelessbeencounteredoverandoveragainduringthecourseof thework. lonelymalefieldworkercanbeperceivedasƒpossiblethreat,buthemaynot meettherestrictionsinpublicinteraction.Theprivateworld,however,maybeharder toaccess.Ontheotherhand,ithasbeenclaimedthatthereasonwhywomenmayhave an easier access to information is because they are seen as powerless and nonthreatening.44 believethisisanoversimplificationoftheissue.womanscholar travelingaloneis,withherbehaviorȂnomatterhowwellshetriestoadjusttothe locallifeǦchallengingtheexistingnormsofthetraditionalsocietysheisstudying,and may be seen as ƒ threat to the traditions of the community. Such ƒ woman is an anomalythathastobesolvedbythepeoplewhoarebeingaskedtoacceptherinto theirmidst.Inmanycases,ƒforeignwomanisȂoutofcourtesyȂcountedasƒman, whichsometimesgiveshermorefreedomandanaccesstopeekintotheworldsof bothgenders,butwithoutƒfullentryintoeither.Thiscourtesyisprobablymoreoften offered to tourists and visitors who stay in the community only ƒ short amount of time.45 Women anthropologists who remain with the community for an extended period are integrated differently. Scholars coming alone have often been “adopted,” andtheyhavelivedasdaughtersinthefamily.46Thiskindofarrangementresultsin thewomenbeingexpectedtoabidebythesocialnormsandrulesofthecommunity. Thisinturnmaylimittheiropportunitiestodofull-scaleacademicresearchǦoreven furtherit,dependingonthegoalsofthework. When acceptedtheoffertostaywiththelocalfamily, alsohadtoadjusttothe newstatus had. livedasƒguest,andunlikeAbu-Lughod, wasneverwokenupin themiddleofthenighttoprepareteaandfoodfornewlyarrivedmalevisitors.47 was notrestrictedintravelingwhere wanted,butnodoubttherewasgossipgoingaround

40Juntunen2002. 41SchiltƬWilliams2008,Gurney1985,McKeganeyƬBloor1991. 42E.g.,Fernea1989,Wax1979.Abu-Lughod(1986:13)alsoacknowledgesherethnicandreligious backgroundasƒfactoraffectingherfieldworksituation. 43LeibingƬMcLean1986:11. 44McKeganeyƬBloor1991:196. 45 witnessedcaseswherethelocalguidesbroughttouristgroupsasgueststoweddingcelebrationsin Petra.Onsuchoccasions,thewomeninthegroupwerealsoinvitedtothemen’sside.Thiscourtesywas alsoextendedtothemembersoftheFJHPteamwhentheyattendedsomeoftheweddings. 46Abu-Lughod1988,BriggsJ.1986. 47Abu-Lughod1988:15.

28

aboutmycomingsandgoings.Intermsoffamilyhonorandinteraction,however, was often treated as ƒ daughter. The members of the family were concerned about my safety,andtheytriedtohelpmeinanywaytheycould.When leftthevillagetotravel aroundtheregiontheywouldcallme,ensuring wassafe.Althoughtheregionin generalwouldbeconsideredverysecure, wasnottotallyunfamiliarwiththenegative realitiesoffieldwork,either.Whileprotectivenessandpaternalismrepresentthewell- intentioned aspects of the issue, theother side of the coinreveals various problems ranging from uncomfortable innuendo to devaluation and harassment.  full detachment from the situation and displaying only the role of the academic scholar seemstobethebestsolution,thoughnotƒuniversalone.48 Animportantaspectwithinthecommunityisalsothetopicofageandfamily, anissuealsoraisedbyAbu-Lughod.49Beingfarpasttheagewhenthewomenofthe community marry and have their first children put me in an ambiguous position. Neithertheunmarriedgirlsnorthemarriedwomensawmeassomeonewhocouldbe equatedwiththeirgroup.Interestinglythough,asƒforeignwoman wassometimes trustedtoaccompanythegirlsonshoppingtripstothetown,oraskedtotakethem withmewhengoingonmyfieldtripsȂƒpossibilitythatthegirlsoftenexploitedtothe fullest.Duringthe11yearsofmyrecurringvisitstotheregion,mystatuschanged. Starting as ƒ bint, then turning into a sitt and finally becoming amm took me on ƒ journeythroughthedifferentgroupsinthecommunity.Duringthefirstyears, was seen mainly as ƒ member of the excavation team, and as such, was able to communicateopenlywiththelocalmenwhoworkedintheproject. wouldcontinue toobservethemenalsoaftertheexcavationseasonwhenmanyofthemreturnedto workwiththetourists.Inthissetting, wasalsointroducedtotheirfamiliesandthus becameacquaintedwiththewomen.Gradually,theinteractionwithmenȂespecially withtheonesnotrelatedtothefamily  wasstayingwithȂ decreased,andthetime spent with the women increased. “Choosing my side” was also ƒ conscious choice. Althoughitlimitedthewidth, believeitalsoaddedtothedepthofobservation. Weareoftenremindedofthepolitical,religiousandethnicpartialitiesof19thand early 20th century orientalists and travelers. However, we should be equally disillusionedwithmodernethnographies.Theresearcherswritetheiraccountsbased on how they see and experience the existing reality. With this truthof the practical realityinmind, nextturnmyattentiontothetheoreticalquestionsanddefinitions.  

48Gurney(1985)discussestheproblemindetailinherpaper,althoughherexamplesarefrommodern Westernsociety. 49Abu-Lughod1988:16-17.

29

3. THEORETICALFRAME

3.1. Wordonreligion

Whenstudyingƒreligioussystemofbeliefandpractice,thefirstquestiontobe answered is what exactly is being studied? "What is religion?" seems to be ƒ simple questiontobeansweredintermsofcommonsense,butinacademicdiscourse,ithas proven to be an extremely elusive topic. There is, for example, Durkheim’s idea of religion:

Originally, it extended to everything; everything social was religious Ǧ the two words were synonymous. Then gradually political, economic and scientific functionsbrokefreefromthereligiousfunction,becomingseparateentitiesand takingonmoreandmoreƒmarkedlytemporalcharacter.50

Ifsuchaninclusivedefinitionischosenasthebasicdefinition,itveryeasilycreatesƒ counterargument:whatisnotreligion?Thedistinctionbetweenreligiousandsecular seemstobeƒcreationofmodernWesternsocietywherereligionisseenasbeingƒ separate class, different from other aspects of culture and behavior.51 Religion has ceased to be ƒ natural dimension of everyday reality, turning into an individual conscious choice.52Itcouldbeevenarguedthatthewholeconceptofreligionisan inventionofthemodernWest.53IntraditionalsocietiesȂasDurkheimsuggestsȂsuch ƒdistinctionsimplydoesnotexist:everythingisreligionorreligionisineverything. On the other hand, if exclusive criteria are applied to define religion, the traditional societies also lose the “all-religious” essence. They, too, seem to possess variousculturalaspectsthatarenotdirectlyrelatedtothereligious.Thewhole conceptofreligionhasbeenframedandreframedbyWesternscholars,eachscholar emphasizingƒdifferentaspect.WhileDurkheimtookthesocialdimensionasthemain function of religion, others have approached the topic, e.g., from the symbolic, unconscious,ritualorsacreddimension.54 However, constant reevaluation of what is included in the religious tradition wouldnotbeveryfruitfulinthisstudy.Itis notmyintentiontobeinvolvedinthis scholarlydebateasitwouldtakemeveryfarfromtheoriginalfocus.simplestarting pointisneededinordertoformtheboundariesofthephenomenabeingstudied.It does not give ƒ universal definition, but it provides an understanding what is in question.Thus, willframetheconcept“religious”inƒverygenericdefinition:humans interactingandcommunicatingwithentitiesthatarenotboundbyourphysicalreality, anddenotingplacesofspecialmeaningfortheseentities.55Thebeingsbelongtothe realmofthesupernaturalandthetranscendent,theplacesinthesphereofthesacredȂ

50Durkheim1984[1893]:119. 51Sullivan1996:134usesthetermdisestablishmentofreligionǤ 52Hanegraaff2000:302. 53Kippenberg2000:223,quotingMarkC.Taylor. 54Penner1985:4.Paden1992:70. 55Hervieu-Leger2000:39.

30

orcursed.RudolfOtto’snuminous,aswellasMirceaEliade’shierophanybothrelateto such places and entities as well as to experiences related to them. However, the dimensionfromwhich havechosentoapproachthisinteractioninmyworkissocial. ThissocialactionȂthecollectivebehaviorȂthenformsthebridgefromthereligious behavior to the nonreligious, exploring the channels through which the sacred interacts and intertwines with the profane, forming and shaping the communal identity. AlthoughtheDurkheimianapproachalreadyconsidersreligiontobeessentially aboutsocial,itisclearthatitdoesnotexplaineverything.Asceticism,mysticismand various individualistic forms of religious behavior can be found even in the most traditionalcommunities.56 amwellawarethatthesocialdimension havechosenwill not be able to capture every aspect of the tradition. However, despite the shortcomings,ƒlargevarietyoftoolsare availabletostudythesocial aspectsofthe religious tradition. One of the recent theorists is Danièle Hervieu-Léger, whose definition of religion reflects that of Durkheim, and shall here represent the social dimensionofmystudy.

Religion is an ideological, practical and symbolic system through which consciousness,bothindividualandcollective,ofbelongingtoƒparticularchainof beliefisconstituted,maintained,developedandcontrolled.57

Another question of religious belief requiring attention is the concept of popular religion. Scholars of religion have always been aware of the plurality within the religioustraditions.Thevarianceseemstobe mostvisibleinthereligionsthathave producedwrittentextswhichhavereceivedƒholystatus,standardizingthereligious belief,ritualandtheology.Yet,thepeoplealwaysseemtofollowtheserulesintheir ownways,interpretingthetraditionintheirdailylives.Tocategorizethisgapbetween thedailyrealityandauthoritativetexts,scholarshavecreatedtermssuchas“popular” or“folk”religion,ontheonehand,and“scholarly”or“elite”ontheother.Buteventhis doesnotfullyexplainthewiderangeofreligiousthought.Eventhedogmatictextsare not monolithic Ȃ it is attested in the varying interpretations of sacred scriptures, resultinginsegmentationandformationofnewdenominations.Theproblemofusing termssuchas“popular”and“scholarly”mayresultinunintentionalvaluationofthe religious practices, dividing them into “high” and “low” religion. Thorbjørnsrud has claimed that while such discussion does frequently take place inside the religions themselves(thequestionsofheresy,orthodoxyandorthopraxyamongothers),the scholarstudyingthisprocessshouldnottakesidesandgetinvolvedinthisdebate, onlydocumentit.58 Inordertoavoidthiskindofvaluation, havechosentouseƒtermconstructed by Meredith McGuire (2008). Her term lived religion comprisesthewholerangeof religiousbeliefandpracticeasitisenactedbypeopleinreality.Thus,itincludesall

56McGuire2008:177. 57Hervieu-Léger2000:82. 58Thorbjørnsrud2001:217.

31

aspects of religiosity, from the most fundamentalist belief where the basis for every formofbehaviorandconductissoughtfromtheholyscripturesandtheirscholarly explanations,tothesystemsofbeliefwherethetextsplayƒmuchsmallerrole,andthe localtraditionandinterpretationaremoreimportant.“Livedreligion,”therefore,gives spaceforstudyingreligiousbehaviorinallitsmanifestationsinthelivingcommunity, even though the term does not offer ƒ simple escape from the existing dichotomy between the written authoritative ideas and practices of everyday realities. On the other hand, it does not carry the connotations of the other terms, thus hopefully avoidingfallingintothesubjectivetheologicaldebatetakingplaceinsidethereligions. I,however,occasionallyusetheterms“folk”or“popular”religionwhenattemptingto expresstheviewsofthepeoplethemselvesintheirowndebateconcerningthe“right” and“wrong”practices.

3.2. Memory

Memory is what enables human beings to create traditions, interpret the past Ǧ and formreligiousbeliefsandrituals.Itis,therefore,notsurprisingthatmemoryhas intriguedscholarsofanthropologyandsociologyintheirstudyofhumancultures.This conceptofmemoryȂlikeotherthingsinvolvinghumansȂcanbestudiedondifferent levels.  recent approach offers ƒ cognitive dimension in the study of religions and focuses especially on the universal patterns of human behavior. The cognitive approach is aware of the “specialness” of religion in its inclusion of ƒ supernatural realityandsacred, butatthesametimesees religiousbehaviorsimilartoanyother humanbehavior.59Thus,howhumansdothingsalwaysbelongstotherangeofnatural behavioralrepertoirethatcanbetracedtobiologyandevolution.Theuniversalswe findintheculturesandreligionsaroundtheworldaretherebecausehumanbrainsare similar everywhere and, therefore, produce similar patterns. The variation, on the other hand, is created by the differing contexts and surroundings in which the universalbehaviorbecomesmanifested.60 William Paden gives an example of periodic festivals. In practically all communities, such festivals can be found where the people mark time with celebrations.However,thewaysinwhichtimeiscelebratedandwhatmomentsin time are given ƒ special meaning differ in each culture.61 For example, the environment, the economy and living conditions can be seen as the underlying elementsthatcausethevariation.Thehumanbrainandbiologyproducethepresence oftheuniversals,buttheenvironmentisthemainfactorincausingthemtobe expresseddifferently.

59This,ofcourseisalsothebasisofmyapproach:religionisunlikeanythingelseinitsinclusionofthe supernatural,yetinitssocialaspectitislikeanyotherinteractioninhumancommunities.Itisthe intersectionofthesetwoelementsthat aminterestedin. 60Sørensen2005,Paden2001andBoyer1992amongothershaveaddressedthisissue.Paden(2001: 281),forexample,callstheuniversalelements“grammarofbehavior.” 61Paden2001:287.

32

Basedontheideaoftheuniversalaspectsofthehumanbrain,itsounds plausiblethatthereareelementsinbehaviorthatareoptimallymemorableandeasier toacquireȂinotherwordstheyhaveƒbetter“survivalvalue.”62Humanbeingshaveƒ natural understanding of what the world is like. This understanding, or intuitive ontologies as Pascal Boyer calls them, forms the basis of empirical knowledge and wouldbeusedineverydayinteractionwithotherhumansandtheenvironment.Itis intuitivetoassumethatthepersonsittingnearbyneedstoeatanddrinktostayalive andthathehasthoughtsandgoals.Whatisnotintuitivelynaturalistoassumethathe couldreadmythoughtsorcreatethingsoutofthinair.However,religionsarefullof ideasthatviolatethebasicsetofexpectationsonhowtheworldworks.Boyerargues that in order for ƒ religious idea to be remembered, the violation of the intuitive ontologiesneedstobeasminimalaspossible,or,thereneedstobean“explicit violation of some intuitive principle and implicit confirmation of other intuitive principles.”63Inotherwords,theideaneedstobe“normal”ineverypossibleway, exceptinsomethingthatmakesitstandoutandberemembered.Suchcounterintuitive ideas have ƒ mnemonic advantage in the community.64ThomasLawsongivesan example of such minimal violation, comparing ƒ person as ƒ biological, physical and intentionalbeingandanancestororspiritasanintentionalandlivingbeingthatdoes nothaveƒphysicalbody.Asƒwhole,ancestorsandspiritsmaybeattributedwithƒ number of abilities not typically possessed by people, but their actions, goals and behaviorarestillfamiliarand“normal.”Theordinaryintuitionstendtooverridethe abstractformsofideas.65 Whatexperiencesbecome“memorable”andwillbestoredinmemoryisalsoƒ majorquestionintheworkofHarveyWhitehouse.Whitehousesuggeststhattheways inwhichthehumanbrainworksmay,infact,causevariationtotakeplace. Inother words, the different cognitive processes of memory storing the results of different behavior.Histheoryisbasedontwotypesofmemory:semanticandepisodic.Episodic memorystoresspecificexperiencesofthepast.Theymaybepersonalexperiences,or events related by others, but they often involve high emotional aspects or counterintuitive elements as presented by Boyer.   typical example of this is the question: “Where were you when Kennedy was shot?” Ȃ or, for the younger generations: “Where were you on 9/11?” These are flashback memories of single eventswhichremaininthemindbecauseofthehighemotionalityinvolvedinthem.66 The semantic memory is based on episodic memory, but, instead of keeping single events in store, the semantic memory stores general schemas and

62Boyer1992:32,40. 63Boyer1992:52. 64Boyer1992:45,Lawson2000:347,Sørensen2005:473. 65Lawson2000:345. 66Bahna2012presentsaninterestingadditiontotheformationofsuchmemories,discussingtheso calledfalsememoriesǤTheyareeventsƒpersonhasheardof,butwhichinvolvesohighanemotional chargethattheybecomepartofperson’smemoryofhisownpastȂinotherwords,heassumesƒ memoryofanotherpersonashisown.Suchhighlychargedmemoriesofteninvolvesupernatural elements,forexample,seeingƒghostoranangel.

33

decontextualized knowledge. It includes knowledge of everyday processes: how to driveƒcar,usethewashingmachine,orbehaveatƒformaldinnerparty,evenwhenno specificmemoriesofsucheventsremain.Theknowledgeofallthisisbasedonactual personalexperiences,butthroughrepetitionandlearning,thegeneralknowledgehas becomepartofthesemanticmemoryinstead.67 Basedonthesememorytypes,Whitehousearguesthattherearealsotwotypes ofreligiousconduct.Thedoctrinalmodeofreligiosityisbasedonfrequentrepetition, codificationandoveralldoctrinalsystemofritualanddogmaȂƒsystemsupportedand formedbyholytextsandtheologicalwritings.Systematizationandrepetitionenable knowledgetobestoredinsemanticmemory.Thedoctrinalmodealsoestablishesthe need for dynamic leadership (to teach and transfer the knowledge), demand for orthodoxyandfrequentcheckingof“correct”practice,inturnincreasingtheneedfor centralizedauthorities,butalsoallowingforanonymityoftheparticipants.Doctrinal ritualshaveƒlowemotionalarousallevel,buttheyarespreadeffectivelyandquickly. Incomparison,theimagisticmodeisbasedontheepisodicmemory.Infrequentrituals involvingƒhighlevelofemotionality,spontaneity,lackofcentralizationandorthodox dogmasallresultinginlocalizedpractices,groupcohesionanddifficultyofspreading thebelief aretypical aspectsofimagisticreligiosity.Themodesdonotexcludeeach other,buttheymaybothexistinthesametradition.However,Whitehousedoessee the religions of traditional societies as more imagistic while Christianity, Islam and Judaismastypical“religionsofthebook”representmoredoctrinalaspects.68 TheideaoftheimagisticmodecouldbecomparedwithBoyer’sideaofritual behavior.Thepeoplerarelyhaveƒsystematizedmodeloftheirreligionintheirminds. Instead, the experiences they have are bound to be fragmentary, consisting of unconnectedeventsandincidentsthatoftencontainhighlyemotionalorunexpected details. Thus, when asking about ƒ ritual, the reply is likely to contain information aboutthepurposeandexamplesofthemiraclesandothereffectsoftheritual,inother words,eventsthatwouldbestoredintheepisodicmemory.Boyerwarnsagainstthe “theologistic” fallacy of assuming that the religious beliefs form ƒ coherent system. People acquire religious ideas in an inconsistent, nonsystematic form. Equally, the typicalpurposeofreligiousactivityisnotcoherencebutƒspecificneedandgoal. 69 McGuirealsonotesthatthelivedreligionbynatureisbasedonpracticeratherthan ideas,thusrequiringpracticalcoherencethatmakessenseintheindividual’severyday life,eventhoughfromƒmoredogmaticpointofviewitmayseemtotallyillogical.70

67thirdtypecalledmotoricmemorymayberelatedtothesemanticmemoryinitsformationthrough repetitivepractices.Itisthememoryofphysicalactions,“remembered”bythebody,suchasridingƒ bicyclewhichissaidtobeimpossibletoforgetoncemastered.Inthereligioussphere,themotoric memorystoresritualactionsthatareregularlyrepeatedandoftenlearnedbydoing,forexample,the (al¢tǤ(Sjöblom2010ڍsignofthecrossamongOrthodoxandCatholicChristians,ortherak´¢–ofIslamic 68ThisisƒverylimiteddescriptionofWhitehouse’stheory,discussedindetailinWhitehouse2000(see alsoSørensen2005:477-478,WhitehouseandLaidlaw2004andWhitehouseandMcCauley2005). Evenwiththecritiquereceived,thetheoryoffersƒnewdimensionforstudyingthechangestakingplace inthereligiouspracticesofƒcommunity. 69Boyer1992:39-40. 70McGuire2008:15.

34

Boyer concludes that instead of trying to find coherence where there is none, the attention should be turned towards the processes of the mind, the intuition, and ontologicalassumptionswhichgovernallhumanbehavior.71 Incontrasttothis,thedoctrinalmodeofreligiosityseemstoproduceƒdifferent approach.Whiletheimagisticmodereinforcesspontaneousritualactivityresponding to acute needs and having specified goals for action, the rituals of the doctrinal religiosityareregularandscheduled.Marshallconnectstheriseofsuchrecurrentand “impractical”ritualbehaviorwithurbanization,modernizationandWesternization.72 Themajorfactorinalltheseprocessesismemory.Theactofrememberingand itsinevitablecounterpart,forgetting,ispresentinallhumaninteractionandbehavior. Rememberingandforgettingisnotƒmererandomprocess.Instead,itcanbeƒvery conscious action: we choose to forget one thing and we choose to remember somethingelse.Thechoiceofwhatisbeingkeptinandwhatwillbethrownoutis oftenbasedontheevaluationofwhatisorwouldbeimportantfortheindividualor the whole community. Things learned from others and experienced personally are bothstoredinƒmemoryinordertobeusedtoenhancetheabilitytoactinsimilar situationsinthefuture.Thus,itisverylikelythatanindividualtriestoremember thosethingswhichheconsidersusefulandsignificantforfuturewellbeing.

3.3. Identity

It is the individuals who remember Ǧ and forget Ǧ and who give meaning and interpretation to the memories, based on the individual's own sphere of knowledge that has been taught and transmitted by his own culture and society. Experiences, however, shared by several individuals create shared memories that form ƒ bond betweentheindividuals.Thissharedmemoryhasbeendefinedinvariousways,from Hugo von Hofmannsthal’s dammedupforceofourmysteriousancestorswithinus73 presented in 1902 to terms such as social, public, popular and finally collective memory.74Thegroupsformmutualinterpretationsoftheircommonexperiencesand memories,eventuallycreatingƒcommunalpastonwhichthenewgenerationsinturn basetheirexperiences.Thesocialmemorythusbecomesthesharedideaandidealof the community. When transmitted to the next generations, it overcomes the boundariesoftime.Inthisprocess,memoryisessentiallythefactorwhichatthesame timedefines,andisdefinedbythecommunityitself. religiousexperienceisnotanexceptiontothis.Symbolsandexplanationsare drawnfromwhatweknowandseearoundus,andthesefamiliaraspectsinthemyths andlegendscanhelppeopletounderstandandrelatetothem.Hervieu-Légerpresents ƒmodelofreligionasƒ“chainofmemory.”Thechainiscomposedofthemembersof

71Boyer1992:52-53. 72Marshall2002:376.HealsoreferstoDurkheim’snotionofritualbehaviorbeinglessfrequentamong “primitives”thanin“advanced”societies. 73OlickƬRobbins1998:106. 74HoelscherƬAlderman2004:349.ThelastconceptwascreatedbyMauriceHalbwachsinthe1920’s andisstillused,eventhoughithasalsobeendebated.

35

religious communities. These individuals form ƒ memorylink between past, present andfuture.Hervieu-Légerseesthereligionsasƒcollectivememory,ƒshared understandingofthenatureandmeaningofthevariousreligiousaspects,forexample, ritualsandmyths.Hertheorytakesmemoryasƒcentralpointofreligiousbehavior. But,evensharedexperiencesdonotalwaysresultinsharedmeanings.Itisnot onlyƒmatterofwhatisrememberedandwhatexperiencesofthepastexist,buthow they are interpreted. Two separate groups, both involved in ƒ war with each other, sharethesameeventsandexperiences.Theoutcomemaythenbegivenverydifferent interpretationsandmeanings,dependingonwhetherthegroupwonorlostthewar. Themeaning-makingofthetwogroupswillverylikelytakedifferentpathsincreating their own communal memories of the events. Creating meaning is of crucial importanceintheformationofidentity.Itcouldbecomparedtoanylanguagesystem: ƒwordandtheactualconceptitsymbolizeshavenoconnectionuntiloneiscreated.To someonewhodoesnotspeakthelanguageinquestionsthewordisonlyƒcombination of sounds without meaning. Similarly, the shared understanding of the past and the surroundingcontextthatthecommunitiesproducealsocreatemeanings.75 Inthisway,thepeopledrawuponthecommunalmemoryindefiningtheir identities.Collectivememoryalsobecomesconnectivememory,andinthisprocessƒ common identity is born. The “chain” means that this shared identity spans many generations and is being transmitted not only via oral teaching, but also in practice withexamplesofactionandbehavior.Thischaincreatesƒfeelingofcohesion,ƒsense ofbelongingandidentity.76 The identity process takes place in relation to others, different situations producingdifferentoutcomes.77Thus,whilethecollectivememoryisessentialinthe formation of identity, ƒcommon experience is notthe only thing in it. What is even moreimportantisthesharedsenseoftherelevanceandmeaningthatthecommunity givestotheexperience.78Inotherwords,ƒsharedpast,aswellassharedvaluesand thirdly, shared emotions are all important in the formation of identity. Christian Bellehumeuretal.describethesethreecomponentsoftheidentificationprocessusing the terms cognitive, evaluative and affectiveǤ The cognitive element includes the culturalnarrativesofthecommunity,andtheprocessinwhichtheyareremembered anddiscussedwithinthegroup.Evaluativeelement,orcollectiveself-esteeminvolves boththepositiveandnegativevaluesattachedtoeventsandexperiencesrelatedtothe group, and the affective element is related to the emotional attachment felt by the individualtowardsthegroup.79BasedontheirstudyonCatholicyouththeyarguethat intheidentityprocess,theevaluativeandaffectiveelementsactuallyplayƒlargerpart than the cognitive components. In other words, shared values and emotional

75Paden2001:285. 76Hervieu-Leger2000:124-125. 77Anttonen2003:52. 78Bellehumeuretal.2011:198. 79Bellehumeuretal.2011:197.

36

attachmentaremoreimportantthantheactualeventsthattookplaceinthe shared past.80 Despite the components involved in the process, however, once ƒ feeling of cohesion and shared identity has been formed it needs to be maintained by the community.  universal method for identity preservation and revitalization is the ritual, which can be seen as ƒpublic expression and confirmation of identity.81As ƒ universalbehavior,ritualmayberelatedtoanyaspectoflife.Mostoften,however,itis connected to the religious identity which itself is ƒ type of collective identity.82 For Durkheim, the main function of the ritual is to keep alive the essential elements of identity and prevent the shared memory from being forgotten.83 Through ritual, the community strengthens its cohesion and establishes boundaries, announcing its identity in ƒ public act. In the same way, the ritual may be used for preventing conflict.84 Ritualhasbeentraditionallyseenasactionseparatefromthesphereofnormal or “mundane” activities.85 Durkheim speaks about the aspect of the profane which must be kept away from the sacred, thus creating taboos and rituals of preparation that separate the sacred ritual from the everyday world.86 Joseph Hermanowicz Ƭ Harriet Morgan, however, argue that ƒ large part of the ritual activities are, in fact, based upon everyday behavior.87  They distinguish between three types of rituals throughwhich identities are maintained: transformation, suspension and affirmationǤ The rituals of transformation include activities where changes in the lives of individualsorinthesocietyareritualized.Theseritualshavetraditionallybeenamong themainfociinthestudyofrituals.Theyhavebeenstudiedasritesofpassageor transition rites, and they include occasions such as initiation, weddings, funerals or graduation.Thetransformationritualsconfirmandstrengthentheexistinghierarchies ofthecommunitywhilethesuspensionritualscreateƒspacewherethesehierarchies and divisions are set aside for the duration of the ritual activity. They enhance the feeling of communal identity, sometimes even inverting the existing roles and hierarchies.Thesuspensionalsoincludesnormalactivities,wherethe“normality”is oftenhighlightedbysuspendingtheexistinghierarchiesandnorms.Carnivals,periods of fasting, as well as office parties are all rituals of suspension. Finally, rituals of affirmation bring out normal activities, highlighting their sacred qualities and heighteningtheawarenessofthecommunity’sidealsofdailylife.Theseritualsindicate

80Bellehumeuretal.2011:206. 81Marshall2002:360describesritualasƒmeansofsocialbonding. 82Bellehumeuretal.2011:196. 83Durkheim2001[1912]:313. 84HermanowiczƬMorgan1999:199.ThejestingdefinitionoftheFootballWorldCupas“ritualized tribalwarfare”couldbelonginthiscategory.Theconceptof“secularsacred”ritualsabundantinthe Westincludestraditionssuchassports,rockconcertsandothermasseventsthatpresentvarious aspectsthatalsobelongstronglytothereligiousexperienceintheiruseofestablishedsymbolsand ritualspromotingbelongingandcommunality.(See,e.g.,Augé1982). 85See,e.g.,Eliade1959. 86Durkheim2001:236. 87HermanowiczƬMorgan1999:198.

37

whatkindofpractices andbehaviorarevaluedbythecommunity.Forexample,the sanctityofthefamilyisconfirmedandaffirmedintheMothers’Daycelebrationaswell asattheShabbatdinner,thelatterespeciallyalsostressingthesacredvalueoffood andƒcommunalmeal.88 Of course, ritual is not the only way in which communities express their identities.Materialculture,artandotherobjectscreatedbythegroupallreflectthe sharedvaluesandaesthetics.Fashionandclothingcanbeusedtoexpressbelonging andattachment.Whencontrastedwithothers,allthesesymbolsmayalsobeusedasƒ conscioussymbolofnonbelonginganddistinctionȂidentityisnotonlyaboutwhois included,butalsoaboutwhoisexcluded.89Whatthesocietychoosestopresentabout itselfinvisibleformstooutsidersrevealsitstendenciesandvalues.Havingƒmaterial heritageisƒwayofbeingvisible.90 Inanycommunity,thereexistƒnumberofsocialspaces,basedonage,gender, classorprofession,tonamejustƒfew.Startingfromchildhoodandthroughoutlife,an individualwillcommunicatewithinseveralspaces,absorbingandsharingtheessential categoriesofmemoriesandpracticesofeach.Throughthisinteractionwithothers,the individualactuallycreatesseveralidentities,notjustone.91Thereisanongoingdebate whethertheseelementsshouldbeconsideredidentitiesassuchatall.Todddiscusses the theory of Bourdieu who calls them "habitus." Instead of being identities themselves,theseself-categorizationsandvaluesarethesubcategoriesuponwhichthe identitiesareconstructedupon.92But,regardlessofcategorieschosentorepresentthe idea, multiple sets of behavior and belonging are always present in the mind. In everyday interaction, these different identities are likely to be somewhat intuitive, certain identity surfacing in certain situations and in groups where the shared memoriesbelong.Thedifferentcategoriescoexist,sometimesoverlapping,sometimes beingtotallyseparate.93Itisonlywhentheidentitiesstarttocontradicteachother,or whenoneidentitybecomesquestionableinrelationtoanother,wheninternaldiscord andconflictarebornandneedtoberesolvedsomeway.Attimes,thedifferentidentity categoriesmaycoexistevenwithreciprocaltension.Veryoften,however,theexisting meaningsandinterrelationsareradicallyaltered.JoyMcCorristonnoteshowcertain elementsresistchange,evenwhentheybecomenonfunctional,givingpilgrimageasan example of such metastructure. She underlines the fact that pilgrimage is neither rationalnorrationalizedbythepeoplewhodoit,thusreflectingtheviewsofMcGuire onlivedreligion.Itis somethingthathasalways beendone,and bydoingit,people unconsciouslyreproducethisframeworkthatdefinestheiractions.94

88HermanowiczƬMorgan1999:209-211. 89Cerulo1997:396,Todd2005:436. 90AssmannƬCzaplicka1995:133. 91AssmannƬCzaplicka1995:129. 92Todd2005:434. 93Todd2005:436. 94McCorriston2011:55-57.

38

3.4. Change

As it is the individual memories that form the collective memory, it is eventually affectedbythechoicesmadebythemembersofthecommunity.livingcommunity wouldalsobeconstantlyredefiningitselfthroughtheirsocialmemory.Whatiscalled “change”canbeconsideredtobeƒrecurrentprocessofrememberingandforgetting. Inotherwords,whensomeaspectofculturehaschanged,itmeansthatƒcertain memoryhasbeenforgotten.Another,differentandnewmemoryhasreplaceditand nowformspartoftheactivememory.Eventually,whenthereplacementofƒcertain shared memory has taken place in the minds of ƒ group of individuals, the new elementwillthenbecomepartofthecommunalmemoryandshapetheidentity. Theonlyculturesthatneverchangeareextinctcultures.Atanygiventimein any given place, groups, communities and societies undergo changes, and when lookingatthecontinuum,theculturescanbeseentobeinconstantmotion.Traditions arebasedonthecommunalmemory:itisthe“essence”ofthecommunity,thewebof belief,behaviorandconductthatmakesthecommunityȂtheway“thingshavealways been done.” Innovations, on the other hand, are new ideas and systems that often originatefromoutsideȂalthoughthetriggercanrisefromwithinthecommunityǦto bringchangetothetradition,forbetterorworse,dependingonthesubjectivepointof the viewer. Opposed at first, they have eventually become part of “how things are done,” and may themselves be replaced by innovations turned into tradition. The readinesswithwhichthenewconceptsareacceptedwithinthecommunityisusually connected to how close they match the existing identity. New ideas are always evaluatedonthebasisoftheprevailinginterpretationsandvalues.95 Studying the change in contemporary society inevitably brings us to the question of “modernization.” Being one of the main foci of the study of sociology, it wouldbeimpossibletodiscussthisconceptindepthhere.Ingeneral,modernization could be seen as ƒ change of unprecedented scale, affecting all aspects of the community.Whatisknownas“modernization”isalsoƒcontinuationoftheconstant motionofcultures,takingplacethroughouthistory.96Thischangecanbestudiedon several levels. Modernization in history can be seen as advancing in “waves,” with somedevelopingsocietiesjust steppingintotheprocesswhiletheWesternworldis alreadygoingthroughanotherstageononehanddefinedas“postmodernism”,onthe otheras“radicalmodernity”or“highmodernity.”97Thus,whileallsocietiesaretoday affected by each other, in the process of globalization, modernization can not be viewedasƒlinearprocesswhichoccursinthesamewayineveryregion.Thelocalpast plays ƒ large role in the factors affecting thedevelopment. Joseph Tamney, who has studiedthecaseofMalaysia,definesmodernizationinthisregionwithfivevariables:

95Sørensen,2005:482. 96Modernityisƒprocesswithnoendthatimpliestheideaofpermanentinnovation,ofcontinualcreation ofthenew.Livinginthepresent,itisorientedtowardsthefuture,avidfornovelty,promotinginnovation. (Martinelli2005:5) 97Martinelli2005:96.

39

1)Technologicaldevelopment 2)Societalexpansionandincreasingpopulationdensity 3)Structuraldifferentiation 4)Culturalfragmentation(pluralism) 5)Individuation.98

Thefirsttwoarerelatedtomorecomplexsocietiesandtheadvanceofscience.Bruce Lawrencedefinesthesechangesas“modernity”:

…the emergence of ƒ new index of human life shaped, above all, by increasing bureaucratizationandrationalizationaswellastechnicalcapacitiesandglobal exchangeunthinkableinthepre-modernera.99

Modernizationdoesnotaffectonlythematerialreality.Changesinhumanthoughtand interactionprobablyhaveƒmorepowerfulimpactoncultures.Thesearerepresented bythelastthreevariablesinTamney’smodel.Thosewhofavorthetraditionallifestyle andopposemodernizationobjectmostlytothelastthreeofthesecomponents.Using thewordsofLawrence,theseeffectsofmindarepartof“modernism”:

…thesearchforindividualautonomydrivenbyƒsetofsociallyencodedvalues emphasizing change over continuity, quantity over quality; efficient production power,andprofitoversympathyfortraditionalvalues.100

Itisespeciallyinthefieldofreligionwherethenewwaveofmodernizationhasturned out to be ƒ challenging topic. The early theorists who heavily influenced the development of the field, including Karl Marx, Max Weber and Émile Durkheim discussedatsomelevelandfromtheirownpersonalviewpointtheroleofreligionin modern societies and the assumed result of the modernization process: the secularizationanddeclineofreligions.Duringthelastthreedecades,thetidehasbeen turningwithinthefield.Ithasbeenacknowledgedthatreligionsarenotintheprocess of disappearing or becoming totally marginalized in the near future. The rise of fundamentalismandreligiousconservatism,aswellastheemergenceofnewreligious movements(earlierreferredtoas“cults”or“sects”)amongotherthings,haveshown thatalthoughmodernizationdoeshaveƒsignificantimpactontheroleofreligion,it doesnotmakereligionobsolete.Onthecontrary,thisprocesscreates ƒnewkindof pluralism and metamorphosis of old structures. Modernization in terms of religion cannotbeexplainedinrelationtosecularizationalone. Ontheindividuallevel,therearevariouswaystoadapttomodernization,but despitechoiceȂwhetheranindividualopposesoracceptsthenewideasandsystemsȂ thereisalwaysƒneedforexplanation,reinterpretationandreconstruction.Asreligion isnotƒseparateentityexistingapartfromtherestoftheculture,butincludedinit, thisreconstructionȂsometimesalsothedeconstructionofmythandthesacredǦcan

98Tamney2007. 99QuotedinKippenberg2000:234. 100QuotedinKippenberg2000:234.

40

lead to the reconstruction of past, giving birth to new interpretations. At the same time, it also brings out the voices of those who wish to keep the tradition despite prohibitions, equally trying to find legitimacy for their practices. In terms of rememberingandforgetting,thisprocessisnotalwaysƒstraightforwardmovementof forgetting the past and remembering the new. Based on the dynamics of memory,  findfourmajorwayschangetakesplace:

1. Refusingtoforget Thisapproachmainlyreferstorejectingnewinnovationsorchangesandkeepingthe memory of the past. It may be that the surroundings of the community have not changedenoughtogiveroomfornewmanifestationsofbehavior.Thepeoplewould stillhaveƒconnectiontothepastandthemeaningstheyhavegiventoitcollectively, makingthemreluctanttomakeanychangesintheirlives.Thus,itwouldbethenew innovation that is considered to be unneeded or unnecessary and is, therefore, forgotten Ȃ or rather, it never becomes part of the active memory of the people. Instead,theoldtraditioncontinuestoberemembered.Thenewpracticesmayalso becomepartiallyorfullyassimilatedintheoldsetofpracticeswhilethemeaningsand identityremainunchanged.101

2. Internallyinstigatedchange Internalchangeinvolvesforgettingthepastandrememberingthenew.Sometimesthe changesareacceptedeagerlyȂ evensoughtafter,likewhengivenanopportunityto decrease the workload or gain more prestige and wealth. The people may see the change as profitable for their future and find the benefits greater than the loss.102 Thus,whileƒchangeinthesurroundingscanbethecauseforthechangetotakeplace inthecommunity,theinclinationtoacceptthechangeneverthelesscomesfromwithin thecommunityandisself-imposed. Astimepasses,theeventsofthepastwillberevaluedinrelationtoprevailing situations. It is quite natural for the members of the community to give higher importance to the positive experiences while the negative events are more easily forgotten or given more positive meanings. Difficulty and failure are more easily forgottenorreinterpretedthansuccessandglory,asrememberingthe“goodolddays” ratherthanthebadonesenhancestheself-esteemofthecommunity.103Theidentity, however, reflects not only interaction between the members of the group, but also interactionwithothergroups.Whatkindsofsymbolsandelementsthegroupchooses touseinordertopresentitselfininteractionwithoutsidersisanimportantpartof expressingitsownidentity.Inthisprocess,thegroupstendtofavorthoseelementsof their identities that enable them to be seen in ƒ positive light by theothers.104  The processmaytakeƒlongtime,involvingthedetachmentfromthelivingpastwhich thenturnsintohistory,nolongerpartofthelivesofthepeople.

101Todd2005:429. 102Anttonen2003:54. 103Bellehumeuretal.2011:201. 104Bellehumeuretal.2011:208.

41

3. Externallyinstigatedchange Similar to the internally instigated change where the past is forgotten and the new remembered,thechangeisimposedfromtheoutsideinthistype.Ifthepastis reinterpretedandthememoriesrememberedorforgotten,theinevitablequestionis: whocontrolsthecollectivememory?Ithasalreadybeenstatedthatthewellbeingof the community and individuals is an important element of identity formation. In addition,thepositiveimageinrelationtooutsidersisanotherimportantaspectinthis process.Thereisalwayspowerinvolved:thepowerofindividualswhodecidewhatis theagendaforreachingƒstateofwellbeing,andthepoweroftheoutsidersjudgingthe imageofthecommunity. Memory is ƒ natural instrument of control.105  Many times the externally instigatedthingsandideasarenotaseasilyaccepted.Theymaybeimposedbyanalien ruler,ortheyaresimplyseenasƒthreattothemorality,lifestyleorbeliefsystemof the community. This may involve ƒ process of power struggle, where the external element eventually becomes more dominant and acquires access to the shared memory,eventuallycontrollingit.nationalidentitycouldbeseenasƒproductof “natural continuity and conscious manipulation, achieved via commemoration, ideologyandsymbolism.”106Amongsmallethnicminoritiesandindigenousgroups,the struggletocontrolidentityandtheirpastalsobecomesintertwinedwiththestruggle over political power and economic resources. At the same time, maintaining the identitybecomesƒduty,obligatedbythepastandtheancestors.107

4. Reversion In the case of reversion, the innovation is rejected, but instead of maintaining the existingtradition,itbecomesidealizedandreformed.Therejectionresultsinturning to ƒ memory of much older traditions Ǧ or allegedly older traditions Ǧ from where meaning,dignityandhonorarethensought.Onepossibleelementinreversionisthat thepastwherepeoplereturnhasnotbeenƒlivingpastinƒlongtime,buthasalready turned into history from where it is revived and re-created into ƒ living reality. In secular form, it may be manifested in returning to the practices that had already becomeobsolete,aswellasƒrevivalofcraftsandartsthatwerenolongerpracticed.In the religious forms, it can be observed in the revival of ancient religions (neo- paganism,amongothers). One of the most visible forms of religious reversion is fundamentalism. In relationtoLawrence’sdivisionofmodernizationintomodernityandmodernism,the fundamentalistscanbeconsideredtobeparticipatingintheformer,butresistingthe latter.108Riesebrodtseesfundamentalismasƒproductofmodernity,ƒreactiontothe

105HoelscherƬAlderman2004:349. 106Cerulo1997:390-391,OlickƬRobbins1998:118giveanexampleofthenation-buildinginthe19th centuryGermany,wherethenationalidentitywasformedbyassimilatingthenumerousregional identitiesintoone. 107Anttonen2003:54,63. 108Kippenberg2000:234.HisdefinitionoffundamentalismisbasedonChristiancommunities: …fundamentalistsbelongmainlytothewhiteProtestantAnglo-Saxonmiddleclass,whichwasonceproud

42

modernizationprocess.109Fundamentalismoftenrisesfromfeelingsofmarginalization anddisappointmentinthemodernworld,creatingƒdramaticcrisisinthelivesofthe people. The problem arises from the inability of the emerging modern nation-states and new political systems to acknowledge and integrate traditional groups. These groupsbecomedefinedasbackwardcommunities,andthefeelingofdisplacementand disrespectinturncreateƒthreat.110Asƒresult,peoplerejectthechangeandinstead turn towards the past, reinventing it in ƒ form of ƒ “timeless, unchangeable, fixed eternal truth.”111  The modern world is then evaluated against this idealized past. It createsƒnewgroupidentity,basedonsharedvaluesandƒfeelingofregained respect.112

Naturally,alltheseapproachesmayexistandbepresentatthesametime.Individuals mayreacttothesamechangedifferently,thuscreatingdispersionwithinthe community.Changesmayalsoactasinspirationsformorechanges:oncesomehave been accepted, they in turn will cause other changes to happen. Eventually, the connective aspect of the social memory and common identity are also affected.113 Changesmaycausesome"niches"ofoldmemoriestoremainunfilledwhilenewniches arebeingcreatedinsteadwhenthenewmemoriesareformed.Thesenewmemories replace the old ones, even though the content may be different in type. However, Hervieu-Léger argues that in modern societies, nothing replaces the forgotten. This, accordingtoher,isespeciallyrelevantinrelationtoreligiousbehavior.Accordingto her theory, modern secular society is suffering from “religious amnesia.” This state preventstheupkeepofthechainofmemorywhichisthenbroken.Thethoughtreflects Weber’searlyideasofdisenchantedsocietyǤItisƒviewofthemodernworldasƒplace where events have lost meaning and significance and simply happen or are.114 The vacuuminthetraditionhasnotbeenfilledwithsecularrationalism,butnewreligious patternsarebeingsoughtinordertofillthegap. similarshifthasbeennoticedinnonreligioustraditionsaswell,creatingthe concept of “social amnesia”.115Theproblemwithmemoryinanysocietyisthatit cannotpreservethepast.Typically,oralsocietieshaveknowledgeoftheeventsofthe pastreachingbacknofurtherthanthree-fourgenerationsoraboutƒhundredyears.116 Astimepasses,theknowledgeoftheconcreteeventsdisappearswhilenewknowledge

ofitsparticularethos.Forthisgroup,hardwork,diligence,modesty,chastity,andfrugalitywerethewillof God.Butwithindustrialization,bureaucratization,urbanizationandscience,allofthesevirtueslosttheir highstatus.Withthisloss,theProtestantgroupdisintegratedintofactions,eachwithdifferentvisionsof thefuture. 109Riesebrodt2000:275.Martinelli(2005;22)alsoseesmodernizationasanultimatelycontradictory phenomenon,theprocessesofchangecreatingtraumas,inreturnresultingintensionsandconflictsof highintensity. 110Riesebrodt2000:238. 111Riesebrodt2000:271-72. 112Riesebrodt2000:286. 113SeeAssmann2006. 114See,e.g.,Kippenberg2000:242. 115OlickƬRobbins1998:116. 116Assmann1995:129.

43

replacestheminthememory.Thereis,nevertheless,ƒdifferencebetweenthehistory andthecollectivememoryofthepast.Oralsocietiesdonotlookintothepasttofind timelinesanddates.Instead,thepastislivingreality.Itisusedtogivemeaningtothe present situation, and also to determine the paradigms of behavior as based on examplesinthepast.Atthesametime,thepastisalsointerpretedinrelationtothe present, with new meanings and interpretations given to the past incidents on the basis of the situation in the present. In this way, past and present are always connected.Whenliterateculturesbecomedetachedfromthislivingpast,theprocess createsƒdifferentunderstandingofhistoryinmodernsocieties.PierreNoraexpresses thecurrentsituation:wespeaksomuchofmemorybecausethereissolittleofitleft.117 Thisisnotbecausethemodernsocietiescannotrememberthepast.Onthecontrary, in literate communities, the events of the past are being recorded and every detail documentedwithmoreaccuracythananyoralsocietycouldǦorwould.Thewritten past becomes history, ƒ document of memory that has already been lost, yet, at the sametime,historybecomesdetachedfromthevalueandmeaningthatissoessentialƒ partofthecommunalmemory.118 Moderncommunitieslookintothefuture,withhopesofconstantprogressand development. Attempts to live according to the traditions of the past are seen as backwardness,evendegeneration,butatthesametimetheidentitiesstillcontinueto beconstructedfromthecommunalmemoryǦonlythememoryofthepasthasbecome detached from the present and fragmented. The elements used in forming modern identitiesarechosensymbols:monumentswithhighemotionalvalue,solemnplaces andconceptsattendedandadmiredǦbutnotlivedin.Noracallstheseelements"Lieux dememoire,̶placesofmemory,contrastingthemfromthelivingpastof"milieuxde memoire̶wheretraditionalsocietieslive.119PlacesofmemoryȂNoraarguesȂbecome formed when the memory of the past disappears and becomes an object of critical history instead. 120 Such monuments of the past have ƒ special importance in the formationofnationalidentity,buttheyarealsousedbysmallergroupsintheir struggletomaintaintheirownidentities.121 The past is always constructed and reconstructed to respond to the requirementsofthepresent.122Fromthelivingsociety,itisoftendifficulttoseethe evolutionofpracticesthroughtheinterplaybetweencontinuityandchange.Fromthe community’s point of view, the conditions of life may change, but the tradition is immutable.Thecommunalmemoryleadsfromthepasttothepresentandfinallytoƒ futureasithasalwaysbeen.123Thiseternalidentityofferssecurityandstabilitytothe community. However, for the researcher, the perception of cultures as dynamic

117QuotedbyOlickƬRobbins1998:120. 118Nora1989:11.OlickandRobbins1998:112arguethatcollectivememoryitselfisshapedbyhistory andisnotanalternativetoit.Thus,thesocialmemorywouldbe“historygivenmeaning.” 119Nora1989:7. 120Nora1989:12. 121OlickƬRobbins1998:125-126.TheyusethetermHeritagesiteǤ 122Anttonen2003:55. 123Rüsen2004:139.

44

structures, shaped by individuals and communities themselves, makes it possible to avoid the fall into reification and instead observe the nature of motion and reinterpretationtakingplacewithinandbetweensocieties.124Noteventhecognitive approachsanctionstheessentialistviewoncultures.Thoughtheuniversalaspectsof behaviorcan beacknowledgedassomething“essentially”orbiologicallyhuman,the infiniteexpressionsofthebehavior,causedbyallthevariablesofthesurroundingsdo not allow the viewing of ƒ culture or community as essentially and invariably something, only based on what they have been at one point in time and space. Therefore,ifalllocalpracticesareexpressionsofuniversals,whatwerethefactorsthat caused them to be different, and what factors in turn cause them to change into somethingelse?ThenextchapterwillfocusonthetraditionofsaintsintheIslamic worldasƒmanifestationofthelocalidentityandculture.  

124Anttonen2003:49.

45

4. OVERVIEWOFTHESAINTTRADITIONINISLAM125

In the previous chapter, the concept of religion was discussed with ƒ strongly functionalisticapproach.Itisthecommunalaspectofthereligionthatalsoplaysƒrole intheformationofthegroupidentity.However,theaspectwithinthereligionthatis themainfocusofthisresearchhassofarbeenaddressedinveryvagueterms. have used words such as “saint,” “ancestor” and “holy site” to define the topic, but the phenomenonrequiresƒcloserlook.Inthischapter, studytheconceptofsaintsand various aspects of the veneration of saints and holy places in the Islamic world. My goalistopresentthevariationandthesimilaritiesinthetraditionaspartofthewider culturalandhistoricalframe.

4.1. Evolutionofbelief

OfcoursetheradiosaysthateverythingcomesdirectlyfromGod.Butjustasthe kinghashisministers,Godhashis.Ifyouneedƒpaperfromthegovernmentoffice, whichisbetter?Doyougostraighttotheofficialandaskforit?Youmightwaitƒ longtimeandneverreceiveit.Ordoyougotosomeonewhoknowsyouandalso knowstheofficial?Ofcourse,yougotothefriend,whopresentsthecasetothe official.Samething…ifyouwantsomethingfromGod.126

TheArabicwordwalÄ (ϲϟϭȌ can be translated in ƒ number of ways.  walÄ can be ƒ friend,ally,benefactor,patron,protectororsponsor.Thewordisalsousedforthe representativeofthebrideinthesigningofthemarriagecontract.Nothingintheword denotes distinctive sanctity or holiness, and yet it is the word that is commonly translatedas“saint.”ForChristiansaints,ƒdifferentword,qiddĕ(βϳΪϗ),isgenerally used.Thewordderivesfromtherootqadusa,“tobeholy.”Thus,whenapplyingthe term“saint,”itshouldbekeptinmindthattherearedistinctdifferencesbetweenthe conceptsofsainthoodinIslamandChristianity.Onemajordifferenceisthelackof centralizedcanonizationprocessinIslamic sainthood.Thesanctityofƒpersonis,in manyinstancesdeterminedbythepopularityofthesaintamongthepeople.Although thereareverypopularholysitesthatattractpilgrimsfromfaraway,127mostsaintsin theIslamicworldareverylocal,andthevenerationofƒcertainsaintmaybelimited only to the inhabitants of one village, or to the tribe of which the saint was ƒ

125ThischapterwillmainlydiscusstheSunnitradition.AlthoughtheShiatraditionisinmanyways similar,italsohasƒlotofdifferingapproaches. 126MoroccanviewpointquotedinEickelman2002:274. 127Forexample,theannualmawlidofal-Dasó“Äinthevillageof¢•ó“attractsthousandsofpilgrims everyyear(Hallenberg2005:18.).Wallin(2007:281-297)visitedthemawlidofal-BadawÄinᐅanᒷƒin 1844andgivesƒvividdescriptionofthecombinationofpietyandcarnival.InPalestine,atthebeginning of20thcentury,themaw¢lidof¢„Äó•¢nearJerichoand¢„Äó„ĐinJaffaweresimilarevents, drawingpeoplefromsurroundingtownsandcountryside.(Canaan1926:140)McCorriston(2011:39- 41)describesthecaseofQabrNabÄ ó†inHadramawt,Yemen.largeannualpilgrimagelastsfor severaldays,andalsoincludesƒmarketfair,withthetownspeopleandtheBedouingatheringto exchangetheirownproducts.Ontheroutetothemainsite,thepeoplealsovisitothershrines.

46

member.128However,therearealsosimilaritiesthatsupporttheuseofword“saint”as ƒtranslationforwalÄǤWhenreferringtoƒholyperson,heisthoughttobewalÄAll¢h,ƒ friendofGod,someonewhoisespeciallyclosetotheGod.Thisexceptionalrelationship makestheperson“holy.” TheQurᦦ¢doesnotdiscusstheconceptofsaints,noristhereanyclear indication of the roles and abilities of such personalities. The two common verses quotedinconnectiontothetopicofthewalÄAll¢hare:

˴ϥϮ˵ϧ˴ΰ˸Τ˴ϳ˸Ϣ˵ϫ ϻ ϭ  ˸Ϣ ˶Ϭ ˸ϴ ˴Ϡ ˴ϋ  ˲ϑ ˸Ϯ ˴Χ ϻ˶Ϫ˰͉Ϡϟ΍˴˯Ύ˴ϴ˶ϟ˸ϭ˴΃͉ϥ˶· ϻ ˴΃ Unquestionably,[for]thealliesofAllahtherewillbenofearconcerningthem,norwill theygrieve.(10:62)129 ˴ϥϮ˵ό˶ϛ΍ ˴έ ˸Ϣ ˵ϫ ˴ϭ ˴Γ Ύ ˴ϛ ͉ΰ ϟ ΍ ˴ϥ Ϯ ˵Η ˸Ά ˵ϳ ˴ϭ ˴Γ Ύ ˴Ϡ ͉μ ϟ ΍ ˴ϥ Ϯ ˵Ϥ ϴ ˶Ϙ ˵ϳ ˴Ϧ ϳ ˶ά ͉ϟ ΍ ΍Ϯ˵Ϩ˴ϣ΁ ˴Ϧ ϳ ˶ά ͉ϟ ΍ ˴ϭ ˵Ϫ ˵ϟ Ϯ ˵γ ˴έ ˴ϭ ˵Ϫ˰͉Ϡϟ΍ ˵Ϣ ˵Ϝ ͊ϴ ˶ϟ ˴ϭ Ύ ˴Ϥ ͉ϧ ˶· YourallyisnonebutAllahand[therefore]HisMessengerandthosewhohavebelievedǦ thosewhoestablishprayerandgivezakah,andtheybow[inworship].(5:55)

TheProphethimselfemphasizedthegreatnessofGodaloneaboveallmen,including him:Say,"ExaltedismyLord!Was everbutƒhumanmessenger?" (17:93)Thus,the Islamic concept of saints evolved over ƒ longer period. There islittledoubt that the ideaof“friendsofGod”wasinfluencedbytheearliertraditions.Holysitesandcenters of pilgrimage have existed in the region from pre-Islamic times, and archaeological evidenceexistsevenfromtheNeolithicperiod.130Meccaitselfwasƒpilgrimagecenter beforetheadventofIslam,usedactivelybythetownspeopleandsurroundingtribes alike.InadditiontoMecca,ƒnumberofothersanctuariesareknownfromthesame period.131 As the early conquests expanded the area of Islamic rule, the conquerors cameincontactwithvarioustraditions,includingritualsofvenerationpracticedbythe people.Forexample,inEgyptnumeroussiteswereconnectedwithspecificdeities,and celebrations and processions were held in their honor annually.132 Christianity had alsoshowngrowinginterestinholysites.Themartyrs,asceticsandheroesoftheearly ChurchbecamethefirstsaintsoftheByzantineera.ThelegendsofChristianheroes alsomergedwithmuchmoreancienttraditions.AnexampleisthecultofSaintGeorge, whobecameƒpopularsaintthroughoutEuropeduringtheMiddleAges.Hewas veneratedbytheCoptsinEgyptasMariGirgis133ǡbuthewasalsoanimportantsaintin theSyro-Palestineregion.Inthisregion,hebecametobeknownasKhi٠rǡ“green,”and subsequently was identified with another saintly figure Ȃ the Biblical Elijah or Mar Elias.134IntheMaghrib,theArabconquerorsmetwitholdBerbertraditions.

128Taylor1998:83. 129 ForallEnglishquotations, haveusedtheSaheehInternationaltranslation. 130 SeeMcCorriston(2011)forherstudyofNeolithicreligioussitesinYemen. 131 McCorriston2011:1. 132Hallenberg2005:206. 133Hallenberg2005:210. 134Haddad1969:26.Inhisarticle,Haddadarguesthattheselatersaintsareallƒcontinuationofthecult ofBaalintheagriculturalcommunitiesoftheancientLevant.Accordingtohim,theyallrepresent similarelements,suchasfertility(vegetationandspring),death,resurrectionandwar(fightingancient monsters).

47

These traditions no doubt both collided and interacted with the emerging Islamictheology.LegendsandmythsofChristianandJewishoriginwerealsoincluded al-Anbiy¢஝ǤThemostfamousofthesecompilationswereڍƒڍinthetalesofprophets,Qi written by al-Kis¢ᦦÄǡ al-ThaᦧlibÄ (Ar¢஝is al-Maj¢lis), and Ibn KathÄr. In addition to the prophets,Islamicfigures,suchastheProphet’scompanionsandearlymartyrscameto bevenerated. However,itisduetothemysticphilosophywithinIslamthatthetraditionof saintsbecamesuchƒvisiblepartofthemedievalIslamicworld.Theideaofthe “friendsofGod”hadbecomeestablishedbytheendofthe8thcentury,butinthe11th centuryal-Ghaz¢ŽÄbroughtelementsofSufismandthemysticalloveofGodintoIslamic orthodoxy.ThecultofsaintshadspreadmainlythroughtheSufis,butgraduallyitwas acknowledged by many of the ᦧulam¢ᦦ.135 The Sufi orders became widely popular throughouttheIslamicworld.Forexample,ithasbeenestimatedthat60-80%ofthe Muslims in Africa between the 16th -19th centuries were members of some Sufi order.136Theinfluenceoftheordersdeclinedinthe20thcentury,althoughinMorocco andEgypttheystillcontinuedandcontinuetoplayanimportantrole. One of the central concepts within the tradition is the idea of tawassulǤ Often translatedasmeans,thetermimpliesƒpetitionorferventplea.Inthecaseofsaintly tradition,itisanattempttoseekanintercessionandƒwayofpetitioningGodthrough addressingtheoneswhoareclosetohim,i.e.,awliy¢஝ All¢h.Thebeliefintawassulis óratal-M¢஝idaǣיgenerallylegitimizedwiththeversefrom

˴ϥ Ϯ ˵Τ ˶Ϡ ˸ϔ ˵Η ˸Ϣ ˵Ϝ ͉Ϡ ˴ό ˴ϟ ˶Ϫ ˶Ϡ ϴ ˶Β ˴γ ϲ ˶ϓ ΍ ϭ ˵Ϊ ˶ϫ Ύ ˴Ο ˴ϭ ˴Δ ˴Ϡ ϴ ˶γ ˴Ϯ ˸ϟ ΍ ˶Ϫ ˸ϴ ˴ϟ ˶· ΍Ϯ˵ϐ˴Θ˸Α΍˴ϭ ˴Ϫ˰͉Ϡϟ΍ ΍Ϯ˵Ϙ͉Η΍ ΍Ϯ˵Ϩ˴ϣ΁ ˴Ϧ ϳ ˶ά ͉ϟ ΍ Ύ ˴Ϭ ͊ϳ ˴΃ Ύ ˴ϳ youwhohavebelieved,fearAllahandseekthemeans[ofnearness]toHimandstrivein Hiscausethatyoumaysucceed.(5:35)Ǥ

This verse is sometimes interpreted as clear encouragement, even ƒ Sunna, for any piousMuslimtovisitsaints’tombs.Afterall,ifonewishestobeclosertoGod,itwould be ƒ natural choice to seek the way through those who already have succeeded in this.137 Tawassulisthewayfortabarrukǡseekingblessing.Barakaisthefundamental essenceofthesaintsȂbothlivinganddeadǦandtheirshrines.CanaanquotesKahle when he describes it as ƒ benevolent power which radiates from the holy place to everyonewhocomesincontactwithit.138 Christopher Taylor compares it with the conceptofpraesentiainChristianity.139Barakaisnotrestrictedonlytothebodyofthe saint, but radiates towards everything within the area of the maq¢mǤInorderto

135Wynbrandt2004:113. 136Hallenberg2005:20. 137Quinn2004.ThisisexplainedfurtherinhisquotationbyanIndonesianpilgrim: If didnotaskGod,orHissaints,forthethings need,wouldn’titbeanactofarroganceonmypart?By askingGodforwealth,goodhealthandƒbeautifulwife amdoingnomorethanacknowledgethatGodis all-powerfulandthesourceofallthings.AsƒgoodMuslimsurelythisiswhat shoulddo. 138Canaan1925:177.AccordingtoKahle1911:104:EsistdiewohltätigeKraft,diederHeiligeausstrahlt aufAlles,wasmitihminberührungkommtǤ 139Taylor1998:54.

48

receive baraka, thebestwayistobeinclosecontactwithit.Forexample,drinking fromƒsacredwellortakinghomeƒpieceofcloththatcoversthecenotaphofthesaint are believed to be effective ways for gaining barakaǤThebenevolentpowerisalso contagiousenoughtobetransmittedtoƒpersonwhoissimplytouchingthetombor the cloth covering it.140 Usually the baraka of ƒ saint cannot be observed with the normal senses, but sometimes it may be noticed, for example, in the appearance of lightorƒpleasantsmell.141 AlthoughGodisseenastheultimatesourceofthesaint’sbarakaandthesaint himselfisonlythemediatorintheprocess,therelationshipbetweenGodandthewalÄ isoftenconsideredtobereciprocal.Duetotheiruniquerelationshipandmutuallove, Godlistenstotherequestsofthesaintandfulfillsthem.142Thepoweroftheserequests is then manifested in miracles (kar¢¢tȌ performed by the saint. These kar¢¢t include the supernatural characteristics of the saint himself, such as telepathy, teleportationor knowing things about the future. More numerous, however, are the miraclesthatoccurtothepeoplewhovisitthesaint:thesickhealed,women’sfertility restoredandotherrequestsofthepeoplefulfilled. For tabarrukǡ ƒ visit to the holy site is usually performed. The holy shrine (maq¢m) itselfisquiteoftenƒsinglevaultedroomwiththetombinside.Themost notable feature in the building is often the dome (qubba).Inthesimplestform,the tombmayonlybemarkedbyƒpileofstoneswhilethemostextensivecomplexesmay containcourtyardswithseveralroomsforvariouspurposes.Inthesurveymadeby CanaaninPalestine,themostextensiveonewasthemaq¢ofNabÄ ó•¢ǡ locatedͺ kmsouthwestofJericho.Thevastmultidomedcomplexcontainsƒlargecentral courtyard,dividedbyƒwallintotwosectionsandsurroundedbyƒmosque,theshrine, the custodian’s house and over 120 rooms intended as ƒ hostel for pilgrims.143 In shrinesingeneral,nichesandplatformsforburningincenseformanimportantpartof theinterior.Someshrineshavebeendecoratedwithreddye,anddependingonthe importance,theremaybereedmatsorevencarpetsonthefloor.Inscriptionswith prayers, quotations from the Qurᦦ¢n, or information about the builder may also be written on the walls.144 Outside the building, trees, springs and caves may also be connected to the shrines. According to an esoteric interpretation of the shrines, presentedbyCyrilGlassé,thestructureofthebuildingsymbolizesƒbridgebetween heavenandearth.Thecubicshapeoftheshrinerepresentsearthandthesphereofthe dome symbolizes perfection, and thus heaven. The octagonal drum creates ƒ link betweenthedomeandtheroom.Thewholestructurethussymbolizesthesaintasthe mediatorbetweenmanandGod.145

140Canaan1925:178. 141Taylor1998:55. 142Reynolds2007:197. 143Canaan1924:47. 144Canaan1924:12,15,18. 145Glassé1989:343.

49

Thevisitorziy¢ramayconsistofduஞ¢஝prayers146formakingtherequest,the bringingofvotivegiftsandfoodtotheshrine,tyingragsormakingoaths.Ananimal maybeslaughteredasanofferingeitheronthesiteorafterthevisit.visitmaybe performedprivately,butƒcommonwayhasbeentovisitshrinesinƒgroup.According toTaylor,visitingthetombsbecameanincreasinglypopularreligiouspractice performedinlargegroupsduringthe13thcentury.147Thisnewwaveofinterestwas borninEgypt,andTayloralsorelatesittothegrowinginfluenceofSufiphilosophyand arÄqasorganizedweeklyvisitsandlargerannualfestivals,maw¢lidǡtoڒSufiorders.The the graves of the saints. The popularity of the tradition is attested in ƒnew type of literature,guidebooksthatwerewrittenabouttheholysitesandintendedforpilgrims. MostoftheseguideswerewrittenfortheCairoNecropolis(Qarafa).148 Men and womenfromallsocialclassesattendedthevisits,andtheywereseenasimportant socialeventsǦthoughalsoclaimedtobeimmoralbyothers. Themaw¢lidwhichmarkedthebirthdaysandmemorialdaysofprophetsandlocal saints became among the most visual expressions of saint veneration. The annual celebrations expanded into large carnivals with processions, competitions, fairs and various performances. They mushroomed throughout the Muslim world with their customsandrejoicingsspillingoverintotheofficialfestivals.Themostfamousofthese celebrationsistheanniversaryofthebirthanddeathoftheProphetMuᒒammad,on the12thofRabÄᦧal-Awwal,thethirdmonthoftheMuslimyear.Despitetheopposition oftheologians,theMawlidal-NabÄwasprobablyintroducedintheearly13thcentury andhaseventuallybecomeƒ semiofficialfestivalinmanycountries,evencompeting withthetwoofficialIslamicfeastsinpopularity.149

4.2. Saintlyhierarchies

There are various ways to classify different saints and their shrines. Andrew Petersen150 dividestheholysitesintothreegroupsbasedontheirsphereof importance.Internationalsitesareknownacrossgeographical,evenreligiousborders. Thesesaintswereoftencentralreligiousfigures,andtheirstatusiswidelyaccepted.In some cases, different religions acknowledge the same saints and shrines, sometimes thesitesdifferalthoughthesaintisthesameperson.Forexample,thetombofMoses canbefoundbothonMountNeboinJordanandnearJerichoinPalestine.Thesecond groupcontainsso-callednationalsites.Thesesitesarewellknownwithinonecountry oroneethnicgroup,butoutsidethesetheyaremostlyunknown.Thelocalsitesform thethirdandthelargestgroup.Theyincludeƒwideselectionofsmallerlocalawliy¢஝ǡ mostlyknownwithinonevillagecommunityortribe. moretraditionalclassificationisbasedontheroleofthesaints.Themost

al¢t)Ǥڍ)146Privateandinformalsupplicationasopposedtotheritualprayers 147Taylor1998:62-63. 148Taylor1998:70.Canaan(1925:178)alsomentionsguidebooksforholysitesinHebronand Jerusalem. 149Lazarus-Yafeh1978:53. 150Petersen1996:97-99.

50

importantonesaretheprophetsandmessengers(anbiy¢஝andrusul).Accordingtothe tradition,Muhammadwasprecededbyeither24,124,or124,000prophets.The messengers,ontheotherhand,weretheoneswhobroughtƒBooktotheirpeople.151 The saints connected to the Biblical traditionare ƒwell-defined groupof characters who areusually ratherwidely known, andoften venerated across geographical, and religiousborders,asChristians,MuslimsandJewsalikemayhavereligioustraditions connectedtothem.Manyofthemalsobelongtotheanbiy¢,andarethereforeamong themostimportantsaints.TheQur’¢listsaltogether25prophets:#dam,IdrÄs,óᒒǡ ód,᐀¢liᒒǡIbr¢ŠÄm,Ism¢ᦧÄl,Isᒒ¢q,Yaᦧ“ób,ósuf,Ayyób,Shuᦧayb,Ily¢s, ¢”ón,al-Yasaᦧǡ ó•¢ǡóᒷǡDhóal-Kifl,¢™ód,Sulaym¢n,ónus,Zakariy¢ǡYaᒒ›¢ǡᦧE•¢andMuᒒammad. Thedifferencebetweentheprophetsandtheothersaintsisfundamental.Thestatusof theprophetsisbasedonrevelation:theyreceivedthewordofGod,anddistributedit toƒwideraudience. The other saints have received no revelation, but they act on inspiration instead,andserveasmodelsofperfectsubmissiontothedivinelaws.152Forthistype ofsainthood,threepathscanbeseen:moral,intellectualandemotional.Moralsanctity is gained through asceticism, martyrdom and spiritual and physical purity, whereas the intellectual saints were famous for their intelligence and wisdom. They are the teachersandmentorswhospenttheirtimelearningandseekingunderstandingofthe divinelaw.Thesesaintsalsooftenpossesssupernaturalpowersofthemindsuchas clairvoyanceorpropheticvisions.Thesaintswithanemotionalcharacter,ontheother hand,areknownfortheircompassionandperfectedlove.Thesepathsmayoverlap, anddifferentgroupsmayemphasizedifferentaspectsofƒcertainsaint.153 baǡformanimportantgroupofsaints¢٭ƒי-ThecompanionsoftheProphet,al from early Islamic history. The companions were the people who met Muᒒammad when he was still alive and received his message, becoming Muslims. The most importantonesarethoseclosesttotheProphet,includingmembersofhisfamilyand his most trusted friends and disciples, especially the Muh¢jirónǡthose first converts whoaccompaniedtheProphetinhisHijrafromMecca,andtheAnᒲ¢r,whowelcomed himinMedina.Someofthecompanionscanalsobecountedamongthemartyrsorthe Muj¢hidónoftheearlyperiod,alsoveneratedassaints. ItisintheSufitextswheretheclassificationofvarioussaintshasbeen discussedinmuchdetail.TheideaoftheSufisainthoodwasbasedontheNeo-Platonic conceptofthe“PerfectMan,” ƒpersonwhohas ƒdirectconnectionwiththeDivine. There was one such perfected leader for each era who received the divine essence, “Nó” MuᒒammadÄya.”Thislightwasthefirstthingthathadbeen created beforethe creationoftheworld.ItbecamethesoulofProphetMuᒒammadandthisessencewas passed along the line, into the saints of each era.154  Although the classification continuedandbecamemorerefined,thesaintlyhierarchyhadbeenestablishedbythe

151Hallenberg2005:154. 152Cornell1998:274. 153Cohn1987:5-6. 154Hallenberg2005:166.

51

11th century. According to al-HujwÄri, there is in every era ƒ“divine court” which is dividedinto300akhy¢”(“outstanding”),40abd¢Ž(“substitutes”),ͽabr¢”(“devoted”), axis”or“pole”)orGhawth(“sourceofhelp”).155In“)„ڒͺawt¢†(“stakes”)andonequ addition,thereare4000awliy¢ᦦwhoarehiddenbothfromeachotherandfrom mankind.Theabd¢lliveinSyria,andeachtimeoneofthemleavesthephysicalworld, heisreplacedbyanotheruntiltheDayofJudgementcomes.Outofalltheawliy¢஝ǡfour .(al-arb¢ஞa „¢ڒfoundersofSufitariqashavereceivedthetitle“thefourpoles”(al-aq ThesefourareIbr¢ŠÄal-Dasó“Ä(c.1235-1296),ᒒmadal-BadawÄ(c.1199-1276), ᒒmad b. ᦧAli al-Rif¢ᦦÄ(1106–1182), and ᦧAbd al-Q¢dir Jil¢Ä(1088–1166). Although thesaintsrepresentdifferentdirections,theconceptofthefourpoleswasapparently introducedinEgypt. TheideaofthedivineessenceexistsinmanyformsintheIslamicworld.In Morocco,theconceptofinheritedsanctityiswellattested.Westermarckexplainstwo types of saintly families: the shurafa are descendants of Prophet Muᒒammad in the malelinefromhisdaughter ¢ᒷima.However,althoughalltheProphet’sdescendants received part of the baraka that was transmitted through his line, only very few possesssomuchoftheblessingthattheyareregardedassaints.156Theothergroup consistsofdescendantsofsuchsaintswhowerenotofthefamilyoftheProphet,but ,ÄnǤJustaswiththeshurafaڒreceivedbarakainsomeotherway.Theyarecalledmur¢bi onlyƒsmallnumberofthemhaveenoughbarakatobecomeactualsaints.157 Thus,whilenouniversalsaintlyclassificationexists,theSufiwritersestablished varioushierarchiesfordifferenttypesofsaints.Thesehierarchieswerethenutilized andshapedinthelivedreligionofthepeople.Theprophetsandmessengersarethe most respected saints, followed by the companions, martyrs and Sufi leaders. On ƒ more local level, the descendants of the Prophet and families of notable historical saintsstillareheldinhighesteem,eventhoughveryfewofthemrisetothelevelof sainthood themselves. In the classification of Canaan another class called ƒஞŒ¢ appears,meaningPersianorforeign,thoughaccordingtoCanaan,noneofthesaintsof thisclassoriginateinPersia.Thisisthemostcontradictorygroupofsaints,venerated in some places and despised in others. Unfortunately, Canaan does not provide any extendedinformationconcerningthisgroup.158 Canaanalsodevisedanotherclassificationbasedontheoriginsofthesaint.The firstgroup,historicalcharacters,containssaintsfrombiblicalandQuranictradition,as well as fromlater Islamic history.The second group of saints consists of those holy menandwomenwhosedescendantsarestillliving,andinthethirdgroupCanaanhas listed the dar¢™Äsh and saints of unknown origin.159Itseemspossiblethatmanyof those saints whose origin is unknown are actually continuations of ƒ much older

155Thenumbersineachgroup,aswellasthecombinationofthis“court”variesindifferentsources.See Hallenberg2005:154-164forsourcesanddetailsofthedevelopmentofthistradition. 156Westermarck1916:7. 157Westermarck1916:10. 158Canaan1927:45. 159Canaan1927:49.

52

tradition:theshrineofthesaintmayexistonanancientplaceofworship,oreventhe sainthimselfmayhavedistinctcharacteristicsofanearlierdivinity.160

4.3. Voicesagainstthetradition

Despitethepopularityofthetraditionofsaints,ithasnotbeenunanimouslyaccepted withinIslam.OpposingthetraditionhasbeencommontothetajdÄd–movements.The focusoftheseIslamic“renewals”hasbeentopurifythereligionfromtheaccumulated un-Islamicaspects(bidஞa,orinnovation)andreturnthefaithtoitsmost“pure”form,as itwasthoughttoexistduringthetimeoftheProphetandtheRighteousCaliphs.Thus, veneratingsaintsandvisitingtheirtombshavebeenseenasrelicsfromthe ¢hilÄya, andassuch,notpartofIslamicpractice.Thehadithoftenquotedinconnectiontothe traditionofvisitingholysitesisfrom᐀ƒᒒÄᒒal-Bukh¢”Äǣ

NarratedAbóHurayra:TheProphetsaid,"Donotsetoutonƒjourneyexceptfor three Mosques, i.e., al-Masjid-al-ֺar¢m, the Mosque of Allah's Apostle, and the 161”.¢ڍMosqueofal-Aq

ThemostinfluentialauthorsonthetopicareIbnTaymiyyaandIbnQayyim.The13th centurySyrianᏡanbalÄjuristTaqÄal-DĐᒒmadIbnTaymiyya(1263-1328)strongly opposedthetraditionofpilgrimagestothetombsinhiswritings.Hewasanadversary ofal-Ghaz¢ŽÄǡevenspeakingoutagainstthepilgrimagetotheProphet’smausoleumin Medina.162Hisstudent,IbnQayyimal-JawzÄya(1292-1350),alsofollowedhisideasin his writings, equally targeting the thoughts of al-Ghaz¢ŽÄ.163Theyreferredtothe –¢biஞónǡthesecondgenerationtransmittersoftraditions,especiallyIbr¢ŠÄal-NakhaᦧÄ (d.714/715),AbóᦧAmrᦧ#miribnShar¢ᒒĎ(d.c.728),andMuᒒammadibnĔĐ(d. 728),allofwhomabhorredthepracticeofvisitinggraves.164Whiletheyacknowledged the prophetic tradition of the three mosques, the awliy¢஝ were not considered to be partofIslamastheywerenotmentionedbytheearlygenerationsandthetraditions relatedtothemoftencontainedelementsofpre-Islamicidolatry.IbnTaymiyyaandIbn Qayyimrejectedallmosquesthatwerebuiltontopoftombs,andaccordingtothem, eventhegravemarkerswereagainstthelaw.165Theydid,however,defineƒ“lawful ziy¢radz(al-ziy¢raal-shar஝Äya).Visitingthetombswasnotbanned as such,sincethey couldremindthevisitorofthehereafterandtheshortnessoflife.Onlythemakingof thetombsthesoleobjectoftravelandvenerationwasstrictlycondemned.166

160Canaan1928:53-55.AlsoHallenberg(2005:206)discussesthepossiblecontinuationofanancient Egyptiancultinthecharacterofal-Dasó“ÄǤ .Bukh¢”Ävol.2,no281٭Ä٭ƒי161 162Wynbrandt2004:113. 163Taylor1998:169. 164Taylor1998:193. 165Taylor1998:174,183. 166Taylor1998:189,193.However,despitehisoppositiontowardscertainpracticesheconsidered pagan,IbnTaymiyyadidnotopposeSufismifitwaspracticedinanorthodoxway.ApparentlyIbn Taymiyyawashimselfinitiatedinthe¢dirÄyaorder.(SeeMakdisi1973)

53

The interest in the teachings of these “conservative reformists” was greatly revivedbyMuᒒammadibnᦧAbd-al-Wahh¢„inthe18thcentury.Thoughhisfollowers idón,dztheysoonbecametobeknownas“Wahhabi.”Born٭٭calledthemselves“muwa inal-ᦧUyaynac.1703,hebecamedrivenbyƒmissiontorestorethestrictmonotheism ofearlyIslam.OpposingSufism,hedenouncedtheideaofanyintermediariesȂbethey saints,prophetsorangelsȂbetweenmanandGod.167Todemonstratehisopposition, he chopped down the sacred trees of ᦧUyayna and destroyed the local saint’s tomb which had been ƒ center of pilgrimage.168Inhisopinion,alldomedshrinesand mausoleums were un-Islamic, and in 1803 he destroyed such buildings during his attacksintheHijaz.169Atthistime,eventhecontinuationoftheHajjwasat ƒstake. Although Muᒒammad ibn Saᦧó† performed the pilgrimage, the atmosphere was threateningasentrancewasnotpermittedtoanyonewhowasconsideredheretical. Thisalsoincludedtraders.170 Although the Wahhabi raiders were defeated, the ideas lived on. Almost ƒ hundredyearslater,whenIbnSaᦧó†(KingᦧAbd-al-ᦧAzÄz)neededƒfightingforceforhis campaign,hesettledtheBedouinintonewcommunities,formingtheIkhw¢narmythat embracedWahhabiteachingsfervently.By1915,morethan60,000menwerelivingin these new agricultural settlements. The traditional raiding was at the same time replaced by state-sanctioned jihad, which became ƒ powerful political tool.171 The relationshipbetweenIbnSaᦧó†andtheIkhw¢nbecametenseinthenextdecadeand led to an open rebellion. The members of the Ikhw¢n army saw Ibn Saᦧód’s implementationofIslamiclawastoolax,andusedbothpoliticalandphysicalactivity toachievetheirgoal.Althoughtherebelsweredefeated,theSaudiregimenevertheless adoptedᏡanbalÄlaw,andthestrictinterpretationoftheIkhw¢nonmattersrelatedto bidஞa.172 WhilethenewwaveofIslamicrevivalmovementsemergedinthe1970’sand 1980’s, contemporary Salafism takes the demand for the purification of the religion evenfurther.ThewritingsofIbnᏡanbal,IbnTaymiyyaandIbnQayyimareappliedin thedoctrineoftheSalafimovement,andsimilarlytoWahhabis,theSalafisalsoreject theinnovationsinreligionandstrivetowardsthepurificationoftheIslamicfaith.173 Forthisreason,thesaintlytraditionandvisitingholysitesarenotsupportedwithin theSalafimovement.

167ThiswasalsonotedbyWallin(2007:469)duringhisjourneytoNajdin1848-49.Inotherregions,he traveledusingthenameᦧAbd-al-WalÄǡbutforhisvisittoNajdhisfriendhadrecommendedthathe changehisnamebecausetheWahhabisdidnotbelieveinsaints.Therefore,heassumedanothername, ᦧAbd-al-Mawla. 168Wynbrandt2004:114-115. 169Wynbrandt2004:138. 170Burckhardt1983[1822]:149. 171Wynbrandt2004:172. 172Wynbrandt2004:184. 173Wicktorowicz2000:219.

54

4.4. Usingsacredpowerforsecularmeans

Islamisthelanguageofpowerandresistancetopower.174

Islamisoftensaidtobethereligionthatencompassesallaspectsofhumanlife.Itis therefore no surprise that the saints and holy sites have been used as various representationsofsecularpoweraswell.Religion,state,governmentandownership areoftencloselyconnectedandthepoliticizationofreligioustraditionsinvolvesallof them.Politicalcontrolofƒreligioussiteorideaisƒstrongsymbolicstatementwhich canbeusedincontrollingorreshapingthecommunity,eventheidentityofgroups.If cultureandtraditionaresomethingsharedbyƒcertaingroupofpeople,the possession of culture becomes ƒ critical question when defining the boundaries of identity.175 For example, Petersen claims that the reason for the tradition of visiting tombsandcemeteriesbecomingsowidespreadandpopularshouldbetracedtothe endoftheFatimidruleinEgyptin1171.ThecountrywasinthemiddleofƒSunni restorationprocesswheretheSunnisweretryingtoregainthelandbothmentallyand physically. 176  similar process can be seen in the Levant.  very active period of constructing holy places was during and after the Crusader period. The crusaders themselvesbuiltƒnumberofshrinesandchurches,andaftertheyhadbeenforcedto leavethecountry,severalIslamicshrineswerebuiltorreconstructedbytheAyyubids andMamluksasƒsignofƒspiritualreclamation.177 An example presenting the strengthening of ƒ national identity via religious traditionrelatedtoƒholysitecanbefoundinthePalestinianterritories.It showsƒ case where the political situation can actually increase the interest in religious tradition,inthiscaseƒpilgrimagetothetombofthesaintǤTheshrineofNabÇljMuljsalj situatednearJerichohasbeenƒsiteofspectacularannualvisitsfromnearbycitiesand villages,includingJerusalem,HebronandNablusandhasalsobeenvisitedbyseveral nomadic and seminomadic tribes of the region. Canaan describes such ƒvisit in the 1920’s, but he concentrates purely on the process and visual representations as he witnessestheevent.178 moredetailedanalysisofpoliticalissuesbehindthereligiouspilgrimagehas beendescribedbyRogerFriedlandandRichardHecht.179Accordingtothem, ኇ ajjAmÇlj al- ኇ usaynÇljǡGrandMuftiofJerusaleminthe1920-30’susedtheNabÇljMulj saljpilgrimage forpoliticalmeans.HewantedtopromotePalestiniannationalityandpoliticalidentity, and the pilgrimage played ƒ critical role in this. To achieve his goals, he chose ƒ universalsaintwhocouldnotbeclaimedbyanytribeorfamily.Moseswasƒprophet, and as he was also known by the Christians, he would represent all Palestinians. However,thetimeofthepilgrimagecoincidedwithEasterandPesachcelebrationsof

174Jean-ClaudeVatinquotedbyWiktorowicz1999:681. 175Anttonen2003:54. 176Petersen1996:64. 177Petersen1996:112,Petersen1999:126. 178Canaan1926:117-138. 179FriedlandƬHecht1996.

55

the Christians and Jews of Jerusalem, and the three processions took place almost simultaneously.AmongtheMuslimsofthearea,thepilgrimagewasalreadyknownand hadbeenpracticedforcenturies.Thepeasantsocietywas stillinfluencedbytheold Sufitraditionprevalentintheregion,whereastheurbandwellershadalreadybecome familiar with the reformist tradition. Thus, the Mufti first had to settle disputes betweenthetraditionalviewandthereformistswhosawthepopularpracticesasun- Islamic. Thepeopleattendedthepilgrimagecarryinglocalcommunityflags.The Hebronites, for example, are mentioned as entering through the Jaffa gate shouting politicalchants:“Zionismhasnoplacehere”and“WearethearmyofGod,theyouthof thecountry.”180ThetraditionofpilgrimagetothetombofMosesdeclinedslowlyafter 1936,andduringthetimeofJordanianrule(1948-1967)itwasevensuppressed. In 1987,itwasrevivedagainbythePalestinianAuthoritiesandthepoliticalpilgrimage experienced ƒ brief period of blossoming in the 1990’s. Nationalistic ideology was integrated into the spiritual celebration again, and in the first year, the event drew about15,000participants,theyoungpeoplecarryingsymbolsofIslamandnationalism includingPalestinianflags,picturesofYasserArafatandnationalisticbannersinstead oftheoldtribalandfamilysymbols.181 The shrine of NabÇlj Rulj bin in Palestine is also an example of “spiritual reclamation.”Before1948,everyAugustthesaint’sfestivalgatheredmorethan30,000 participantsfromtheCoastalPlain,especiallyfromthecitiesofJaffa,RamlaandLydda. After the 1948 War, the shrine and the surrounding village were abandoned. In the 1990’s, however, the grave was adopted by the Jewish tradition. The shrine had containedƒgreenclothwithwordsThereisnoGodbutGodandóbinishisprophet, butitwasreplacedwithƒredone,wherethewordsReuben,youaremyfirstborn,my mightandthefirstfruitsofmyvigor(Gen.49:3)werewritten.182 However, despite the predominance of the political aspect in the representations of power where holy places are involved, other kinds of power relationshipsarealsoinvolvedinthetradition.Women,forexample,usetheholysites and the power of saints in various ways Ȃ even for resistance. In many traditional communities,visitingholyplacehasgivenwomenanacceptedreasontoescapefrom theconfinesandexpectationsofthesociety.Thecelebrationsandvisitsaremoments ofindependenceandequality,duringwhichwomenareallowedmorefreedomthanon normal occasions.183  For example, the annual celebration of NabÄ óbin was so importantthatƒwomancouldtellherhusband:“EitheryoutakemetoRubinoryou divorce me.”184InMorocco,thetombsofthesaintsformcommonmeetingareas, similartothepubliccoffeehousesandclubsofthemen.Theholysiteformsƒpublic

180FriedlandƬHecht1996:99. 181FriedlandƬHecht1996:110.ThisnewpilgrimagetraditionwasalsodescribedbyBoltanski2003. SeealsoHalabi2009. 182Benvenisti2000:274-275.AllEnglishquotationsfromtheBiblearetakenfromtheNewRevised StandardVersion. 183Tapper1990:248. 184Canaan1926:140.

56

placepermissibleforwomen,ƒplacewheretheycanmeetfriends,drinkteaandwash clothes. The unchallenged power of the sacred ground becomes ƒ platform for women’s resistance to the dominant patriarchy. This is especially attested in cases whereanunwillingbrideseeksshelterfromthesaint:shecannotbeforcedtomarryif sheisunderthesaint’sprotection.185

4.5. SaintsofthepeopleȂandtheelite?

4.5.1. SeparatingmagicandmiracleȂtheoryandtheology The saint tradition is often labeled “popular belief.” Popular religion, then, is contrasted with the “scholarly” religion, or the religion of the elite that has the authoritytodictatethedogmasofthesystem.But,therealityofthisdichotomycanbe questioned.Thecontrastappearstoberatherbetweentwointerpretationsofwhatcan beseenastradition.Atoneend,therearethegroupssuchastheWahhabis,towhom every aspectofreligionthatisnotincludedintheQurᦦ¢andSunnaisbidஞaǤAtthe otherend,differentinterpretationscanbeseen,forexample,intheMedievalSufitexts, andthediscussioncontinuestodayevenontheInternet,wherevarious“traditional” scholars take objection to the Salafi interpretations.186Throughoutthehistory,both interpretations have been represented in scholarly literature, and both have also received popularity among the people. Even some of the conservative writers, for example,IbnTaymiyya,acceptcertaintraditions.Insuchcases,thestateofmindand thepureintentionjustifythebehavior.IbnTaymiyya’sideacanbeseentobeƒ reflectionofthehadithrelatingthewordsoftheProphet:

˸Ϣ ˴Ϡ ˴ϓ Ύ ˴Ϭ ˴ϟ ˴ή ˶ϔ ˸ϐ ˴Θ ˸γ ˴΃ ˸ϥ ˴΃ ϰ ˶ϓ ϰ ͋Α ˴έ ˵Ζ ˸ϧ ˴Ϋ ˸΄ ˴Θ ˸γ ΍ ˴ϝ Ύ ˴Ϙ ˴ϓ ˵Ϫ ˴ϟ ˸Ϯ ˴Σ ˸Ϧ ˴ϣ ϰ ˴Ϝ ˸Α ˴΃ ˴ϭ ϰ ˴Ϝ ˴Β ˴ϓ ˶Ϫ ͋ϣ ˵΃ ˴ή ˸Β ˴ϗ ϢϠγϭ ϪϴϠϋ Ϳ΍ ϰϠλ ͊ϰ˶Β͉Ϩϟ΍ ˴έ ΍ ˴ί  .˴Ε˸Ϯ˴Ϥ˸ϟ΍ ˵ή ͋ϛ ˴ά ˵Η Ύ ˴Ϭ ͉ϧ ˶Έ ˴ϓ ˴έϮ˵Β˵Ϙ˸ϟ΍ ΍ϭ˵έϭ˵ΰ˴ϓ ϰ ˶ϟ ˴ϥ ˶Ϋ ˵΄ ˴ϓ Ύ ˴ϫ ˴ή ˸Β ˴ϗ ˴έ ϭ ˵ί ˴΃ ˸ϥ ˴΃ ϰ ˶ϓ ˵Ϫ ˵Θ ˸ϧ ˴Ϋ ˸΄ ˴Θ ˸γ ΍ ˴ϭ ϰ ˶ϟ ˸ϥ ˴Ϋ ˸Ά ˵ϳ

TheProphet(peacebeuponhim)visitedthegraveofhismotherandhewept,and movedothersaroundhimtotears,andsaid: soughtpermissionfrommyLordto begforgivenessforherbutitwasnotgrantedtome,and soughtpermissionto visithergraveanditwasgrantedtome.Sovisitthegraves,forthatmakesyou mindfulofdeathǤȋ᐀ƒᒒÄᒒMuslimBookͶHadith2130Englishref.)

IsthepersonvisitingthegraveaddressingGodorthesaint?Isthepurposeofthevisit ƒpersonalreminder,ƒpioussupplication,orcelebrationandentertainment?Defining the “right state of mind” parallels the discourse addressing the differences between magicandmiracle,religionandsuperstition.Thedefinitionsattemptingtodescribethe differencebetweenreligionandmagicoftenseemtodefinetheboundariesbetween popular belief and scholarly theology. Magic certainly has aspects that are often attributedtothepopularreligion.But,whatdoesthisdifferencetellus? Certain definitions seem to crystallize the concept of the magical, often contrasted with the religious. Magic is manipulative action where the goal is short-

185Platt2010:198. 186See,forexample,As-SunnahFoundation2011,wheretheSalafidoctrineisverystronglyrefuted.The arÄqaǤڒFoundationitselfhasaffiliationwiththeNaqshbandÄᏡaqq¢Ä

57

term personal gain. Intricate knowledge is needed to perform the magical action correctly.Inmoralterms,magicissecret,privateandforbidden,oratleastconsidered “sinister” and immoral. All this is directly opposite to what religion represents: an acceptedcollectiveandsymbolicsystemofsolidarityandpublicritualsthatalsooften definesandpreservesthemoralcode.187Theexclusivedefinitionshavefocusedonthe dichotomy and contrasted magic with the prevailing religious system while more recentdiscussionhastakennewpaths,presentingdifferentwaysofobservingthetwo conceptsinaninclusivemanner. Therealsoexiststhebeliefincausality.Withmagic,thereisnologicalcausality asnoverifiedconnectionexistsbetweenthemagicalritualandthebelievedeffect.Itis basedonthefirmbeliefofthosewhopracticemagic,andtheydonothavedoubts about the magic itself. Instead, if the spell fails, the details of the process may be questioned: were the ingredients correct, was the incantation uttered exactly as it shouldhavebeen?Failurecanbeexplainedinmanyways,butthecausalityitselfisnot doubted. In ƒ religious prayer, there is no such expectation of causality.  person prayingisthesupplicant,nottheactiveagentintheevent.pleautteredintheprayer can be either recognized or rejected by the deity or other supernatural subject, and thisresultcannotbealteredbythepersonhimself.188Inpopularreligion,however,the differencemaynotalwaysbeasclear. JesperSørensen189statesthatmagicissimplyoneaspectofthebroadconcept of religion. Magic is the creative force that provokes and challenges the institutionalizedandsymbolicstructuresofauthorizedreligiousactivity,bycreatingƒ spontaneousand“chaotic”choice,reinterpretingtheritualsandsymbolsandbringing themeaningandgoalsclosertotheconcreteneedsofanindividual.Thisisƒdynamic processthatinturncreatescounteractionsfromthesideoftheauthorizedreligion. Innovations can be incorporated into the dominant system, or they can be rejected, againcreatingcertaincountermeasuresǦforexample,newritualsthatofferprotection fromthefearedmagicalpowers.Innovationscanalsosimplybemarginalizedandleft aloneaslongastheydonotrisetobecomeƒthreattothesystem. According to Sørensen, alternative ritual systems are more ƒ rule than an exceptioninsocieties.Peoplefluentlyutilizevariousoptionsavailableeitherofferedby theinstitutionalizedrituals,orthelessaccepted“popular”ones.Theirchoicedepends ontheirpersonalneedsandgoals:whethertheyaremoreconcrete(findƒcuretoan illness or conceive ƒ child) or more abstract (personal salvation, praying for the wellbeingofthenation).Toanindividual,meansisnotasimportantastheends. Baileyalsochallengestheoldcategorizationsandsystematizeddefinitionsand callsforƒmoreculturalapproach.Therecanbeƒcomparativeaspect,buttheconcept shouldbestudiedwithintheculturalcontextitself:howdothepeopleinƒcertain cultureoratƒcertaintimedefinemagicandritual?Whatdotheyregardasan accepted form of belief and why? It is quite clear that in various cultures, the line

187Versnel1991:179. 188Versnel1991:178-179. 189Sørensen2007:188.

58

betweenreligionandmagichasexisted,butveryoftenthedifferencehasbeendefined bythedominatingparty,thuscreatingthebarriers.“Mymiracleisyourmagic”isnot sofar-fetchedƒsayingafterall.Therearecasesofharmfulandsinisteractionsthatfit wellthetraditionaldefinitionsofmagic,butƒlotofmaterialfallsintoƒgreyarea.That iswheretheculturesdefinetheirbarriers:whatisacceptedandwhatiscondonedand banned.lotofthingsmayalsobetoleratedforvariousreasons,evenifnotfully approved.190 TakingBailey’s“culturesensitive”approachasthestartingpointfortryingto define the concept of magic and superstition in Islamic society, we should find the answerwithintheculture.ItisquiteclearthatIslamicculturehasseenand acknowledgedcertaindifferences:IbnKhaldówritesinhisMuqaddima(1377)about varioussciences,listingthescienceofmagicamongthemwithƒchapterdedicatedto sorceryandtalismansandanotherchaptertothescienceofletters.191Tohim,magicis real,butitisalways“black”:itisharmfulandevilspiritsanddemonsareinvokedin theprocessofmagicalspellstoaidthemagician.IbnKhaldódividesmagicusersinto twogroups.Thepowerfulindividuals,thesorcerers,cancreatemagicwiththepower oftheirminds,whiletheothergroupneedsvariousmaterialcomponentsandtools suchastalismansandamuletsfortheirmagictowork.Healsoliststheillusionistswho aresimplysleight-of-handsandtrickstersand,therefore,notrealmagicians.Sorceryis unbeliefasitdrawsthepersonawayfromGodandintovenerationofdevilsandbeings and entities of the material world. This action, according to him, is punishable by death.192TheexceptiontothisistheEvilEyesincethepossessoroftheeyecannot controlitandisnot,therefore,responsibleforthebadthingstheeyecauses.The correctwaytowardoffbothmagicalspellsandtheeyeiswiththewordofGod.193 Theultimatedifferencecanbeseeninthewayofcontrastingmagicandmiracle. Scholars see magic as the total opposite to the kar¢¢tǡ which are performed by prophets and Sufis. The prophets are the direct “vessels” of divine power which enablesthemtodomiraculousdeedswiththepowergiventothembyGod.TheSufis, ontheotherhand,representindividualswhothroughmeditationandasceticismare trying to return to the origin of all being, thus withdrawing themselves from the material world and its temptations. The supernatural deeds, therefore, cannot be of evil origin, but purely divine and good. Their abilities derive from their higher understandingoftheuniverseanditsunityǦtheirclosenesstoGod.Thisexplanation again reflects the Neo-Platonic idea of the Perfect Man and the One as the ultimate sourceofeverything.194 

190Bailey2006:5. 191IbnKhaldó1958[1377],theContents.Healsohasseparatechaptersonthe”KnowledgeofAngels,” ”KnowledgeoftheProphets,”aswellasonthe”ScienceofSufism”and”Thescienceofdream interpretation.” 192IbnKhaldó1958[1377]:159.(ChapterVI:section27). 193IbnKhaldó1958[1377]:169,171. 194IbnKhaldó1958[1377]:182,Perho2011.

59

4.5.2. CombiningmagicandmiracleȂthedynamicsoflivingtraditions Despitethestrictdivisionsestablishedinthetext,miracleandmagichavenotalways beenveryfarfromeachotherinlivedreligion.Inadditiontothehumansaints,there are also other types of intermediaries in the world. The Qurᦦ¢ also recognizes supernatural creatures such as angels and jinns. Various demons and spirits inhabit the worldtogether with humans and animals. Spiritsmay haunt cemeteries, springs andhouses.Infact,everyplacehasbeenthoughttohaveitsspiritowner.InMorocco, theywerecalled“MastersofthePlace”(mw¢ŽÄl-mk¢n),195andinPalestine“Peopleof theEarth.”196Althoughthesebeingswereusuallyfearedandavoided,therewerealso occasionswhentheiraidwassought.Anexampleofƒspecialrelationshipbetween humanandspiritisseeninthezar-cultwhichexistsinEgyptandSudan,butisalso knownontheArabianPeninsulaandinIran.Whileƒpersonisthoughttobepossessed byƒspirit,thepurposeofthecultisnottoattempttodriveoutthesespirits,butrather “appease”them.197Comingtotermswiththepossessingspiritofteninvolves annual ceremonies. Harnessing the powers ofdemons formagicwas another occasionwhere the spiritswereaddressed.commonwayintheIslamicmagicaltraditionistocombine Quranicphraseswithmagicalformulae,materialingredientsandphysicalactions.The quotationsfromtheQurᦦ¢areusuallyunrelatedtothemagicalritualiftheyareread intheoriginalcontext,buttakenoutofthiscontext,theydoshareƒlevelofsimilarity withthetopic.Islamicauthors,suchasIbnKhaldón,stronglyopposethisusageofholy texts since the power of magic comes from demons or spirits and not from God. Nevertheless,itisƒcommonwayto“legitimize”themagic.198 Peoplehavealsoseensanctityinthesurroundingnature:ƒtree,well,rockor someotherelementinnaturemayhaveanomalousfeatures,andhas,therefore,been seenasƒmanifestationoftranscendence.Sometimessuchplaceshavebeenrelatedto demonsandthusmayhavebeenbothfearedandrevered.Attimes,suchƒplacehas been“sanctified.”WestermarcksuggeststhatthevarioussaintsinMoroccobearingƒ Ä (My Lord the Hidden/Unknown) often indicate ƒ site likeˆ٭name like ĆÄ al-Ma this.199Theattributionofhumancharacteristicstoinanimateobjectsisattestedeven ajjin1903,1904and٭-in the case of the Kaᦧba. Ibr¢ŠÄ Rifᦦat, whowas the amĔ al 1908,recordsmanypopularreferencestotheKaᦧba.Accordingtohim,thepeoplecall theKaᦧba“alittlegirl”(al-bunayya),andtheBedouinswearoathsinthenameof"the Lord of this Little Girl." Another Bedouin belief is that the Kaᦧba is ƒ woman who anoints her hair. He mentions ƒ woman making an oath to the Kaᦧba, saying: Ifrain

195Westermarck1926:295. 196Granqvist(1965:29)doesnotprovidethenameinArabic.FriedlandandHecht(1996:113)mention thename“Rulersoftheground”(“mulukal-ard”or“maleika”).Permissiontopitchƒtentintheirland hadtobesoughtalways. 197Natvig1988:57. 198Perho2011. 199Westermarck1933:94.

60

comestoourterritories willbringyouƒleathercontainerfullofclarifiedbutterfor anointingyourbangs.200

4.6. Discussion

Thecultofsaintsincludingvisitstothetombsofthepiousmenandwomenisstillalive andpopularthroughouttheIslamicworld.TheexamplesgivenfromMorocco, Palestine, Indonesia and Egypt, among others, attest the vigor of the tradition. In addition,eventhoughthepopularityofthesaintsisveryoftenmanifestedamongthe rural population, the saints themselves and the tradition following them is by no meanslimitedtothepooranduneducated.Onthecontrary,manysaintsinMorocco, forexample,wereliterateandofurbanorigin,andmanyofthetraditionsrelatedtothe saints,includingthemaw¢lidǡhavebeenpromotedandsponsoredbytheSufischools ofthought.AlsoinPalestine,beforetheriseoftheSalafimovement,Sufismhadan important role in the popular religion. Therefore, it is not surprising to see that the voicesspeakingforthesurvivalofthetraditionarealsonumerous,evenleavingthe opposingviewsintheminority. Even though the purpose of visiting graves may originally have been to be remindedofone’sownmortality,theholyshrinestodayarealsoplacestocelebrate life.Theyaresitesforbothgreatfestivals,butalsoquietlocationsofdailylife.They maybeplacesofdivinepower,buttheyalsohavecometosymbolizesecularpower: politicsandresistance.Yet,the focalpointisalwaysthesaint. saintmaybecalled ǡ٭li¢ڍvarioustermsandnames,dependingonhisroleandpersonality,butheisalways pious,ƒparagonforotherhumansinhisrelationshipwithGod.Becauseofhispiety,he is capable of channeling barakatotheotherpeople.Throughhim,thesacredis manifestedonearth.  

200Young1993:295.

61

ANǦCONSTRUCTINGTHEIDENTITYמALL#H,AL-MALIK,AL-WA .5

Then came SharĈ ஞAbdallah and SharĈ ֺusµ ibn ஞAlÄ from Saudi Arabia, the leaderoftheArabrevolt,withtheEnglish.TheTurkishleft,andwentbackuntil they reached Istanbul. The English remained here, in these lands. The English controlled Iraq, Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Palestine, the English soldiers controlleditall.Therewasone,calledĉ[Peake]¢sha,Englishman,whocame toJordanandwastheleaderofthearmy,beforeGlubb.HecametotheBedóŽhere inPetra.Hegotacquaintedwiththem,andhehelpedthem,andhetoldthem: “YouroriginisfromtheJews,fromIsrael.”AndtheymadeƒpartyforhiminPetra andpreparedƒbigmensaf,likefortheBedu.After,ĉ¢sha,hewentandcame one called Glubb. He was the commander of the army of Jordan. He had an assistant called Broadhurst, Englishman, with Glubb. He was in Amman, in the capitalthere.TheywereinAmman,withthekingஞAbdallahI.Emir,notking,but Emir.TheEmirateremaineduntil1965.ThenhebecameKingஞAbdallah…201

MystudyrevolvesaroundnotionsofidentityǦtheidentityascomposedofintertwined elementsallcreatinganimageofanindividualorƒcommunity.Thischapterattempts toexploretheelementsthatshapetheidentityinSouthernJordan.Whentalkingabout the local society,  find three major aspects that have ƒ role in the construction of identities: the tribal or local identity, the state, or national identity, and finally the religiousidentity.202Thesecannotbeseparatedastheyarealldynamicelementsofthe whole,yeteachaspectprovidesƒslightlydifferentangle.Startingwiththelocal,then movingontothenationalandfinallylookingatthereligious, discusstheseidentities, tracingthebasicelementstheyarecomposedof,theexternalandinternalfactorsthat have molded them both historically and today, as well as the interaction among the three.

5.1. TribalidentityȂthepeopleofsouthJordan

5.1.1. Tribalsociety    Tribalismisthefoundationuponwhichthenationwasestablishedintheformationof Transjordan.EventodayinmodernJordanthesocietycouldstillbedefinedastribal, includingthefarmerslivinginvillagesaswellasthepeopleresidingintowns.Tribes werethebasicunitsofpower,andthroughoutthehistoryofTransjordan,upuntilthe Mandate period, the tribes fought over control of the land. The system was multifaceted,containingtribalconfederacieswithdifferenttypesofpartnershipsthat involved both nomadic tribes, semisedentarized Bedouin, farmer villages and urban

201PartofthehistoryofJordan,toldbyƒlocal.(29M1Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2011) 202ThisideaispartiallybasedonthetheorypresentedbySchneider.Accordingtothistheory,kinship, nationalityandreligionallshareontologicalcharacteristics.Allthreearesimilarintheirattemptto createenduringsolidarityandunity,aswellasindevelopingandexploitingvarioussymbols.(Schneider 1969:123-124)The“kinship”hereisrepresentedbytribalandlocal,whilereligioncanbestudiedfrom nationalandlocalȂandalsofromtheglobalview.

62

centers.Thus,itisnearlyimpossibletounderstandtheJordanianidentitywithoutthe knowledgeofthetribesandtheroletheyhaveplayedinitshistory. “Tribe”itselfisƒsystemthateludesƒuniversallyapplicabledefinition.Based on the evolutionist theories, tribalism has often been seen as an intermediary stage betweenƒbandandƒstate.Itisignorant,primitive,anditbreaksdowndevelopment– thesameideasthatarealsopresentedaboutnomadism.203Thesepatternsofthought willberevisitedlater,astheyhavenotonlyaffectedWesternacademicdiscourseof thepast,buttracescanalsobeseeninmodernstateideologies.However,todiscuss the concept of “tribal identity,”  define tribalism on the basis of the traditional segmentationtheory.Thoughnotuniversalforexplainingtribalismonƒglobalscale,it doesofferƒsolidfoundationforunderstandingtribalisminJordan.Underlyingisthe ideaofcommunities(“clusters”)whichconsiderthemselvesashavingsharedlineage, kinship,orsimilartiesthatbindthecommunitytogether.Thedifferentsegmentsform larger“clusters”,againbasedonmoredistantlineage.204 Actualbloodrelationsarenotonlywaysofformingthelineages:thereare various ways in which the segments of the society are tied together into clans and tribes,butƒcommoncaseisthekinshipsystem,eitherimaginedorbiological.Sharing the same genes is not always the main defining element in the formation of tribal identity, as kin may also be adopted. The adaptive strategy may even extend to the past, where ƒ group seeks shared ancestry. These fictive kin groups possess equally strong group identities as the genetically connected ones.205 Different segments are boundbytheirinnercohesionwherethegroupisexpectedtosupportitsmembersȂ andviceversa.Thisinherentsystemofhonorandmutualassistanceissharedwithin andbetweenthedifferentgroups.Theidealsofintegrityandindependencedonotgive roomfortheuseofforceintryingtopersuadethemembersofthegroup.Thetribal ideologyemphasizespoliticalandindividualautonomyandegalitarianism.Becauseof these values, mediation and negotiation play an important role in both inter- and intratribalrelations.206 IntheMiddleEasternsetting,theword“tribalism”isoftenconnectedtoandǦin everyday discussion Ǧ even equated with nomadism and the Bedouin. As discussed above, tribalism exists in all types of economies, whether the communities are sedentary,semisedentaryornomadic.Jordanisanexampleofƒstatewheretribalism permeatesthewholesociety.Thus,forthisstudy, definetribalismasƒsocio- economic structure, from which derive specific systems of justice, leadership and moralethos.However,whenstudyingsouthernJordanitisalsoimportantto

203Eickelman2002:116. 204Eickelman2002:120-126.SeealsoAbuLughod1989:280-287. 205Martin2001:295.ComparewiththedefinitionpresentedbyMuhammad1999b:13:What traditionallymakesƒperson“belong”toƒtribeisnotmerelysuccessivedegreesofgeneticrelationshipsȂ which,afterall,everyfamilyintheworldhasȂbutratherthatƒpersonandhis/hertribethinkthesame way;believeinthesameprinciples;assimilatethesamevaluesandethos;actaccordingtothesameunique rulesandlaws;respectthesamehereditaryShaykh;livetogether;migratetogether;defendeachother; fighttogether,anddietogether. 206Eickelman2002:122-123.

63

understand tribalism as an integral part of the Bedouin society and identity. The Bedouinhavebeentraditionallyclassifiedintothreegroups.Thecamel-herdingtribes withtheirgreatmobilityhavebeenconsideredtobethe“noble”or“true”Badu.The Shuwayyaǡor“small,”aretribeswhodependonflocksofgoatsandsheep.Asthese animals cannot move far away from water sources, the migratory patterns of these tribesaredifferentandmobilityrestricted.Finally,thereisthegroupof“herdsmen,” Ru஝¢ǡ who have depended more on agriculture, sometimes also building permanent villages.Theireconomycanbedescribedastranshumantpastoralism. Traditional means for gaining wealth among the more mobile Bedouin have also included raiding. Tribal raiding is ƒway of distributing wealth, and in times of drought,itmayhavebeenthelastmeansofsurvival.Thus,ithasalwaysplayedan important role in the Bedouin economy.207 The settled communities have naturally beenvulnerabletoraids.Asƒmeansofprotection,thesedentaryandsemisedentary communitiespaidkhówa,“protectionmoney”totheBedouinwhocontrolledthearea. Examplesofsuchfees,aslistedbyMusilfromthePetraregion,include͵measuresof barley from each tent, paid by the agricultural Liy¢thne, while the townspeople of Maᦧ¢providedforƒbandofsixtyᏡuwayᒷ¢–warriorsƒpairofredbootsandtwocups of coffee each.208 Due to their mobility, their knowledge of the region, and their seasonalmigration,smugglinghasalsobeenƒwayoflivelihoodamongtheBedouin. The historiographies and even the main focus of study have often been the “nobleBedouin,”eventothepointthatthesmallersheepandgoatherdingtribesor theonespracticingfarminghavenotbeenconsideredtobeBedouinatall.But,there l,dzimplyingthatthere¢٭٭hasalwaysexistedthenotionof“MobileBedouin,”“badóra arealsoBedouinwhoarenotasmobile.209Allinall,theword“Bedouin”hasdenotedƒ wayoflifebasedonƒspecificeconomyandecology,linkedtothebasicunitofƒfamily household and its herds.210 The decline in the number of nomadic pastoralists has takenplacethroughouttheMiddleEast,startingfromthe18thcenturyandaccelerating aftertheSecondWorldWar.InSaudiArabia,forexample,40%ofthepopulationwas nomadic at the beginning of 1950’s while only two decades later, the number had fallento11%.InLibya,thepercentagefellfrom25%in1962to3.5%onlyeightyears later.211InJordan,theBritishestimatedmorethanhalfofthepopulationasnomadicor semisedentarypastoralistsinthe1920’s.Today,approximately4-5thousandstill maintainthenomadiclifestyle,althoughatleast25%ofthepopulationisofBedouin origin.212 To summarize: ƒ tribe is ƒ social organization. When we talk about the pastoralismofpeasants,wetalkabouteconomyinstead.213Ontheotherhand,both tribe and peasant can be included in the socio-political category, with peasants

207Thomas2003:550. 208Musil1908:52. 209Cole2003:237. 210Cole2003:239. 211Eickelman2002:68. 212BoccoƬChatelard2001:6,8.Muhammad1999b:11. 213Kressel1996:129.

64

denotingƒdifferenttypeofsocialorganizationthantribe.214Thus,weseethefluidity of the terminology even within the discipline. We can say that pastoral nomads are oftentribal,butsoaresomepeasantcommunitiesǦasisthecaseinJordan.Ifwedefine theBedouinas“tribalnomadicpastoralistsinthedesert,”wecanseethatthere are veryfewpeopleleftwhodofallintothisdefinition.Still,ƒlargenumberofpeople continuetodefinethemselvesasBedouin,evenwhentheyliveinconcretehousesand theirflocksarenolongertheirprimesourceofincome.BeingƒBedouinhasceasedto denoteƒwayoflife,butithasbecomeƒculturalidentity.The“tribality”stillremains an important element in the identity of these people, even though it seems to be redundantǦandas willarguelateronǦalsoanunwantedelementinthemodernstate andnationalidentityofJordan.215However,eventhoughtribalismcontinuestoplayƒ significantroleintheformationofthisidentity,itdoesnotaloneexplainit.Theword “tribal”will,therefore,beusedinconnectionwiththesocialandculturalorganization, thesystemofkinshipandinteraction.Bedouin,ontheotherhand,willbediscussedas an imagined identity, the way the people define themselves, and an identity they continuetocreateandre-createinthediscourseofmodernsociety.

5.1.2. LocalnarrativesandtribesofSouthJordan The Hashemite kingdom of Jordan has ƒ total area of 89,342 Km²ǤThetwo southernmost governorates, Aqaba and Maᦧ¢ comprise together over 40%, almost 40,000Km²ofthetotalsize.Whilethepopulationofthewholecountryisestimatedto beabout6.5million(2011estimate),lessthan250,000ofthecountry’spopulationlive inthesoutherngovernorates.Morethanonethirdoftheinhabitantsliveinthecityof AqababytheRedSea(2010estimation103,000inhabitants),andabout30,000people in the city of Maᦧ¢n. Other majortowns and settlements with ƒlonghistory include ShawbakandWadÄó•¢(EljÄinthepast)neartheancientruinsofPetra.Allthetowns havebeengrowingrapidly,andseveralnewsettlementshavebeencreatedinthelast decades as ƒ means to sedentarize the local nomadic tribes. In the 2004 census, the populationofJordanthatwaslivinginurbanareaswasalready83%.216 The geography of this region is very varied. Striking differences in elevation createzoneswithdifferingweatherandprecipitationpatterns,217andtheregioncan bedividedroughlyintothreelargergeographicalareas.Startingfromthesouthwest borderbetweenJordanandIsrael,thefirstofthethreeregionsiscommonlyknownas WadiAraba.Thewadiis163kmlonganditformspartoftheGreatRiftsystem, extendingfromtheDeadSeasouthtotheGulfofAqaba.Alongtheway,theelevation risesfrom396belowsealevelneartheDeadSeagraduallyto200abovesealevel near Gharandal, tilting down again towards the Red Sea and reaching sea level at

214 LancasterƬLancaster1996:389.Theyalsodiscussthedifficultiesofdefinition,whicheventhe membersofthesocietydonotalwaysseeasbeingtooclearwhendefiningthemselvestooutsiders. When wasinterviewingtheLiy¢thne,forexample,someofthemdefinedthemselvesas“Bedó,”while othersusedtheterm“fall¢ᒒ.” 215Kressel1996:133. 216DoS2012. 217Henry1982:418.

65

Aqaba.Duetoitscharacter,theareahasbeenpronetotectonicactivitywithseveral earthquakes taking place in the past.218 Numerous wadis discharge into the valley creatingwidefansandchannelsonthebottom.Thewatercarriessoilsfromthehigher regionsthatformthicklayersofsands andgravels.219Theaverageannualrainfallis around50mm.220 TheelevationrisesrapidlytotheeastofWadiAraba,formingƒnarrowrugged and eroded escarpment with peaks rising to approximately 800-1000  above sea level.Movingtowardstheeast,therearenarrowvalleysformingevengroundaround Petraandal-Bayᒅ¢ᦦǡbeforetheslopesoftheSharamountainrangewhichreachesthe heightofabout1300abovesealevel,thehighestpeaksbeingover1700m.221From thispoint,thelandslopesgraduallydownwardstowardstheeast,wherethehillyhigh plateauturnsfirstintoisolatedhills,andfinallyintotheflatlimestoneandflintsteppe oftheSyro-Arabiandesert.ThedepressionofWadiSirhanalongtheeasternborderof Jordanisonlyabout300abovesealevel.Thiswideformationhasbeenƒmajor routefromtheareaofNejdintotheregion.222Inthesouth,thevastHismabasinmakes up ƒ large part of the Hejaz and extends into the southern areas of Jordan.223 The vegetation of the region includes both Mediterranean, Irano-Turanian and Saharo- Sindianzonesdependingonthearidity.224Theclimateistypicallyhotanddry,annual rainscominginthecoolerwintermonths.TheSharamountainrangeformsthemain watershed,withwadisrunningtowardsboththeeastandwestontheslopes.Insome areas, the annual rainfall allows small-scale farming, and the structure of the mountainswithsandstonelayersundertheporouslimestonehasformedpocketsof water,creatingperennialspringsthathavebeenusedbythelocalpeople.225Mostof theregionmaybedefinedas„¢diya,aridsteppewheretranshumantpastoralismhas beenthemainpatternofsubsistence. multiresourceeconomyhasbeentypicalofthemajorityofthecommunitiesin southern Jordan. Along the slopes of the Shara mountains (Arabia Petraea), the perennialspringsandannualrainshaveallowedherdingofgoatsandsheep,whilethe peoplelivinginthearidregionsofWadiArabaandtheeasternsteppe(ArabiaDeserta) havetraditionallybeenmobilecamel-herders.Mosttribeshavealsobeencultivating smalllandareasonƒseasonalbasis,growingespeciallywheatandbarley.Small-scale tradehasbeenpracticedwiththelargercentersintheregion,especiallyMaᦧ¢n,where theHajjpilgrimshavebeenanimportantgroupofcustomersforlocalproducts,but alsoAqababytheRedSea,andevenᐅafÄleandKarakintheNorthhavebeentrading goodswithlocaltribes.226Today,therearethreemainroutesthroughtheregion.The

218WadiArabahProject.http://www.wadiarabahproject.man.ac.uk/menu/Geology/geologyframe.htm 219Kouki2012:60.  220WadiArabahProject.http://www.wadiarabahproject.man.ac.uk/menu/florafauna/floraframe.htm 221Kouki2012:58. 222Casto1938:122. 223Chatelard2005:6. 224Henry1982:41 225Kouki2012:56. 226Chatelard2005:22.

66

oldest route is the ancient King’s Highway, which follows the western edges of the plateauandrunsnorth-souththroughthemaintownsoftheregion.AtRaᦦ•al-Naqb,it meetsthemoremodernDesertHighwaywhichgoesallthewaytoAqaba.Thethird routerunsalongtheDeadSeaandthebottomofWadiAraba. When trying to reconstruct the history of the tribes and the chronology of eventsintheregion,itmustbekeptinmindthatthesecommunitieshavetraditionally storedallinformationinoralform.Thepoemsandstoriesoftheoldtimescarryin themmemoriesofhistory,buttheydonotrepresenttheeventsinchronologicalorder, nordotheyevenattempttogiveƒhistoricallyaccurateaccountofthepast.Thepoetry hasbeencomposedbythepeoplefortheirownpeople,inpraiseofthetribalethos,the honor, pride and prowess of the great leaders of that particular tribe. Attempts to combinetheoraltraditionsofdifferenttribesinordertocreateƒchronologicaland objective unified narrative of the region have proved to be very difficult. Not only becauseoftheconflictingdetailsofthecollectedstories,butalsobecauseofthelocal natureofthestories.Thetribaltaleschallengethe“truths”oftheneighboringtribe, subtribeorthestate,theyaremeanttobesharedonlybythetribewhoownsthat particular“truth.”227 At the same time, ƒ great respect towards the written sources and textual material describing the history of the region exists among the Jordanian tribes. In southernJordan,thewrittenaccountsoftheWesterntravelersappearandincreasein number throughout the 19th century. These accounts offerglimpses of the turbulent eraoftribalwarfareandshiftingalliances.ItisonlyaftertheformationoftheMandate when British officers attempted to understand in depth the local society and tribal culture.Thisgaverisetoresearchthatfocusedontopicssuchaskinship,leadership, landuseandseasonalmigration.Oneofthemostappreciatedsourcesofthaterawas writtenbyFrederickPeakewhowastheCommanderoftheArabLeaguefrom1920 until1939.His“HistoryofJordananditsTribes”isoneofthemainsourcesforthe tribalhistoryofJordan,but,evenPeakecollectedhishistorymainlyfromoral sources.228 By including ƒ piece of information in his documentation, he made the chosenoralstorytheofficial“truth.” Evenwhenitcomestotribaldivisions,thesubtribesandfamilies,itcanbeseen that the lists provided in different sources do not always coincide. Such enormous tasks are bound to be somewhat arbitrary as tribal alliances are formed and abandoned. When ƒ family grows large enough, it becomes ƒ new subtribe, families move away and settle in the areas of another tribe, gradually becoming part of it. Similarly,marriagesgiverisetonewtribalunions.Themodernstatehasestablishedƒ systematization of the tribes for official records, but the dynamics of the traditional tribalconnectionsareboundtobecomesimplifiedintheprocess. Thehistoriestendtofocusontheactionsofthelargetribalconfederationsand their powerfulleaders. In Southern Jordan, such ƒ confederation was formed by the

227Shryock1996:38.SeeShryock1997forƒdetaileddiscussiononthechallengesofturningtribaloral historiesintoliteraryform. 228Thomas2003:545.

67

tǤ In the 19th century,mostofthesmallertribes,villagesandtownsofthe¢ڊuwayֲ South were either allied or paid tribute to the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢t. The tribe itself traces its originstotheBanÄᦧAtÄye,fromwhomtheygainedindependencebythe17thcentury. ThetribemovedinlandfromAqaba,branchingoutthere.ThesubtribeoftheIbn ¢œÄ thensettledfurtherNorth,whiletheᦧAlawĐandᦧImr¢remainedaroundAqaba.229 Until the late 19th century, the Ottomans had left the area of Transjordan Ȃ especially the areas controlled by the powerful tribal confederations in the south mostly alone. Though nominally belonging to the regime, little effort was made to extend formal rule over the area.  new Hajj route was created between 1520 and 1566.ItreplacedtheoldpassagethatfollowedtheancientKing’sHighwaywithƒnew onethatcrossedthesteppefurthertowardstheeast.230Outsidethepilgrimageseason, the same route functioned as ƒ caravan road for merchants. The last resting station was the town of Maᦧ¢n, which became the center of the Maᦧ¢ district, seat of the districtgovernorandƒcampforƒsmallgarrison.Toprotectthepilgrims,ƒchainof towersandfortswerebuiltalongtheroute,buteventheirsphereofinfluencedidnot extendfarfromthebuildingitself.Instead,theofficerspaidgoldtothelocalBedouinin returnforƒsafepassagethroughtheirlands. Thefirstdecadeofthe19thcenturywasmarkedbyconstantwarringwiththe Wahhabis.Duringthenextdecades,thepoliticalinterestsoftheOttomanEmpireand Egyptcausedthepowerbalancestochangeseveraltimes,butalsocreatedperiodsof relative peace. The Wahhabis started their expansion northwards from the Arabian Peninsula in the late 18th century, raiding and also occupying large areas in Transjordan.In1815,therulerofEgypt,MuᒒammadᦧAlÄǡstartedƒsuccessfulmilitary campaigntosubduetheWahhabis.NominallyƒvassaloftheOttomanEmpire,butin practiceactingindependently,hedeclaredwarontheOttomansin1831anddefeated theirarmyatKonia.Asƒresult,PalestineandSyriawerebroughtundertheEgyptian rule.MuᒒammadᦧAlÄ’ssonIbr¢ŠÄtriedtointegratetheBedouinintothe governmentalsystem,butthesheikhsopposedhisattempts.Finally,in1834,revolts brokeoutinTransjordan.In1840-1850,thetribalfeudsapparentlyceasedafteranera ofraidsbetweenthesoutherntribesledbytheᏡuwayᒷ¢–andtheMaj¢ŽÄConfederation ofKarak.231However,inthesecondhalfofthe19thcentury,thefightingcontinued.The newlandlawsof1858guaranteedtheownershipoftheterritoriestothetribes themselves.Thesheikhsweregrantedtherighttocollecttaxesfromtheirowntribes, whichgraduallybroughtthemclosertogovernmentcontrol.232Ǥ Ibr¢ŠÄ Pasha’s rule in Syria and Palestine quickly attracted European attention. Concerned about the weakening ofthe Ottoman Empire and its effects on

229Shoup1980:85. 230Shoup1980:45. 231Russell1993:25.SimmsƬRussell1996:3.16Ȃ3.18.Wallin(2007:412-415)traveledacrossWadi ArabaandpassedthroughGharandalandᖠDl¢ghaonhiswaytoMaᦧ¢in1845.Hemetmembersofthe Ꮱuwayᒷ¢–andalsomentionsunnamedseminomadicBedouinlivingalongtheslopesoftheShara mountains.Accordingtohisletters,ƒbattlehadbeentakingplacerecently,involvingtheᏡuwayᒷ¢–on onesideandᦧAnµze,BaniᦧAdw¢andothersontheopposingside. 232Bienkowski2001:34.

68

Europe,themajorpowersformedƒcoalitionagainstIbr¢ŠÄandforcedhimto retreat.Withthehelpoftheforeignpresenceinthearea,theOttomansstarted concentrating on economic and administrative reforms, which also included establishing control over the regained areas and their nomadic tribes. The situation seemstohavebeenespeciallytenseduringthe1880’sandearly1890’s.In1893-94, theOttomansstartedgarrisoningthetownsinsouthernTransjordan.Troopsandcivil officersweresenttosoutherntowns,includingKarakandShawbak.Asƒresult,the people led by ᦧArar ibn ¢œÄ rebelled. The rebellion was quickly suppressed by the Ottomans and control over the area was tightened.233 The region was gradually pacifiedaftertheestablishmentoftheDesertPatrolin1930. Today,20tribesarelistedbythe1986ElectorateLawaspartoftheᏡuwayᒷ¢t: al-Maᒷ¢lga,al-Taw¢yha,al-SamayᒒěÄn,al-Rash¢yde,al-MuᒲabbeᒒěÄn,al-SulaymaněÄn, al-Mar¢ᦧye, al-Zaw¢yde, al-Zel¢biye, al-ᐅag¢ᒷaga, al-Dar¢wishe, al-Dam¢Äye, al- Hadb¢n, al-BuᒷóÄye, al-ᦧᒷón, al-Naj¢†¢t, al-Rubaᦧye, al-SaᦧĆěÄn, al-ᦧAm¢”Đ and al- Ahayw¢t.234  Being included in the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢– probably derives from the historical alliancesmadebythesmallertribes,althoughmanyofthemaspiretomaintaintheir owntribalnarrativesofancestryandorigins.Still,thealliancewiththemostinfluential tribeofthesouthcontinuestohaveimportanceeveninmodernpolitics. Al-Bedól is ƒ small tribe whose members reside in two locations in South Jordan:inandaroundtheancientcityofPetra,andintheregionofᏡumayma.The subtribes of BedóŽ are al-Fugar¢ᦦǡ al-JudµŽ¢– and al-Muwas¢ǡ with the last further divided into al-Jamada and al-Sam¢ᒒĐ (ϦϴΣΎϤδϟ΍ ,ϩΪϤΠϟ΍ ,ϰγϮϤϟ΍ ,ΕϼϳΪΠϟ΍ ,΍ήϘϔϟ΍) in Petra.235  The tribe has been mostly pastoral, although they have also practiced seasonalfarming.Duetotheireconomy,theyhavenotbeenverymobile.Theseasonal migrationwasdescribedbyCanaan:Inthewinterseasontheyspendbetweentwoand threemonthsinthecavesofPetra;inthespringtheyencamparoundthewadis,whilethe summerisspentatthetopsofthehighmountainsofPetraorononeofthesurrounding ridges.236 Thetribehadthedistinctivehabitofusingtheancientrock-cuttombsofPetra as their homes. The caves provided them shelter and cover during the cool winter months when they stayed in Petra. The economy was based almost exclusively on herdinggoatsandƒfewcamels.Itseems,however,thatduringthe19thcentury,the BedóŽhadƒcertainamountofpowerintheregion.ThetribewasalliedtotheᦧAl¢™Ä branchoftheᏡuwayᒷ¢t,whointurnweresupportingEgypt.characterthatappears

233Russell1993:27. 234Muhammad1999:10.Thefirst14werelistedbyOppenheim(1943:300)underᏡuwayᒷ¢–ibn ¢œÄǡ al-ᦧᒷóandal-Naj¢†¢–undertheᦧAl¢™Äandal-Rubaᦧyeasƒsub-tribeoftheᦧImr¢n,whilethelast threewerenotlistedaspartoftheᏡuwayᒷ¢–atall.Ontheotherhand,bothMuhammadandOppenheim considertheBedóŽaspartoftheᏡuwayᒷ¢t,eventhoughtheyhavenotreceivedofficialstatus. 235ThenameϝϭΪΒϟ΍appearstranscribedindifferenttextsinseveralforms:“Bidul,”“Bedun”andeven “Bodoul.”Inthespokendialect,thenameisoftenpronounced“al-ᖠBdól. Thesamelistofsubtribeswasgiventomebymyinformantsin2005.SeeRussell1993forananalysisof thetribe’sgenealogies. 236Canaan1929:216.

69

intheaccountsofWesterntravelersinthefirsthalfofthe19thcenturyisknownas SheikhᑃMgaybalAbóµ–óoftheFugarabranch.Hehadfirmcontroloverthearea untilthetimeofhisdeathin1842or1843,afterwhichhisnephewSheikhSulayman tookpower.237 ThisperiodofprosperityendedwhentheEgypt’tcontrolovertheareadeclined and the Ottomans tightened their own control. An important factor was also the constructionoftheSuezCanalin1869,afterwhichtheEgyptianHajjwasdivertedto theRedSeaȂtakingawaymajorincomefromthelandroute.TheᦧAl¢™Ähadlosttheir main political ally, whereas the other branch, the Ibn ¢zi, who had been seeking supportoftheOttomanswerenowincontroloftheregion.Thisseemstohavebeenƒ harshblowtotheBedól.Attheendof19thcenturyandduringthefirsthalfofthe20th century,theBedóŽwerelivinginverypoorconditions.Theirnumberhaddecreased, andthetribehadonlyabout150members.238Hornstein’sdescriptionofƒ…miserable- looking family, with hardly any clothing on…239 probablysumsupverywellwhat visitorssaw.In1918,theBedóŽwerereportedtobestarvingbecauseofOttomanraids, andinthe20’sand30’sbecauseofseriousdroughts.240 With the acknowledgement of Emir Abdullah, the tribe continued to live in Petra. When old feudal system was abolished in 1933, the land was parceled out to individuals.241Withtheprivatelyallocatedland,themembersofthetribebeganto establishgardensandcultivatecropsinPetraarea.TheareasofWadial-Sµgh,Wadi Abu ᦧOllµga, ᐀abra and Fustóᒒ al-NabÄ ¢”ón, all in and around the Petra Valley, became agricultural areas. Starting in the 1960’s, the people commenced adding windowsanddoorstotheirhomecaves,aswellasbuildingadditionalrooms,walls and gardens. During the same decade, ƒ small health center, ƒ school and ƒ mosque wereestablishedinemptycavesasƒbenefactionfromKingAbdullah.242 In1984,thetribewasrelocatedtothevillageofAmmSayᒒónorthofthePetra Valley,outofthewayofthegrowingnumberoftourists.Theoriginalplanhad120 households,andthebuildingsofthenewvillagewerearrangedinovalgroups,each circleintendedtobeinhabitedbyonefamily.Thisdesignrecallsthearrangementof tents in large Bedouin encampments, thus acknowledging the cultural relationships andkinshipties.243Still,therelocationsoonbroughtforthnewproblems.Theareawas notlargeenoughtosustaintherapidexpansionofthepopulation.In2000,the populationhadrisento1300,andonlysixyearslateritwasestimatedtobebetween two to three thousand. The lack of space was already causing tension in the early 1990’swhentalkswiththeroyalfamilyresultedintheestablishmentofagricultural

237SimmsƬRussell1996:3:12. 238McKenzie1991:139. 239Hornstein1898:101. 240SimmsƬRussell1996:3:23. 241ThiswaspartofthegreatlandreformexecutedbytheBritishinTransjordan.Heavilyafflictedbythe droughtsandfaminesatthebeginningofthedecade,eventhemosttraditionalpastoralistssuchasthe Ꮱuwayᒷ¢–begantocultivatetheirlands.(Alon2009:125-126,128.) 24217M1BedóŽAmmSayhó2007. 243Angel2008:103.

70

land, the extension of village ͳ km northward, as well as permission to establish commercialenterprisesintheiroriginalplacesinPetraandmaintainthegardensin Wadi al-Sµgh.244 The village has continued to grow rapidly, and various elements of moderntechnologyarebeingimplementedatƒfastpace.Whilesomeofthemembers ofthetribestillresideintentsonthefringesofthenationalparkandinBayᒅ¢ᦦǡmost nowliveinpermanenthousesandaredependentontourismastheirmainsourceof income. The BedóŽ have frequently attracted the interest of Western researchers. The tribe has inhabited the area that has become ƒ center of both tourist and archaeological activities, thus making them easy to find and approach. They have, therefore, become ƒ focus of various studies, ranging from the ethno-archaeologyof pastoralistactivitiesandfoodproductionmethodsandtheuseofspaceandhousingin theoldcavestomodernizationandtourism.245However,throughouthistoryperhaps themostpopulartopichasbeenthequestionabouttheoriginofthetribe.Thestory relating their originhas been often quoted inmany papers, though itwas originally toldbyƒmemberoftheLiy¢thnetribeȂtheneighborsandoftenrivalsoftheBedól.

When Moses and the Israelites surrounded Petra he declared war against the inhabitants and conquered and slaughtered them all except twelve who hid themselvesinƒcaveonthetopofthemountainUmmel-Biy¢rah.Mosesordered them to come down. They answered “inn¢ abdaln¢ ›¢ nabiy all¢h” We have changed,prophetofGod.“Whathaveyouchanged?”askedMoses.“Ourreligion; forweacceptyours,”wastheanswer.SincethattimetheyareknownasBdól.246

Whilemovementfromonegeographicallocationtoanotherisgenerallyƒnecessityin nomadiccommunities,thequestionoflocaloriginsisanimportantissueinthePetra region.TheideaoftheBedóŽbeingJewsisfoundintheopeningquotation,anaccount ofthepast astoldbyanoldBedóŽman.Itis anexampleoftheinfluenceofPeake’s account, itself based on the old oral narratives. As the ancient city of Petra was traditionallyconnectedwiththeExodus,theearliestdocumentednarrativesrelatedto thepeoplelivingintheareadiscusstheirrelationshiptotheIsraelites.In1843,the BedóŽtoldJohnWilson:“nahnuauládBeni-Isráyen.”247Thetermisfoundasearlyas the13thcenturyfromthedescriptionoftravelsofSultanBaibars.In1276,hetraveled fromCairotoKarakandpassedthroughPetra.ThenamePetradoesnotappearinthe text, but the expression “cities of the Children of Israel” is used.248 The “Bene Israel” werethoughttohavecarvedthefacadesandcreatedthecityintheancientpast.Asƒ result,theBedóŽusedthisnametoclaimtheirnativerootsintheplacethatwasstill theirhome,nottosaythattheywereJewish.249

244Angel2008:45. 245SimmsƬRussell1996,Bienkowski1985,SimmsƬKooring1996. 246Canaan1929:216.TherootϝΪΑmeans“tochange.” 247Wilson1847:352. 248Zayadine1985:173. 249Russell1993:17.

71

TheBedóŽisnottheonlytribeclaimingtohavelivedintheareasinceancient times.TheChristianfamiliesofᦧAkasha,Baw¢lasa,Mas¢ᦧadaandZayadÄnewhousedto liveintheregion,beforetheadvanceofWahhabiideologyandIkhw¢nraiderspushed themtosettlefurthernorthinKarak,alsoclaimedtohavebeendescendantsofthe ChristianNabataeans.250 The inhabitants of the modern town of Wadi ó•¢, al-Liy¢thne, also believe they have been living in the region at least since the Middle Ages, possibly even earlier.251ThetribehaslivedinandaroundthevillageofEljÄ(modernWadió•¢), .Ȍbythe surroundingtribes٭¢andtheyhavebeengenerallyconsideredfarmers(fall The tribe is divided into four subtribes: BanÄ ᦧᒷ¢ᦦǡ al-ᦧAl¢›¢ǡ al-ᦧUbµ†Ä›Än, and al- Shrór.252Thesubtribesaredividedintofamilies,whichare:

ǦBanÄᦧᒷ¢ᦦǣFal¢ᒒ¢t,Faraj¢t,Sal¢ÄandFudóŽ Ǧal-ᦧAl¢›¢ǣNaw¢fle,ᦧAm¢”¢t,Ham¢†Än,Sham¢•ÄandMas¢ᦦda Ǧal-ᦧUbµ†Ä›Än:Ꮱas¢¢t,Hil¢Ž¢t,Naᒲar¢t,ᐅuwµ•¢–andMash¢ᦧle Ǧal-Shrór:Suᦧµ†¢t,Khilµˆ¢t,KhalµfeandRuw¢ᒅÄye253

TheBanÄᦧᒷ¢ᦦandHil¢Ž¢–familiesareconsideredtobeofdifferentlineagethanother Liy¢thne, the former being an offshoot of ƒ tribe called BanÄ Judh¢m, and the latter originatinginEgypt.254 The Liy¢thne have possessed ƒ good location for extensive farming, as the springs,especiallytheó•¢springȋᦧ6ó•¢Ȍsupplyperennialwater.Theyhavealso beenabletoselltheirproductstotravelingpilgrimgroupsandtotheothertownsin theregion,suchasMaᦧ¢andKarak.ThetownitselfisdividedbyWadió•¢thatruns east Ȃ west. The southern part belongs to the BanÄ ᦧᒷ¢ᦦǡ whereas the ᦧAl¢›¢ and ᦧUbµ†Ä›Äliveonthenorthernside.TheShró”didnotusuallylivenearEljÄǡbutthey controlled the area south of Wadi ó•¢ǡ also including the village of ᐅaybe. The Bedouin characteristics of the Liy¢thne included the use of goat hair tents as their dwellingsandtheherdingofflocksofgoatandsheep. Inthe summertime,thetents werepitchedinthevicinityofthetown.Thefewstonebuildingswereusedas dwellings only by the poorest of the tribe and otherwise they were used as storehouses.255Inthewinter,thefamiliesmovedtheirtentstowarmerregions.The subtribes have traditionally lived in their own territories, both in EljÄ and in their

250SalameenƬFalahat2009:7.TheviewofNabateanoriginshasemergedandspreadintheregionwith theincreasingknowledgeoftheancienthistoryofPetra,replacingtheEgyptiansand“ChildrenofIsrael” inthenarratives. 2516M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002(HaniFalahat). 2521M1Liy¢thne.Wadió•¢2002. 253BothCanaan(1929:215)andOppenheim(1943:287-288)excludetheMas¢ᦦdaandFudóŽand describetheHam¢†ÄasƒsubfamilyofSham¢•Än.Musil(1908:57-58),ontheotherhand,onlyhasal- ᦧUbµ†Ä›Än,andal-Shró”listedassubtribes.Al-ᦧAl¢›¢andthefamiliesitiscomposedoftoday,exceptfor Mas¢᪂daislistedunderᦧUbµ†Ä›ÄwhilethefamiliesofBanÄᦧᒷ¢ᦦareunderal-Shrór.Themostrecentlist presentedinthetextisbasedontheinterviewwithHaniFalahatin2002. 254Canaan1929:215. 255Canaan1929:196.

72

winter camps which were located around the surrounding springs, for example, at Bayᒅ¢ᦦǡᐅaybe,andᦧ6Amón. The tribe paid tribute to the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢– Ibn ¢œÄǡ and profited from their connectionwhenthecontroloftheregionshiftedfromtheᦧAl¢™ÄtoIbn ¢œÄǤThough theHijazrailwayalsobroughtsomeeconomicprofittotheLiy¢thne,theyalsosuffered from the droughtsof the early 20th century. The Liy¢thne alsohad the advantage of beingsituatedrightinfrontoftheentrancetoPetrawithdirectcontroloverthetourist trade.In1925,thefirsttouristcampconstructedbyThomasCookƬSonswas established,andinthe1930’s,thecampwasmovednexttoQaᒲ”al-bint.Thisincreased thetensionbetweentheLiy¢thneandBedól,andasƒresultofthesetensions,police werestationedinPetrainthelate1920’s.256schoolwasestablishedinEljÄin1927, but,despitealltheprogressiveprojects,theLiy¢thnewerenotalwaystooaccepting.In 1926,theyrevoltedwhentelephonelineswerebuilttoMaᦧ¢n.Thepeoplefearedthat the modernization would bring along the Zionists, thus forcing them to lose their land.257CanaanmakesƒnoteofthepovertyoftheLiy¢thnestillin1930.258 Thelastdecadeshavebeenƒperiodofincreasingtourism.ThetownofWadi ó•¢hasgrownintoƒtouristcenterwithnumeroushotelsandsouvenirshops,and thepeoplehavesettleddownpermanentlyinmodernhouses. Al-஖Am¢”ĐisƒtriberesidingnorthandnorthwestofPetra.Theyhavesettled especiallyaroundtheBayᒅ¢ᦦarea,wheretheyhavebothtraditionalencampmentsand ad¢tdz(units)or“isk¢ndz٭permanent housing, often simply referred to as “wa (settlement).ManyfamiliesalsolivealongtheroadleadingdowntoWadiArabaand somemembersofthetribeliveinandaroundthevillageofQurayqira(Grµgra).While theireconomycontinuestobebasedongoatsandsomeagriculturalprojectsandpart ofthetribestilllivesintents,thefamilieswholiveneartheancientsiteofBayᒅ¢ᦦhave alsobecomeincreasinglyinvolvedintourisminthepastdecades. The tribe consists of the ᦧIy¢Ž ᦧAww¢d, al-Shóshe, ᦧIy¢Ž ᏡamĆ al-ᖠGmór, al- ᏡasasĐandal-Bakhµta.259TheᦧAm¢”Đconsiderthemselvestobedescendantsofthe BanÄᦧAtÄye,movingfromtheHijazintoPalestineandstayingnearGazauntiltheywere forcedtomoveeastacrossWadiAraba.260Inthe19thcentury,ƒmemberofthetribe,ƒ certainᦧAww¢d,boughtlandinal-Bayᒅ¢ᦦandwaslaterfollowedbymanyofhis relativeswhosedescendantsstillcontinuetoliveinthatregion.261 Al-Sa஖ĆěĐareƒtraditionalcamelherdingtribewhose†Äraextendedthrough theWadiArabaregion,fromthesouthernendoftheDeadSeaallthewaytoRaᒒma. FromthereanddowntoAqabaistheareaoftheᒒayw¢–tribe.TheSaᦧĆěĐalso

256SimmsƬRussell1996:3.26-27. 257Shoup1980:57. 258Canaan1929:200. 259Sajdi2011.Musil(1907:59)listsonlythefirstthree,andƒfourthsubtribenamedal-GhufÄsh.Bille (2008:47)commentsthattherearetenfamilylinesaltogether,ofwhichthemajorthreeare“Hmeid, Awath,andBekhit.” 260AswithƒlotofBedouinhistory,theexactdatesareoftendifficulttoestablish.Themovenorthfrom Hijazisprobablyrelatedtothegreattribalmigrationsofthe17thcentury(Shoup1980:46). 261Sajdi2011.

73

encamped along the slopes of the Shara mountains during the summer.262 The organizationofthesubtribesandfamiliesofthetribewasslightlyvague.Oppenheim, Musil and Stillelson all provide differing lists.263 The tribe has approximately 15 branches,ofwhicheightwerelistedtome:ᦧIy¢ŽMufarrej,Ram¢mne,ᦧAwn¢t,Dar¢fga, Ꮱam¢yta,Ruw¢diye,Zuw¢ydeandᦧIy¢ŽᏡasan.264Inƒstoryoftheirorigin,theSaᦧĆěĐ were related to the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢t, the ancestral founder SaᦧĆ having been the son of Suwµᦧid,thesonofᏡuwayᒷ.265TheiroriginshavealsobeenconnectedtotheShammar tribesofArabianPeninsula.266 Thetraditionaleconomyofthetribewasbasedoncamelherding,withlittleor nofarming.Thecamelsenabledgoodmobilityandmadethetribewealthy.Theywere apparently brought under government rule relatively late, paying taxes to the state onlysince1928.Hillelsonalreadynotestheirincreasingpovertyin1939,mentioning also the fever epidemics spreading from the lowlands of al-GhÛr.267 The tribe still continuestoliveinWadiArabaandtheslopesoftheShararange,buttheirlocation hascausedthemtobe“caughtbetweenborders”afterthefoundingofIsrael.Asthere arenoattractionsandsitesofinterestintheregion,littleattentionhasbeengivento theWadiArabatribes.LiketheᦧAm¢”ĐȂandevenmoresoǦmanystillliveintents and own goats and camels, but the old pastoral lifestyle often continues mainly because of poverty and having no other opportunities.268 Several settlements have beenbuiltinWadiArabaandalongtheSharaslopes.Theseincludevillagessuchas Grµgra, ᖠDl¢gha, Gharandal, Äsha and Raᒒma. The SaᦧĆěĐ that have settled in the townofÄshahavesomecollaborationwiththetourguidesworkinginWadiRamm, providingcamelsafaris.269YoungmenalsocometoPetra,workingwiththeBedóŽin theirbusinesses,oronarchaeologicalexcavations.270 TheZel¢biyeandZew¢ydeliveintheareaofWadiRamm.Theyderivetheir originsfromtheᦧAnµzaConfederation.Thegroupsmovedtotheregioneitheratthe endof19thcenturyorinthe1920’s,askingforprotectionfromtheᏡuwayᒷ¢t.271They weregivenpermissiontousetheareaandthewells.Thetribescontinuetomaintain the tradition of their origins, even though they are nowadays counted among the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢t. Although ƒ perennial spring located in the Wadi Ramm has provided ƒ

26223M1SaᦧĆěÄn,AmmSayᒒó2011. 263Oppenheim(1943:19)givesonlythenamesofthreesubtribes:Sró”Ä›Än,Zew¢ydeandIbnMufarrej. HeisalsotheonlyonewholistsRw¢jfeundertheSaᦧĆěÄn,notingthatthistribelivesundertheir protectionin¢jef.Hillelson(1939:124)listsHam¢yita,Ram¢mna,Madh¢Ä”andRaw¢yda.Musil’slist (1907:46)hastwosubtribes:Saw¢ryeandQab¢le,with13familieslistedunderthem. 26423M1SaᦧĆěĐAmmSayᒒó2011.OnlyfivenamescoincidewithMusil’slistof13. 265Hillelson1939:126. 266Sajdi2007. 267Hillelson1939:125Ȃ126. 268BoccoƬChatelard2001:8. 269Chatelard2006:724. 270WhiletheBedól,ᦧAm¢”ĐandSaᦧĆěĐhaveƒlotofcontacts,thelastwereoftendescribedasbeing moresuspiciousandlessopentowardsstrangers. 271TheearlierdateforarrivingintheareaseemsplausibleasMusil(1907:54)alreadylistedthe Zew¢yde,includingtheirsubtribeZel¢biyeamongtheᏡuwayᒷ¢–Ibn ¢œÄǤHealsogivesthenameoftheir wateringplace:“Iram.”

74

naturalgatheringplaceforthefamilies,itwasonlyinthe1970’s,followingthe governmentincentive,whentheZel¢biyebegantosettleinthevalley.272Graduallythe villagehasgrownintoƒcommunityofapproximate1200people.273TheZew¢yde,on the other hand, settled further north-east, in the area of Äse, where agricultural projects were launched to help the Bedouin towards sedentarization.274 While agricultureprofitedtheZew¢yde,theZel¢biyecontinuedtheirpastoralistwayoflife. ThescalesturnedwiththeincreasingtourisminWadiRamm.TheZel¢biyewerenow living at the center of tourist activities, and while many members of the tribe still continue to live in tents outside the town, most of the men are now involved in tourism. Maᦧ¢isanoasisandanoldnexusoftradebetweenSyria,EgyptandtheHijaz. ItsgreatimportancederivesfromitsstatusasthelastrestingstationalongtheHajj routebeforeenteringtheHijaz.ThetradecaravanscameasfarasfromPalestine,but alsothelocalvillagesandBedouinproducedfoodanditemsforsaletopilgrims.Maᦧ¢ wastheonlysoutherntowntoreceivethestatusofbaladiyya during the Ottoman period,in1898.275Thetownisdividedintotwosections.Thenorthernhalfiscalled Maᦧ¢ al-᐀aghÄreor Sh¢Äye, and the name al-Magh¢ra is also used. The tribes who have lived in the northern half include ᦧIy¢Ž al-Ꮱ‡ᒲ¢ and al-Qar¢mse. The southern sectionisknownasMaᦧ¢al-Maᒲ”Äye,Maᦧ¢al-KabÄreorHij¢œÄye.Itisdominatedby twotribes,Tah¢taandKar¢shÄn.276

5.1.3. FrompastoralismtotourismȂadaptationsineconomy TourismasƒnewsourceofincomehasaffectedmanyofthetribesinJordaninthepast decades.Tourismhaslargelyreplacedpastoralism,agriculturalprojects,thearmyand daylaborasƒmeansoflivelihood,especiallyinPetra regionandWadiRamm,butalso thetribeslivingonthefringesofthecentraltouristattractions(suchastheᦧAm¢”Đin Bayᒅ¢ᦦandtheZew¢ydeinÄse)havebeenmakingattemptstoattractmoretouriststo theirareas.Finally,thereareareaswithouttouristicactivitiesmainlyduetothelackof notable sights of interests (for example, the whole Wadi Araba region) that have become or remain the peripheries with their tribes lagging behind in economic development. While tourism and business have opened an access to wealth in the society,theyhaveatthesametimeforcedpeopletoreevaluatetraditionalidentityand values. Especially important has been the question of combining tourism and the systemoftribalhonor. For most of the tourists, the experience they seek is painted by ƒ Neo- OrientalistvisionoftheBedouinanddesert.Theidealisbasedontheorganicmodel, whereBedouinareseenassomethingunchangeable,duetothenaturalessencethey possess.277TheBedouinthemselveshavelearnedthatiftheywishthetouriststocome,

272Chatelard2003:140. 273Chatelard2005:1. 274Chatelard2003:150. 275Reimer2005:194. 27616MG2,Maᦧ¢2007. 277Layne1989:25.

75

theyneedtocreatethatexperienceȂwhetheritisrealisticornot.278TheBedól,for example,havenotbeentraditionalcamelowners,sincetheirwayoflifewasbasedon herding goats. With the increasing number of visitors coming into their areas, the BedóŽtoohavepurchasedcamelsȂbecausethatiswhatthetouristsexpecttosee.279 OneofthemostimportantvaluesoftheBedouinethosishospitality,karamǤIt isoftenrelatedtotheharshlifeinthearidsteppe,wheretravelersweregivenfoodand shelter.Thehostatonemomentmightbetheoneinneedofaidsomeothertime.Thus, hospitalityisnotsimplyanaltruisticactofgrace,butƒsystemofreciprocity.Atthe sametime,itofferstheopportunityforincreasinghonorandprestigeȂbothforthe individualandforthewholetribeinwhosenamethehospitalityisoffered.280Ithas alsoenabledƒritualizedinclusionofstrangersintotheprivatesphereofthehome.The strangerbecomesƒguestandalsoanaudiencefortheidealhospitalityofferedtohim, shelteredfromthelessidealrealitiesofthehost.281Inthistraditionalsystem,talking aboutpaymentandmoneywouldhavebeendishonorable. Tourists, of course, cannot participate in the traditional system of reciprocal hospitality.Instead,theypayfortheservicesofferedtothem.Although,forthe youngermembersofthelocaltribes,thequestionofmoneyisnolongeras controversialasfortheoldergenerations,thehonoraspectstillremainsƒquestion.282 GéraldineChatelardnotesƒcontinuationoftheoldperception:karamisstilloffered outoffreewill,notbecausethehostneedsthemoney,butbecausehewishestoextend hishospitalitytohisguests.However,thetraditionalhospitalityisstillrelatedtothe house:onlyƒlimitednumberofguestsareinvitedintothisprivatespace.283 The question of women’s participation in tourism is connected to the same discourse on spheres of public and private. In the pastoralist economy, the women possessedcertainindependenceandtheirworkwasessentialforthesurvivalofthe familyunit.Inaddition,thewomenwouldproducegoods,suchasdairyproductsand wovenrugsforsale,thusprovidingƒfamilywithsomeadditionalincome.Abu-Lughod notes the change in attitudes with the change of the economy and sedentarization amongtheAwl¢†ᦧAlÄofwesternEgypt.Theyoungwomenaremoredependenton theirhusbandsandmalerelativesingettingthingstheywantorneed,becomingmore housewives confined within the walls of the house.284  Chatelard has observed ƒ similarshifttakingplaceinWadiRamm,wherethemenareincreasinglyinvolvedin business with Western tourists, but at the same time keeping the women detached fromthisworld,confinedtotheprivatesphereoflife.Manyofthemenprefertokeep women“ignorant,”shiftingthebalanceofpowerastheyhavetheauthorityandroleof

278Chatelard2005:5. 279Cole2003:255.Chatelard(2005:9)alsogivesanexamplefromWadiRamm,whichinguidebooksis presentedasƒperfectimageofpristinedesert.ThevillagewheretheBedouinactuallylivetodayisseen asanunwanteddetailandvisitorsareadvisedtoavoidtheplace. 280Chatelard2005:30. 281Shryock2004:37. 282TheBedouinareoftendisinclinedtostateanexactsumforƒservice,evenwhentheydohavesuchin mind.“It’suptoyou”isƒcommonresponsetoƒquestionaboutthecost. 283Chatelard2005:30.Bille(2008:77-79)alsodiscussesthesanctityofprivatespaceandhospitality. 284Abu-Lughod1990:49.

76

provider.285 On the other hand, there also seems to be ƒ more recent tendency in youngercouplestomovebacktotheencampments,awayfromthetown.Themen drivedailytoworkwiththetourists,takingthechildrentoschoolatthesametime. Thewomenagainhavetheopportunitytoparticipateinthedomesticeconomy,and theymayalsopreparemealsforthetourists.286Thistypeofshiftmayberelatedtothe changingnumbersoftouristsandthefluctuatingincomefromthebusiness.homein ƒtentprovidesƒ“safetynet,”anopportunitytoreturntoƒpastoraleconomywhenthe tourismeconomyfails. TheᦧAm¢”Än,wholiveinal-Bayᒅ¢ᦦhavebeenabletobenefitfromtheirlocation whichattractsoccasionaltouristsfromPetraonƒdaytriptoseethe“LittlePetra”site. Inadditiontothesouvenirstallsattheentrancetotheēal-B¢rid,theᦧAm¢”Đhave also established tourist camps, which offer Bedouin-themed programs for visitors. There are dinners, music and dance performances, and ƒ chance to sleep in ƒ well- furnished tent.  observed two of these “Bedouin nights” in 2005. In both of these events,theprogram,includingthedinner,wasorganizedmainlybyyoungmen.Atone event, there were some women baking bread, but they remained in the background throughoutthenight.Whenthebakingwaspointedoutbytheguide,thetouristscame to take photographs. The women found this situation seemingly awkward and uncomfortable. ItistheBedóŽwhoseemtobethemostopentowardswomenparticipatingin thetouristbusiness.Thisisknowntotheothertribesintheregionaswell:in2005,  wastoldbyƒmanfromWadió•¢thattheBedóŽarenotrealBedouinbecausethey allowtheirwomentoworkwiththetourists.Therehasclearlybeenanincreaseinthe numberofwomenworkingintourism.DuringmyfirstvisitstoPetrastartingin2000, mostlyolderwomenandyounggirlscouldbeseeninthePetraValley,selling necklacesandsmallpiecesofcolorfulsandstone.Recently,severalBedóŽfamilieshave builtmorepermanentsouvenirstallsandcafesinsidethePetraarea,andƒfewmen havebroughttheirwivesandotherfemalerelativestohelpinthesestalls.Inthefamily where stayed,mostwomenwereactivelyparticipatinginpreparingmealsfortourist groups,andsomeofthemwerealsosellingsouvenirsandteainƒstall.Ontheother hand,offeringridesoncamelsanddonkeysinPetra,aswellasguidinggroupsintothe desert,287isalmostexclusivelytheworkofmen. To me, two factors seem very plausible explanations for this. Firstly, the Petra Valleyistheancienthomeofthetribe.Onefamilyhasestablishedtheirsouvenirstall and tea room in the very same cave where they used to live before moving to the village.Anoldwomansellshernecklacesinfrontofheroldcave,thoughshehasno meanstoestablishƒstallthere.Thus,whenthewomencometoworkinPetra,theyare

285Chatelard2005:32. 286Chatelard2006:725. 287Chatelard(2005:219)discussesthechangeinterminologyamongtheBedouinofWadiRamm.The raȌhasbecomecommonwhenpeopletalkabouttakingtouristsonguidedtours٭ƒڍ)”word“desert aroundtheregion.Yet,theareahasnotbeentraditionallycalled“desert”bythelocalBedouin.The geographicalnameis“„¢diya,dz“steppe,”whilethewordusedofthe“undomesticated”area,ƒplace wherethetentsare,asopposedtothepermanenthouses,iscalled“al-barr.dz

77

still “at home.” There is no similar clear separation between the private sphere of homeandthespacewheretouristsareasinWadiRammȂorinthecaseofthelonger tourstothedesertamongtheBedól,aswell.Secondly,aboutƒdozenWesternwomen havemarriedƒBedóŽmanandsettledinthevillage.Althoughthenumberissmalland severalofthewomendidnotchoosetostay,manyofthemactivelyparticipatedinthe creationandestablishmentoftouristbusinesseswiththeirhusbands.Theirlanguage skills and knowledge of bureaucracy have probably been an important asset in planning and marketing. As ƒ whole, havingWestern “girlfriends” has become more commonamongtheyoungBedouinmenintheareaswheretourismplaysan importantroleintheeconomy,suchasPetraandWadiRamm.“Fishing”Ȃthefish beingyoungandsometimesalsoolderfemaletravelersǦisƒpursuitoftheunmarried youngmenwhoneverthelessseeitaslittlemorethanƒbitofentertainment,ifnotan opportunitytomovetoEurope.Incontrasttothistrend,thefewwomenwhohave chosentolivewiththeBedouinhaveacceptedthelifestyleandnormsofthetribal society,butatthesametimehavealsoprovidedƒdifferentmodeltothelocalpeople.

5.2. NationalidentityȂThenarrativeoftheJordanianstate

Anymodernnationisfundamentallyan“imagined”community.288Inorderforƒnation toexist,itmusthaveƒ“heritage,”ƒnarratedcommonpastthatunifiesitsinhabitants andcreatessenseofidentity.289KimberlyCavanaghstatesthatthenationalidentityis composed of distinct elements such as national narratives, ƒ foundational myth, the inventingoftraditionsandtimelessness.290Atthesametime,however,thestatestoday areunderconstantpressuretodevelop,tomodernizeandkeepupwiththespeedof global change. This ambivalent situation alsocharacterizes the national discourse of Jordan.291 Throughout its existence, the state of Jordan has been described as “not being ƒ nation,” or being an “artificial entity” which was only created to serve the politicalinterestsofBritaininMiddleEast.292Althoughtheareabecamestrategically more significant after 1924, it was still seen by the British as ƒ mere buffer state againsttheexpansionistinterestsoftheSaudiregime.293 ChoosingBedouinheritagewasƒconsciousdetachmentfromtheidentitiesof theothernationsoftheregion:Syriawaspromotingitsurbanidentity,andPalestine was basing its identity on rural village culture. The steppe and the nomads thus becamethefoundationoftheJordaniannarrative.Thisisalsothebasisofthedual attitudeofthestatetowardsBedouinculture,ononehand,andoftheBedouintowards the state on the other. Indeed, the tribal communities themselves had shown little interestinthestate.Theyhadnorespectforgeographicalboundariesorthenationas

288Anderson1996:6. 289Layne1989:34. 290Cavanagh2006:39. 291Adely2004:363. 292Oren1990:171. 293Alon2005:220,Casto1938.

78

itwasunderstoodinmodernWesternrhetoric.294FortheBritishandEmirAbdullah,in order to create an independent and modern Jordanian nation, it was imperative to incorporatethetribalcommunitiesandmakethemacceptthestateandgovernment. Althoughtheprocessofmodernizationofthenomadictribeshasoftenbeenseenasƒ development that was launched during the British Mandate, the foundations of this processwerealreadylaidundertheOttomanrule.TheOttomansthemselvesmayhave been borrowing colonialist methods from the Western world in an attempt not to becomeƒcolonythemselvesandasƒresponsetothegrowingpressuresofthe West.295 Starting with military reform already in the late 18th century, the reorganizationorTanzimatbeganin1839,asanattempttomodernizetheoutdated systemsprevailinginthestatestructures.FortheregionofTransjordan,perhapsthe mostvisiblechangeswererelatedtolandownershipandprovincialadministration.296 Although military power as ƒ show of force was also used in an attempt to pacifythesouthernregions,itwasnotthemaintacticsforcontrolusedbytheregime. The Ottoman means were very similar to the methods used by the British Mandate officers ƒ few decades later: giving the tribes the right to maintain old systems of power and offering tribal leaders subsidies and honorary titles in return for their loyalty.297Withtheregimeinneedofallpossiblesupport,theBedouinwerenowtobe saved from their savagery and made useful to the modern state: tribes were turned into an armed force that could defend their land against possible attacks by the Westernpowers.298 TheinitiativesstartedbytheOttomanrulerswereshort-lived,andespeciallyin theregionsoftheHijazandTransjordaneventuallyturnedagainstthem.TheYoung TurkideologytriedtoappealtoIslamicsolidarityandunitethenationsunderOttoman ruleagainstthecommonnon-Muslimcolonialthreat.Atthesametime,italsoreplaced Muslimidentitywithƒnationalistsecularidentity,thusgivingƒstartingpointforArab nationalismȂandhelpingthecolonialpowersintheiraspirations.299 TheBritishcontinuedthepracticesalreadystartedbytheOttomanregime.In thebeginning,theydidlittletoimposedirectcontrolonthesouthernregions.British rulecouldbedescribedas“agameofcompromise,briberyandconciliation.”300Inthe northern parts of Transjordan, Ottoman officers had discarded the old territories, claiming all uncultivated areas as property of the state. In these areas they settled farmers,andafter1851,coloniesinhabitedbyCircassiansandChechenswere

294Thomas2003:555. 295Deringil2003:311-312. 296Rogan1999:5. 297Alon2005:218. 298Deringil2003:322.InLibya,theOttomansmanagedtomobilizetheSanó•Äsheikhs.IntheHijaz,the governorOsmanNuriPasastatedsixpriorities:establishmentofadministrativeandpoliticaldivisions, constructionofgovernmentbuildingsandmilitaryestablishments,courtsoflaw,educationand progressintradesandprofessions,increasingrevenuesandbuildingroads,allinordertobringthe Bedouinundercontrolandcivilizethemsothattheywouldnotcontinuetoliveaccordingtotheir savagecustomswhichareagainstSharÄᦧƒandmodernlaws.(Deringil2003:327). 299Deringil2003:341,Wynbrandt2004:175. 300Thomas2003:546.

79

establishedinAmmanandJarash.301TheBedouinpopulationnaturallyopposedthis process,attackingthesettlers,butthisonlylaunchedƒseriesofcounterattacksfrom the Ottomans. Finally, the Bedouin began to register their tribal lands as cultivated areasȂ and astheywerenowforcedtostart farmingthislandtoensuretheirlegal claims,theprocessofsedentarizationslowlybegantotakeplaceamongthenomadic tribesinthenorthernpartofTransjordan.TheBedouinofthesouthwerestillmostly unaffectedbythesereformations.302Thechangetookplacein1923whenthe†Ärasof the south also became state-owned.303 Restriction of movement on frontier areas, prohibitingraids,andallocatinglandforcultivationgraduallycreatedchallengesfor maintaining the nomadic lifestyle. The borders cut the connection between the traditional grazing grounds of the tribes. Cultivating the land in order to keep it ƒ tribe’spropertycompelledthemembersofthetribestochooseeithernomadismor sedentarization.304Theprocesswasfurtherquickenedbyfoodshortagesand depressionfollowingWWI.Thetribesandtheirflockssufferingfromdroughtand starvation turnedtowards colonialpowers for help.305Since1936,theofficialcamel herding tribes were given ƒ special position in the country, and they were administeredunder“Bedouincontrollaws”whiletheothercitizenswereplacedunder thecivillawofthestate.306 The national ideology of the Jordanian state was shaped from ƒ mutual compromisebetweenthetribesandtheroyalhouse.Thistiewasstrengthenedwith theestablishmentoftheDesertPatrolForcein1930.Thenewunitwasƒresultofthe raidsmadebytheIkhw¢warriorswhowereattackingacrosstheborderfromthe south. While the tribes in Transjordan were restrained from counterattacking, the Britishtightenedtheircontrolintheborderregion.WhenJohnGlubbwassentfrom Iraqtosolvetheproblemoftheraids,hesoonbecametheundisputedauthorityinthe desert with his diplomatic and mediation skills. The members of the Desert Patrol were recruited from the local Bedouin who knew the steppe and were given the opportunity for military training, modern weapons, cars and ƒ salary.307  military career remained an important source of income among the Bedouin until modern times.BeingƒsoldierwasseenasanhonorableoccupationamongtheBedouin,andit was,therefore,ƒhighlysought-aftercareer.In1965,itwasestimatedthat70%ofthe youngBedouinmaleswereservinginthearmy.308TheBedouinwerealsoseenasthe loyaldefendersofthethrone,andƒforceonwhichthekingcouldrely.309 ComparedtomanyotherregionsintheMiddleEast,theintegrationofthetribes into the modern state system was accomplished with much better success. The

301Shoup1980:46. 302BoccoƬChatelard2001:6. 303Chatelard2003:150. 304Thomas2003:560. 305Thomas2003:544. 306Shryock1995:328. 307Alon2005:224-225. 308Shoup1980:107. 309BoccoƬChatelard2001:7.

80

nomads in Syria, Iraq and Palestine, in comparison, were mostly subjugated and marginalizedbothpoliticallyandculturally.But,althoughthebondbetweenthetribal leaders and the king was established at an early phase, the Bedouin-based state ideologytookƒlongtimetoevolve.Thefirstturningpointwasthecreationofthestate of Israel. Jordan was still ƒ developing country with ƒ population of about 500,000 when it received Palestinian refugees that equaled in number 60% of the original population.310 The annexation of West Bank in 1950 increased the Palestinian populationinJordanbyalmost850,000. Even though the tribes of Transjordan had always been under the special protectionoftheroyalhouse,thePalestinianshadmanyadvantagesduringthefirst decades.ThekingemphasizedhiscommitmenttothePalestinianquestion,andunityȂ “twopeople,onenation”becameoneoftheleadingmantrasofthestate.311Asthestate jobs were mostly allocated to the Bedouin, the Palestinians started establishing the private sector. Still, the identity of the West Bankers remained different from the people of Transjordan. The Palestinians remained attached to the villages of their origin, and dissatisfaction towards the king and his policies increased until it culminatedintheBlackSeptemberof1970.ThearmedconflictlasteduntilJuly1971, leadingtotheexpulsionoftheforcesofPalestinianresistance.312 In1988ArielSharon,thentheMinisterofDefense,madehisfamousstatement: “Jordan is Palestine.” This recalls the much older rhetoric that was used to define Palestinedecadesearlier:thecountrywasseenas“alandwithoutƒpeople,”oreven withouthavingƒhistoryofitsown.313NowJordanwasonlyseenasƒplacewherethe Palestinians lived as refugees. King Hussein reacted into this statement quickly, declaring “Jordan is not Palestine.”314TheneedtobedistancedfromtheIsraeli rhetoricgaveroomforJordan’s“EastBankerfirst”–policy.Thispolicyhadalready emergedinthewakeoftheeventsofBlackSeptember,givingƒconsciouspreference toTransjordaniansinhiringworkersforthepublicsector,andinturn,alienatingthe Palestinian population even further.315Nevertheless,theeconomicshifttowardsthe private sector had benefited the Palestinians more than Transjordanians who had alreadybeeninclinedtowardsthepublicsector. The1970’sandthe1980’swasalsotheperiodofactivebuildingofthenational identity,evenbasingitconsciouslyontheBedouinheritage.TheBedouinimagewas drawn for the use of the tourism business, but the values, symbols and the whole conceptoftheBedouinoriginsofthenationwaswidelypromotedintheliteratureand national imagery.316 But, even the old ties between the monarchy and tribes had becomemoreproblematic.The1980’ssawƒnewtrendininternalrelationships,when riots broke out in tribal areas that had been seen as loyal to the throne. With the

310Baster1955:35. 311Brand1995:52. 312Brand1995:52. 313Muir2008. 314Layne1989:27-28. 315Brand1995:53. 316Alon2009:157.

81

increasingantigovernmentfeelingsamongtheBedouin,thekingcouldnolongerfully trustinthesupportofthetribes.317 The last three decades have given rise to thenew urban elite, representing ƒ newJordanianidentity.DuringthereignofKingAbdullahII,(1999-Ȍthisnewalliance hasbeenreinforced,andtheoldsystemofcooperationbetweenthekingandthetribes hasbecomelessimportant.318Nevertheless,itshouldbenotedthatƒlargepartofthis urbanelitealsohasƒtribalbackground.Theleadersoftheoldpowerfultribalalliances have built themselves houses in Amman, and their families have become urbanized. The tribal nation still exists, even though it is changing its form and moving from steppetotown.

5.3. ReligiousidentityȂIslaminJordan

JustasthestateofJordangroundsitsnationalnarrativeontribalism,itisatthesame timerelyinguponIslamasthesourceofpoliticallegitimacy.Thereligiousauthorityof theroyalhouseisbasedontwofacts:thelineageofthefamily,andtheirtraditional roleasguardiansofholycities.TheHashemitefamilyispartoftheQurayshtribe,and KingAbdullahIIisƒdescendantoftheProphetthroughhisgrandsonal-Ꮱasan.The same family controlled Mecca for more than seven centuries, from 1201 until1925. Thefamilyalsoconsidersitselfƒ“guardianoftheIslamicfaithandtheholycityofal- Qudsal-Sharif.dzTheroyalhousehasmadeseveralrestorationsofal-Aqᒲ¢Mosqueand theDomeoftheRockduringthe20thcentury.319ThedirectconnectiontotheProphet and to the three holiest cities of Islam was further strengthened by an aura of martyrdom,whenthefirstking,AbdullahI,wasassassinatedinal-Aqᒲ¢in1951.320 Theintricatebalancebetweenthetribalnotion,ononehand,andthereligious baseontheotherisƒcuriousmixtureastribalismisoftenequatedinurbanspeech with(religious)ignoranceanddisorder.321AlthoughthemoralvaluesoftheBedouin areattimesseenasfundamentallyArab(orMuslim)values,theyareatthesametime consideredbeingun-Islamicinpromotingblindallegiancetowardskin,nomatterwhat thesituation.322Interestingly,theconnectionbetweensedentarizationoftheBedouin andreligiousrevivaliswellattestedinhistory.Theseelementswerebothpresentin theSanó•ÄyamovementofLibyaandtheWahhabiideologyinSaudiArabia.323 Asƒwhole,about92%ofJordan’sinhabitantsareSunniMuslimswiththe ᏡanafÄschooloflawbeingthemostimportant.Thoughthereisfreedomofreligion,the statecontrolsthereligiousbuildingsandtheteachingofIslaminschoolsandmosques, mainlythroughtheMinistryofAwq¢ˆandReligiousAffairs.Theimamsofthemosques areemployedbythegovernmentandreceivetheirwagesfromtheMinistry.Recently,

317Brand1995:54-55. 318Chatelard2003:152. 319TheRoyalHashemiteCourt.http://www.kinghussein.gov.jo/islam_restoration.html 320Wiktorowicz1999:679-680. 321Shryock1995:326. 322Layne1989:26,BoccoƬChatelard2001:9. 323Cole2003:241.

82

there has been ƒ growing tendency to hire moderate imams.324 The Ministry also controlsallthemainIslamicholysitesinthecountry,whichinclude20shrines randothernotablepeopleofIslamichistory,15shrines¢ڍba,an¢٭ƒڍdedicatedtothe dedicated to the anbiy¢஝ǡandƒnumberofhistoricalsitessuchasbattlelocations. Caretakers of the shrines are also state employees. Visiting these acknowledged shrinesisencouragedbutotherplacesarenotrecognized.Thecelebrationofmaw¢lid hasalsobeenprohibited,thoughcelebratingmawlidal-nabÄhasbeenallowed.325 The Sufi orders that used to be the most important element of expressing personal piety in large areas of the Islamic world in the past have left almost no remainingevidenceofbeingpresentinJordan.Itmaybethatduringtheformationand expansionoftheSufiphilosophy,theareaofJordanwaslargelyinaccessibleȂor perhaps,inthecaseofsouthJordan,toosparselypopulatedandthetribestoomobile toallowSufismtoputdownrootsinthearea.326 Towards the end of the Ottoman regime,someSufisheikhsmovedintotheareaofTransjordan,butsettledinthetowns andvillagessuchasSalt,AmmanandKarak.Moreactivityhasbeenseenafter1940, among the earliest, the establishment of ƒ meeting place (œ¢wiyaȌ of the ᦧAlawÄya Darq¢™Äya order in Kufr ó„¢ near Irbid and an increasing number of others, supportedbyrefugeesofPalestinianorigin.ThereisalsoactivitybyJam¢ᦧatTablÄgh, whichfocusesmainlyongrassrootsmissionarywork(daஞwa).Themovementcamein 1964fromIndia.Today,manyofthemajorSufiordersseemtohaveƒpresencein Jordan, their zaw¢ya concentrating in Amman and other northern cities. Only one œ¢wiya exists in southern Jordan, that of the Ď¢ŽÄ branch of the Sh¢dhilÄ order in downtown Maᦧ¢n.327TheSheikhsoftheordersaremainlyofPalestinianorSyrian origin.328 Allinall,thereseemstobelittleevidencefortheinfluenceofSufisminthe awwufandSufiordersinڍsouthernregionsinthepast.329 broughtupthetopicofta some informal conversations during my time in Petra, but in all cases, the people present(middle-agedorolderBedóŽmenandwomen)seemedtobeunawareofthe termoritsmeaning. The emergence of the movements aiming towards the revival of the Islamic faithsincethe1970’shashadaneffectonJordanianreligiosity,aswell.Asƒwhole,ƒ more conservative approach to Islam is seen to have become more prominent in

324Wiktorowicz1999:686. 325Shimizu1989:67. donotknowhowcommonthecelebrationofProphet’sbirthdayisinthecountry. TheBedóŽdidnotcelebrateanybirthdays,noteventhatoftheProphet. 326Shimizu1989:65.Walker(2008:217)notesthescarcityofscholarlyresearchonSufisminJordan. ShenotesthattherewereSufinetworksintheregion,alreadydocumentedinthe16thcenturytax registers.However,thiswouldprobablyonlyincludethenorthernpartsofmodernJordan,thesouth havingbeenmostlyoutsideanystatecontrol. 327AbuHanieh2011:136. 328SeeAbuHanieh2011forƒdetailedlistandhistoryofJordanianSufism. 329Shimizu1989:64.RamiSajdihasinterviewedƒmanfromWadiArabawhomhecallsƒ“shaman” (faqÄr).Thepersonmentionsthe“fourposts”(seeCh.4.2.),callingthem“AlRifai,AlDasouqi,AlJilani, andAlSayyedAhmad.dzThus,thereseemstobesomeamountofknowledgeofSufimysticisminthe region.SajdihimselfdoesnotmentionSufisminthecontext,buttalksaboutBedouinshamanism instead.(http://www.acacialand.com/Al%20Jilani.html)

83

Jordaninthepasttwodecades.330OftheIslamicmovements,theMuslimBrotherhood isthelargestone,anditisalsoallowedtooperateofficiallybythestate.Ithasitsown political party, the Islamic Action Front, which has had its strongest support from JordaniansofPalestinianorigin.Theparty,however,boycottedtheelectionsof2010. Finally, there has been Salafi activity in the country since the 1970’s, when the first generationofteacherswenttostudyinEgypt,LebanonandSyria.Themovementis not ƒ unified institution as it has no official status in the regime and it relies upon informal social networks in attracting new members and informing them about activities. Only ƒ small Salafi NGO, “Quran and Sunna Society,” has received formal status,in1993.MostoftheactivityisbasedonmeetingsatthehomesofSalafi scholars.Thereisnocentralleader,either,butthefollowersmayattendlessonsby various scholars who specialize in different topics. The Salafi groups are heavily concentratedintheZarqaareaandAmman,butfollowersaresaidtoexisteverywhere inthecountry.331 It is an interesting paradox that the criticism presented by the Islamist movementstowardstheregimeisbasedonthesameideasthattheroyalhouseusesto legitimize its rule. The peace treaty with Israel, various projects of modernization deemed by the Islamists as Westernization have been strongly opposed by various groups.Theteachinginthemosques andschools,butprobablyalsotheinfluenceof Islamist movements and Sufi orders in the north, all together create ƒ new understandingofIslamicidentity.Whatisinterpretedasbeingproperandwithinthe Islamictraditionisconstructedbythepeoplebasedonwhattheylearnandobserve, andtheseinterpretationshavebeentakingnewformsthroughouttheregion.332Adely has argued that schools and modern education have given the Jordanian people not onlygreateraccess,butalsogreatercontroloverconstructingreligiousidentity.333

5.4. DefiningIdentities

ThisshortintroductiontotheaspectsofidentityinJordantodayandinthepast,shows theinteractionamonglocal,nationalandglobal.TheJordanianstatebuildsitsidentity uponthefoundationoftribalism,Pan-Arabismandreligiouslegitimacy.Allaspectsare integrated into the Jordanian national ethos which has attempted to unify ƒ very fragmented society. History has proven that the Kingdom of Jordan has managed to surviveseveralperiodsofcrisisandevenstrengthen,thesociety.Asrecentlyasinthe 1990’s, it was widely suspected that the country would fall into disarray after the death of King Hussein.334Tothesurpriseofmany,AbdullahII’srisetopowertook placewithoutmajorproblems.EventheArabSpringhassofarnotbeenabletoshake

330Theconceptof“Conservative”herereferstothenotionof“TajdÄd”,theIslamicrenovation,returning tothe“origins”ofthefaith,withthememoryandidentitybuiltupontheknowledgeoftheseorigins. 331Wiktorowicz2000:233. 332Adely2004:362. 333Adely2004:355. 334Shryock1995:355.

84

therealmthewayitdidinmanyotherArabcountries.Itseemsthatforƒnationthatis “notƒnation,”Jordanhasbeenabletocreateƒverystrongnationalidentity. IsitpossibletocombinethenationalȂorevenglobalǦwiththelocalidentity? Internationalaffairs,politicsandtheeconomyhavealwaysplayedƒroleinthelocal sphere.Theimportanceofvarioustribalconfederationsandtheirlevelofinfluencein theregionhavebeenaffectedbyinteractionwithforeignpowers,ashasbeenshown bytheexamplesoftheOttomanandMandateerapolitics.Inmorerecenttimes,the PalestinianquestionandPan-Arabismhavebothhadƒprominentplaceinthenational discourse.Inaddition,withtourismbecomingincreasinglyimportanttothesouthern tribes, it has been necessary for the local identity to re-create itself to serve the interestsofƒneweconomy. On the national level, the state has been very receptive in adopting various elements of the Bedouin culture. As part of creating ƒ nationalheritage, Jordanhas incorporatedtheBedouinintothestatenarrative,formingƒunifiedidentitywherethe Bedouinpastplaysanimportantpart.Thisconsciousnation-buildinghasalsobeenƒ reactiontoPalestinianpolitics,nottomentiontheaspectofpromotingtourism.Inthe touristbusiness,theBedouinmustoffervisitorsƒglimpseof"Otherness"whichthe tourists expect to see, and keep many aspects of their own reality away from the tourists’gaze.335Onlycertainaspectshavebeenselectedandacceptedintothemodern JordanianBedouinheritage:artsandcrafts,suchascoffeepotsorcamelsaddleshave beenturnedintomaterialsymbolsofthenationandtheancientBedouinvaluesof generosityandhospitalityarenowpartofbeingJordanian. abÄyaǡgroupڍHowever,therearealsoaspectsthathavenotbeenaccepted:theஞƒ solidarityitselfhasbecomeƒsymbolofbackwardnessandignoranceandrepresents forces that prevent development and modernization. Even the positive values of a,personalڒ•¢assistanceandmediationhavebecomedisincentives.Thisconceptof™ connections,isstillwellknowninmodernpolitics.Theindividualspossessingwealth andstatusareexpectedtohelpthemembersoftheirtribesbyusingtheirpolitical influence.Inthepast,itwasshownintheformofaid,wherethepowerfulindividual offeredfood,lodgingandsecuritytothoseneedingthem.Inmorerecenttimes,for individualsinthevarioustribes,thishasbeenƒmeansofgettingtheirvoicesheardin thesocietyandobtainingƒjob,educationfortheirchildren,orothercommodities.336 a is simply an outdated system of nepotism andڒ•¢™ ,However, in modern politics bribery. Thenationalideologyhaslittleroomfortheconflictingtribalhistories,stories ofpastglories,ofwarfare,raidsandheroicleaders.Thelocalizedidentitiescannotbe includedinthenarrativeofthemodernstate,whereBedouinismhasbecomeƒshared source,ƒrepresentationofthenationasƒwhole.337Jordanisonebigtribewiththe kingasthefatherfigure,theshµkhal-mash¢yikh.Ontheotherhand,BoccoƬChatelard

335Chatelard2005:2. 336Shryock2004:54-55. 337Layne1989:35.

85

haveclaimedthatthe“nationalization”oftheBedouinidentityhasatthe sametime keptlocalidentitiesalive.338 Thisdichotomyintheapproachtowardstribaltraditionsistherealityinwhich the modern Bedouin of south Jordan live. But they should not be viewed as mere observers or passive recipients of externally generated values. The tribes have been activeparticipantsinthecourseofhistory,andnopoliticalactorintheregionhasbeen abletoignoretheirinfluenceȂthoughthetribesthemselvesmayhavebeenableto ignore the foreign rulers at times. In order to consolidate any political control, the rulershavehadtonegotiatewiththetribes,appeasethemandseektheirsupport.The triballeadershaveenjoyedƒspecialrelationshipwiththeroyalhouse,andthemutual support and interdependence has maintained cohesion within the society. It would, therefore,betotallymisleadingtothinkofthetribesassimplepawnsinthegame. Tribalpridestillhasƒstrongroleinlocalidentity,eventhoughthenationalandthe globalbothhavetheireffectonthepeopletoday. AlthoughtheformationofJordanianidentityandthechangesintribalsociety, economyandvalueshavebeeninthefocusofrecentstudies,lessattentionseemsto havebeenpaidtothetopicofreligiousidentity. haveonlyverybrieflytouchedupon the concept, describing the general situation on the state-level. There are notions of Jordanians being mainly Sunni Muslims, with specific studies concentrating on the developmentofrevivalistIslamicmovements.339ThefactofthemajorityofBedouin beingMuslimisseenassoself-evidentthatitisrarelynoted.Yet,byoverlookingwhat istakingplaceinthelivedreligionintheregion,thedynamismandexpressionsofpast traditions and changes in thought may pass unnoticed. Islam is part of the national ideologyandregulatedbythestate.Theroyallineislegitimatedbytheirlineagethat combinesthetribalelementwiththereligious,but,asthelocaltribalnarrativeshave becomeredundant,somayhavethelocalreligioustraditions. ShryocknotesƒsimilaritybetweentheWesternacademicapproachtoIslam andnationalism.Botharemainlystudiedonthebasisof“high”values,theidealtype whichisbasedonliterarysourcesconstructedbythepoliticalandreligiouselite.The study of popular religion, then, is “forced into the backwaters of Orientalist scholarship.”340 Perhaps it is then time to bring it back to the front, and study the variousformsoflivedreligionȂwhetherapprovedbytheeliteoropposedbyitȂ togetherwiththevariousformsoflocalizedidentity.Ontheotherhand,itshouldnot be forgotten that there exist ƒ number of ways to “live” ƒ religion. The Salafi movement, for example, is equally “popular religion”: many of its teachers have not hadanyformaltraining,andthusdonotrepresentwhatistraditionallyconsideredthe religiouselite.Theseteachersfocusonreligiousquestionsduringtheirfreetimeand often have totally mundane jobs. The movement also has strong support from the populationincertainareas.341

338BoccoƬChatelard2001:8. 339E.g.,Wiktorowicz2000. 340Shryock1995:326-7. 341Wiktorowicz2000:225.

86

The evidence presented so far gives ƒ rather solemn view of the history of Muslim identity in Jordan. In contrast to many other regions, including the surroundingareasofSyriaandPalestine,thepresenceofSufiordershasbeennotedas verysmall-scaleandrelativelyrecent.InChapter4,SufitarÄqaswereshowntohave been major agents in the maintenance of the tombs of the awliy¢஝ǡ as well as in organizing local pilgrimages and maw¢lid in many other regions, for example, in Morocco, Egypt and Palestine. However, there seems to be little evidence for such activity in Jordan. In addition, in the case of southern Jordan, the presence of the WahhabimovementandtheIkhw¢nactivityalongtheborderwasnotableonseveral occasions in the past. In his account, Burckhardt notes the situation in Wadi ó•¢ amongtheLiy¢thne:LiketheBedouinandotherinhabitantsofSheratheyhavebecome Wahabis,butdonotatpresentpayanytributetotheWahabichief.342TheWahhabis’ strict approach and fundamental interpretation of Islam resulted in an extremely negative attitude towards the veneration of saints and holy sites Ȃ to the point that saints’tombsweredestroyed. Fromthemorerecentperiod,thereisthegeneralobservationofJordanbecoming moreconservative,withevidenceofwidesupportforIslamistmovements,especially the Muslim Brotherhood but also various unofficial Salafi groups. Altogether these observations about the religious history of Jordan do not offer much support for findinglocalizedreligiouspracticesandtraditionsfromthesouthernarea.Inthenext twochapters, focusonthelivedreligiononthelocallevelandprovethetentative hypothesisofthelackoflocaltraditionsasmisleading.               



342Burckhardt1983[1822]:433.

87

6. THEHOLYSITESINSOUTHERNJORDANȂMATERIALAPPROACH

Beforecombiningtogetherthequestionofthethreetheoreticalaspectsdiscussedin Chapter͵Ȃmemory,identityandchangeȂitisnecessarytotakeƒdetailedlookatthe traditions of popular religion in the region and examine both the material and oral evidencepresentingthesetraditions.Inthepreviouschapter, introducedthepeople of the region, trying to discuss as much as is known of their recent past. The tribal character of the area is evident, and the Bedouin identity strongly defines the mentalityoftheinhabitants.Thegeographyoftheregiondefinestheirlivelihood,with themountains,thearidsteppeandthedeepArabaValleydominatingthescene.What, then,doesthesacredlandscapeofSouthernJordanlooklike? havealreadydiscussed the concept of sainthood and saints, the Arabic awliy¢஝ as it is seen among Islamic scholars and among the people, going through the major studies dealing with this topic.Sincemostofthisstudyisbasedonurbanorruralculture,howdoesitcompare tothenomadicsettingofsouthernJordan?Thischapterintroducestheresultsofmy surveyoftheholysitesinsouthernJordan. firstconcentrateonthematerialsources andthenmoveontothefolkloreandreligiouspracticesinthenextchapter.

6.1. Methodsandthesources

 number of individual sites have been included in the descriptions of recent archaeologicalsurveysandethnographicstudies,andtherearealsonotesfromvarious 19th century travelers mentioning such sites. Several places have been included in studiesofthetownsofWadió•¢andMaᦧ¢n,buttomyknowledge,therehasbeenno previousattempttoestablishƒ“sacredtopography”ofthewholeregion.Thepicture hasbeendrawnduringseveralvisitstothearea.Myoriginalattemptwastomakeƒ systematicsurvey,butitsoonturnedouttobebeyondmyresourcesandtimeframe. Therefore, haveconcentratedonƒfewareaswithinsouthernJordanandincludedthe material collected from each of these subregions, combining them to form ƒ wider picture. cannotsaythat havebeenabletofindeveryknownsite,but believethat the material nevertheless represents the region and provides ƒ wide range of informationconcerningthesacredplacesofsouthernJordan. Inordertofullyunderstandthecharacterofthesites,ithasbeenmyattemptto personallyvisitasmanyplacesaspossible.Themajorityofthesitesaresituatedin remoteregions,farfrommajorroads.Mostplaces,however,couldbereachedbycar, althoughtheroadswererarelypavedones.Inƒfewcases,thepathcouldnotbeused bymotorvehicles,andthesiteswereonlyreachedbyothermeans:camels,donkeys, or walking. On every trip,  was accompanied by ƒ local guide or driver. Part of the information was already collected in2002 when recording material formy Master’s Thesis.Atthattime, wasabletovisittheplacessituatedinWadió•¢ǤThemain survey,however,tookplaceduringmymainfieldseasonin2005. madeseveral1-4 dayjourneystootherregions.Thus, travelledseveraltimestoal-Bayᒅ¢ᦦǡthreetimes toWadiAraba,twicetoWadiRamm,thesecondvisitincludingƒtripfurthereastalong

88

thedesertroadtoMudawwara,oncenorthtoWadial-Ꮱas¢ᦦǡandoncesouthto QuwayraǤInAugust2007, surveyedthesitesofMaᦧ¢n.Myfourthsurveyvisittook placeinSeptember2009.Mymainfocusduringthisbriefvisitwastotraveltothearea ofSuff¢hainthenorth,which managedtodo.Finally,inNovember2011 studied againfiveplaces hadalreadyvisitedbefore,makingfurthernotesandtakingtheexact locationmeasurements.Inaddition, wasfinallyabletolocateSite31. The information about each place has been collected from all available sources, writtenandoral,andtheywillbediscussedinmoredetailwitheachsitedescription. Eachdescriptionbeginswithƒgeneraldescriptionofthelocationandappearance.  haveprovidedsomecoordinates,mostlyforwellknownplacesandnaturalformations, butinordertorespecttheprivatetombsandcemeteries, havedecidednottoinclude theexactlocationforeverysite.TheintroductionisfollowedbyƒlistofsourcesȂboth textualandoralȂ thatmentionthesite.Thirdly,ƒmoredetailedpresentationofthe site is provided, including the material structures, possible evidence of visits and relation to the surrounding area and earlier occupation. If there is any information concerningthecharacterofthesaintȂtowhomthetombbelongsifthesiteisƒgraveǦ orotherhistoryormythichistoryrelatedtothewalÄandthetribalrelationstothesite, thosewillbediscussedlast.Naturally,allthematerialobservationsarebasedondata thatisvisibleonthesurfaceandcanbestudiedwithoutdisturbingthesite.Exceptfor thefirstsitewhere  haveparticipatedintheformalexcavationproject,nointrusive methodshavebeenused.Theworkonthesitesconsistedofobservingboththesite anditsenvirons,writingƒthoroughdescriptionofthesiteandtakingphotographs.  havetriedtodividethesitesintogroupsbasedon,e.g.,location,relationtoothersites, sources and whether  was able to visit the site or not. While some groups Ȃ for example,thesiteslocatedinonetownȂformƒmorelogicalset,manyofthegroupings aresomewhatarbitrary.

6.2. Descriptionofsites

1.Jabal ¢”ó(N30.316543,E35.406529) ϥϭέΎϫ ϞΒΟ

TheMountainofAaronisthemostwellknownholysiteinthewholeregion.Itis situatedapproximatelyͷkmsouthwestoftheancientcitycenterofPetra.Risingtoca. 1327abovesealevel,itisthehighestpointoftheSharamountainrange,andits locationontheeasternedgeoftheRiftValleymakesitƒprominentsightfromall directions. It is easily visible when looking east from Wadi Araba, and also when comingdowntoPetrafromtheeasternhighplateau.Thereareseveralroutestothe mountain including Naqb al-Rub¢ஞÄ which is ƒ camel trail that leads up from Wadi Arabaclosetothefootofthemountain,butƒtrailalsocomesdownfromthePetra Valley.Traditionally,thedonkeyhasbeenthemostcommonmeansoftransportation whilesomepeoplehavealsousedhorsesandcamels.Inthelate1990’s, ƒdirtroad accessibletocarswasextendedtothefootofthemountainonthewesternsidewhere ƒ narrow, switchback path starts rising up. This is ƒ shortcut, known as darb al- magraba,usedbypeopletravelingonfoot.Themainrouteiscalleddarbal-nabÄ ¢”ó

89

and it is primarily used by those who are riding. This route is ƒ longer one but is accessible to animals. The trails lead up to ƒ wide high plateau where ƒ large architecturalcomplexcoveringabout3000m²issituated.Twohigherpeaksrisefrom theplateau,andƒsmallbuildingstandsonthenortheasternpeak,some70mabovethe plateau. Ofallthesiteslistedinthischapter,Aaron’smountainisbyfarthebest documentedone.StartingwiththeJewishhistorianJosephusinthe1stcentury,there arenumeroustextsdescribingthelocation,includingthePetrapapyrifoundin1993in thechurchinthecitycenterofPetra.Severalsourcesfromthecrusaderperiod,aswell asJewishandIslamictextsalsomentiontheplace.343Althoughthesitewasknown,the area was very little visited until the 19th century when Western travelers, explorers and Orientalists began to study the region. The first one to visit the ancient city of PetrawastheSwissexplorerJohanBurckhardtwhowasabletoenterthecityin1812 disguised as Muslim and insisting on wanting to sacrifice ƒ goat to prophet ¢”ón. AfterBurckhardt,tourismandresearchworkgrewslowlyduringthe19thcentury,and an increasing number of visitors managed to see Jabal ¢”ó and publish their observations.344Finally,the20thandearly21stcenturysourcesconcentrateespecially onthearchaeologicalremains.PetermanandSchickmadeƒbriefsurveyofthelarge complex on the plateau,345 and Lindner surveyed the mountain in more detail, describing the various archaeological remains.346 The most extensive material concerningtheruinedcomplexandalsothesurroundingareacomesfromtheworkof theFinnishJabalHarounProject. Uponarrivingonthemountainandafterƒshortwalktothenorthernhalfofthe plateau,themostvisiblestructureisthatoftheByzantinepilgrimagecenter,excavated bytheFinnishJabalHarounProjectsince1997.Thesiteisinruins,butitispossibleto seethelargechurchinthecenter,withƒsmallerchapelonitsnorthernside.Southof thechurchistheentrancetothesiteandsmallroomspossiblyrelatedtomonasticlife. Thenorthernsideisƒcomplexofsmallroomsaroundƒcentralcourtyard,anditmay havebeenthehostelforpilgrims.Theoldestpartofthestructureisonthewestern side of the complex.347 Large stone blocks were used to construct ƒ structure that seems to precede the Byzantine complex. The massive elements of the Western buildingclearlydifferfromtheworkedsandstonewallsoflaterbuildings,althoughit has been altered and integrated into the surrounding Christian structures. As the

343EusebiuslistsMountHorinhisOnomasticon(2005:165)Ǥmajorcrusadersource,HistoriaHieroso- lymitanabyFulcherofChartres(1059Ȃ1127)includesƒdescriptionofthemountain(1969:147).In 1217MagisterThetmarvisitedtheregionduringhispilgrimageintheHolyland(1837:15:10).Islamic sourcesincludeMuróŒal-Dhahabbyal-Masᦧó†Ä(1964:49)andArabChronicleral-NuwayrÄǡwho documentedthevoyageofSultanBaibarsandincludedƒdescriptionofhispassagethroughPetra. (Zayadine1985:173)ForƒmoredetailedlistofhistoricalsourcesmentioningtheMountainofAaron seeFrösenƬMiettunen2008. 344SeeMiettunen2008fordetailedinformationconcerningthe19thandearly20thcenturyvisitorsand theirpublishedmaterial. 345PetermanandSchick1996:473Ȃ479. 346Lindner2003:177-2004. 347Fiema2008:90.

90

buildingcontinuedtobeinusethroughouttheoccupationoftheByzantinecomplex, onlysuggestionscanbemaderegardingitsoriginalfunction.OtherfindsȂincluding several cisterns Ǧ dating to the Nabataean-Roman period prove activity and human presenceonthemountainpriortotheChristianera,andalsotheculticimportanceof themountainmaythusprecedetheJudaeo-Christiantradition.348 Continuing past the ruins towards the northern peak, ƒ path leads to the recently restored steps. At the foot of the peak, below the first steps, lies ƒ large undergroundcistern.Thisvaultedroomstillcollectswaterandhasbeeninuse recently.Otherstructuresrelatedtocollectinganddirectingtheflowofwatercanalso befoundonthemountain:thereisanothercisterninsidethepilgrimagecenter,withƒ waterchannelcarvedintothesideoftherockthatprobablyleadstowardsthecistern. thirdcisterncanbefoundtowardsthesouthernsideoftheplateau. Thestonestepsleadfromtheplateauuptothesummit,allthewayuptothe shrinewhichisƒsmall,approximately10šͺm,whitewashedstonebuildingwithƒ semicircular dome.The door ison the eastern side at its northern corner andhas ƒ platewithanArabicinscriptionattachedaboveit.Thesmallroominsidethebuilding isvaulted,andtheinteriorisverysimple.Whenenteringtheshrine,themostnotable featureisthecenotaphthatissituatedonthesouthernwall,rightaftertheentrance. Thisisanapproximately1.2longstonestructure,plasteredonthetopandwithfour pillarsatthecorners,mostofwhichcanbeidentifiedasbeinginsecondaryuse.Two aremadeofmarbleandhaveprobablybeenoriginallychancelscreenpostsinsome earlierstructure.ThefrontfaceofthecenotaphcontainsanotherArabicinscription, andinthecorners,variousgraffitiinHebrewandGreeklettersarestillvisible.Partof ƒpillarbase,approximately70cmhigh,standsbetweenthecenotaphandthemihrab. Theeasternhalfoftheroomcontainsƒmulticoloredopussectilefloor,partofwhich has been restored.  round obsidian plate, approximately 25 cm in diameter, is attachedtotheeasternsideofthenorthwall.Onthewesternside,ƒlowplatform containsmaterialforburningincense.Ascanbeseenfromthedescription,theinterior oftheshrineisquitesimple,themostnotableelementbeingthecenotaph.When first sawthecenotaphin2000,itwascoveredwithƒgreencloth.Sometornpiecesofred clothweretiedtothecovering,butin2004,thesepiecesweregone.Thecoveringfor the cenotaph has probably been changed periodically, as some travelers describe it beingalsored349orwhite350ǤNootherdecorationscanbeseenintheroom,butmany earlier visitors have seen ostrich eggs, glass beads and other votive offerings,351 althoughin2002,thelocalpeoplealreadydidnotseemtoanylongerrecognizethe traditionofostricheggs.Anotherfeatureisthepillarbase,ofwhichStephenswrites:

348Lindner(2003:200)suggestsƒNabataeantemplestoodonthesummit.SeealsoLahelmaƬFiema 2009. 349Stephens1837:73.AlsoTheDucdeLuynessawtheredcoveringandƒdustyturbanǤ(BrünnowƬ Domaszewski1904:423,quotingLuynes) 350BrünnowƬDomaszewski1904:421.TheyareactuallyquotingMorris,whoisprobablytalkingabout thecenotaphwhenhedescribesƒstonealtar,whichwefoundcoveredwithƒwhitecloth,stainedwiththe bloodoflambs. 351Robinson1930:258;Stanley1852:86;Crosby1851:216.

91

Atits[thecenotaph’s]headstoodƒhighroundstone,onwhichtheMussulman offers his sacrifices. The stone was blackened with smoke; stains of blood and fragmentsofburntbrushwerestillaboutit[…]352

Despitethedominantpresenceofthedecoratedcenotaph,itisnottheactualtomb. Theundergroundvaultiswherethebodyof ¢”ó isbelievedtorest.Thestairway downtoanundergroundgrottogoesunderneaththeplatform.Downstairsisƒnarrow vaultwithnicheswhereincenseandcandleshavebeenburned.Theceilinghasbeen blackenedbysmoke.Thevaultendswithƒthicklyplasteredwall,infrontofwhichtwo oldmetal doorshang from the ceiling.Today, thick stucco covers the tomb, and the irondoors,apparentlyonceusedasthebarrier,arenowlooseandrusty.Thisgrotto has very likely been part of an earlier structure and has been integrated into the shrine. similardescriptioncanbefoundinthenotesofvariousexplorers.Theshrine hasbeenrestoredseveraltimes,andvariousalterationshavetakenplace.Thelatest construction work was done at the end of the 1990’s. Several theories have been presentedconcerningtheoriginalconstructionoftheshrine.Somehintcanbefound fromtheArabicinscriptions.TheoneabovethedoorwaywasreadbySchickas:

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. Was renewed the constructionofthisblessedmartyriuminthedaysofourlord,thesultanal-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qalawun in the administration of his son the exalted master,al-Sham஝ani.MayGod,theExalted,aidbothofthem,atthebeginningof theyearnineandthirtyandsevenhundred.Bythepen[?]ofMuhammadal- Badawi.353

Nevertheless,theshrinemustbefromthepost-Crusaderperiod,anditwaserected overanearlierstructure,probablyƒByzantineperiodChristianchurch.PetermanƬ Schickalsonotedtheoutlinesofthisbuildingstillvisiblearoundthesmallshrine,but inthelatestrestorationwork,ƒlargeplatformsurroundingthebuildingwasadded, thusconcealingthearea.Still,thesecondaryelementsfoundintheshrineprovethe earlierChristianpresenceonthesite. The shrine is guarded by members of the BedóŽ tribe on whose traditional territorythemountainislocated.However,alltheBedouin,farmersandtownspeople fromthenearbyregionhavevisitedthesite.Accordingtothecustodianoftheshrinein 1907,fromtwotothreehundredcomeuptothismountaintosacrificeeveryyear;from Shaubak,andMaಃ¢andAlji;manyfromAlji.Noone,however,fromacrosstheಃArabah, andonlyoccasionallyonefromKerak.354Inthelate20thandearly21stcenturies, the mountainismainlyvisitedbytouristswhospendƒlongertimeinPetraexploringthe area.Muslims,Christians,JewsandSamaritanshaveallbeenseenvisitingthesite. IntheBibleAaron(Aharon),isthesonofAmramandJochebedandhebelongs

352Stephens1838:73. 353Schick2010:786. 354Crawford1930:261.

92

tothetribeofLevi.HishasƒlittlebrotherMosesandanoldersisterMiryam.Aaron was married to Elisheba, daughter of Amminadab, and they had four sons: Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar. His importance in the Judaeo-Christian tradition comes fromhisstatusastheHighPriestofIsrael,ordainedbyGod.IntheIslamictradition, ¢”óisfirstandmainlyƒprophet(nabÄ)whoworkedtogetherwithhisbrotheró•¢Ǥ Jabal ¢”ó has been connected to Mount Hor, the place where the story of Aaron’sdeathtakesplaceasdescribedinNumbers20:23-29.Inadditiontothis description,thereareonlythreeotherpassagesintheBibletalkingaboutthedeathof Aaron: Numbers 33:37-39, Deuteronomy 32:48-50 and finally Deuteronomy 10:6 wheretheplaceofhisdeathiscalledMoseraǤThefirstliterarysourcewhereMount HorislocatednearthecityofPetraisAntiquitiesoftheJewsofJosephus.

AndwhenhecametoƒplacewhichtheArabiansesteemtheirmetropolis,which wasformerlycalledArce,buthasnowthenameofPetra,atthisplace,whichwas encompassedwithhighmountains,Aaronwentuponeoftheminthesightofthe wholearmy,Moseshavingbeforetoldhimthathewastodie,forthisplacewas overagainstthem.355

The Christians kept the tradition alive, and the monastic complex was built on the mountain in the late 5thcentury.Finally,theIslamicshrinewasbuiltontopofthe Christianchurchinthe13thcentury.However,theearlierstructuresdatedtothe1st centuryȂ4thcenturyprovethatthemountainhasbeenusedintheNabateanperiod, and it is very likely that the mountain has been ƒ religious site where the cultic practiceshavecontinuedevenafterchangesinreligion.

NorthofJabal ¢”ó

2.Jabal ¢”ó(N30.3662605285645,E35.4192390441895) ϥϭέΎϗ ϞΒΟ

Themountainof ¢”óliesabout5.5kmnorthofJabal ¢”ón.Thehighestpointis approximately1200 abovesealevel,makingitoneoftheprominentpeaksinthe mountainrange.ThereisƒverygoodviewdowntoWadiAraba.Jabal ¢”óandthe shrineontopofthesummitarealsoclearlyvisiblefromthesite.dirtroadleadsto the mountain and the site can be reached by car, but there are also several smaller pathstothepeak. visitedtheplacetwice,firstin2005viaƒfootpathstartingfromthe ēal-B¢ridinBayᒅ¢ᦦǡandsecondtimein2007bycar. Jabal ¢”ó is mentioned briefly in the archaeological survey of Manfred Lindnerwhostudiedtheancientstructuresonthemountain.Theplacehasalsobeen listedinJADISwithƒreferencetoLindner’ssurvey,andƒshortrecordhasbeenmade intheDAAHLdatabasein1994.356Thesesources,however,concentratemainlyonthe Nabataean remains. The information concerning the more recent tradition was collectedfromthelocalpeople.Theinformantswerethreemenandtwowomenfrom

355AntiquitiesIV:IV,7. 356http://gaialab.asu.edu/DAAHL/SitesBrowseView.php?SiteNo=353003293&mode=browse&user=#

93

al-Bedól.ThemenwereinterviewedonJabal ¢”óinAugust2007andthewomenin Bayᒅ¢ᦦinSeptember2007. Lindner’s study includes the following information concerning the archaeologicalremains:

AnoldpathleadsuptoDjebelQarun,withtheruinsofƒsmallbuilding,ƒstone basinandstairsgoinguptoit.WasheddowntheslopearesomanyNabataean sherds, including lamp fragments and painted pottery, that ƒ Nabataean mountainsanctuaryorshrinecanbeassumed.357

ThestonebasinandthestairsmentionedbyLindnerwereclearlyvisiblein2005,but in2007,thebasinhadbeenfilledwithlargerstones.Walllinescanbeseeninthe ground,andvariousarchitecturalstones,includingdoorjambsandlintelsliescattered aroundthesite.Largequantitiesofpotterysherds,datingtothe1standearly2nd centuryAD358arealsoscatteredonthesurface.Thestonesfromtheearlierbuilding havebeenreused,andƒlow,wall-likestructurewasbuiltaroundthebasin.Thereisno clearevidenceofanytomborplaceofvisit.In2007,theremainsoftwofireplaceswere visibleinsidethelowwall,butapartfromthemtherewerenosignsofrecenthuman activity.Myinformantsalsoassertedthattheplaceisnolongervisited. Accordingtothelocaltradition,theplaceisrelatedtoNabÄ ¢”ón.359Thesite wascalledboth“mag¢mdzand“gaber,dz although there was some disagreement concerningthelatterǦnotallagreedthattheplacewashistombatall.Thereseemto be two separate traditions related to the identity of ¢”ón. One, apparently ƒ local belief,statesthathewasthebrotherof ¢”ón.Accordingtothesecondtradition,he wasbelievedtobeƒnon-MuslimrichEgyptianmerchantandnotrelatedto ¢”ón.360 The members of al-BedóŽ related part of an Islamic legend in which 60 mules were needed to carry just the keys to the chests containing his immense treasure. The secondtraditionreflectsthestoryoftheQuranictradition:

Indeed,QarunwasfromthepeopleofMoses,buthetyrannizedthem.AndWegave himoftreasureswhosekeyswouldburdenƒbandofstrongmen;thereuponhis peoplesaidtohim,"Donotexult.Indeed,Allahdoesnotliketheexultant.Butseek, throughthatwhichAllahhasgivenyou,thehomeoftheHereafter;and[yet],do notforgetyourshareoftheworld.AnddogoodasAllahhasdonegoodtoyou. Anddesirenotcorruptionintheland.Indeed,Allahdoesnotlikecorrupters." He said,"Iwasonlygivenitbecauseofknowledge have."DidhenotknowthatAllah had destroyed before him of generations those who were greater than him in powerandgreaterinaccumulation[ofwealth]?Butthecriminals,abouttheir sins,willnotbeasked.Sohecameoutbeforehispeopleinhisadornment.Those whodesiredtheworldlylifesaid,"Oh,wouldthatwehadlikewhatwasgivento

357Lindner1986:291-292. 358YvonneGerber,personalcommunication2005. 359Hewasreferredasboth“nabÄdzand“walÄdzbysomewomen,butthemenonlycalledhimbyhisname. 360Astoldbyƒmanofal-BedóŽin2005.

94

Qarun.Indeed,heisoneofgreatfortune."Butthosewhohadbeengiven knowledgesaid,"Woe toyou!Thereward ofAllahisbetterforhe whobelieves and does righteousness. And none are granted it except the patient." And We causedtheearthtoswallowhimandhishome.Andtherewasforhimnocompany toaidhimotherthanAllah,norwasheofthosewho[could]defendthemselves. (28:76-81)

IntheBible,¢”óisknownasKorah,thesonofIzhar,andthecousinofMosesand Aaron361ǤHerebelledagainstMosesandasƒpunishment,heandhistwocompanions, DathanandAbiramtogetherwiththeirfamiliesandpropertywereswallowedbythe earththatsplitopenbeneaththeirfeet.(Numbers16:1-40) HowdidKorah/¢”óendupinthisregion?Thereseemstobenoknown traditionoutsidetheareathatplacestheeventsofhisrebellioninthevicinityofPetra. The Biblical story takes place before the Israelites enter Edom, when Aaron is still alive. The Qurᦦ¢ does not say anything about the setting, but since ¢”ó has been describedasanIsraelitewhohasgivenhisservicestothepharaoh,itseemsthatthe scenetakesplaceinEgypt.ProbablytherhymingpairofnamesǦ ¢”óand¢”óǦ inspiredthebirthofthistraditionoftwomountainpeaksstandingincloseproximity tooneanother.Bothmountainshaveremainsofpossiblesanctuariesdatingbackto theNabataeanperiod,andJabal ¢”ó has beenconnectedtothedeathofAaronat leastfromthetimeofJosephus.Thesimilarityofnamesmayhavealsoresultedinthe twocousinsbecomingbrothers.362

3.ᒒwar(N30.46034,E35.45523)andᏡawra(c.N30.492,E35.468363Ȍ˯΍έϮΣϭ έϮΣ΍364

Another 10 km NNE from Jabal ¢”ó lies the site of ᒒwar, with Ꮱawra located approximately3.5kmNNEofᒒwar.Botharesituatedonal-Suff¢ha–massif,ƒlong narrowplateaualongthemountainrangefacingWadiAraba:Ꮱawraremainsslightly lower,at1170mabovesealevel,whileᒒwarrisestoanelevationof1390m,offering excellentviewsdowntotheRiftValleyandevensouthtowardsJabal ¢”ón.Thereisƒ dirt road leadingup to the site of ᒒwar. used this route, visiting the mountain in 2009bycar.Theroadwasbadlydamagedanddifficulttotravel,andthechoiceof ascendingthemountainfromthesouthernsidebydonkeywouldhaveprobablybeenƒ betteroption. managedtovisitonlythesiteofᒒwaras heardaboutᏡawralater, andthusdidnothavetheopportunitytoseeit.

361ThiswasacknowledgedinTafsĔIbnKathĔasthewordsofIbnᦧAbb¢s:“Hewasthesonofhispaternal uncle.” 362Thereisalsoƒthirdtraditionrelatedtothename¢”ón:inIbnal-NadÄm’sFihrist(Chapter8,section II)ƒjinnnamed¢”óislistedasoneofthe70demonsintheserviceofSulaym¢(Solomon).Noneof myinformants,however,referredtothisparticulartradition. 363Thiscoordinateisanapproximation,takenfromthemapofLindner(2003). 364Thewordsreferto“eyeswithƒmarkedcontrastofwhiteandblack,”or“intenselywhiteanddeep- black.”Thereisalsoƒreferencetochalkorcretaceousrock.(Wehr1994).Althoughthesitesarelocated slightlyapart, haveputthemtogetherastheyformanapparentpair.

95

LindnersurveyedthearchaeologicalremainsonJabalal-Suff¢hain1994Ǧ1997 andrecordedthesitesofᒒwarandᏡawra.365Inaddition,FawziZayadinehasstudied the region and discussed the sites briefly. Among the locals, information concerning thesitescamefromƒmanfromal-ᦧAm¢”ĐinBayᒅ¢ᦦǡrecordedin2005,threemen fromal-Bedól,recordedonJabal ¢”ó inAugust2007,andonemanfromal-Bedól, recordedinAmmSayᒒóinOctober2009.However,onlythelastinformantalso mentionedthesiteofᏡawra,theothersspokesolelyaboutᒒwar. Lindner found at ᒒwar potsherds dating to the Late Iron Age, Nabataean, RomanandIslamicperiods.Healsosuggeststhattherewasanancientsanctuarythere.  similar theory was presented by Zayadine who suggests that the site had been ƒ center of worship, probably connected to the worship of planets and especially Jupiter.366Today,ƒruinedstructurecanbeseenontopofthemountain.Lintelstones and other architectural stones lie scattered around the area. In ƒ manner similar to Jabal ¢”ón,thestoneshavebeenreused,andƒlowwall,aboutthreeȂfourcourses highhasbeenbuilttocreateƒsmallopencourtyard.Itseems,thoughthatthewallline follows at least partially the shape of an earlier structure. On the southern side, the rab,alsonotedbyLindner.long٭wallcreatesƒsmallroundniche,apparentlyƒmi woodenbeam,possiblyoriginatingfromtheearlierstructure,liesbesidetheniche,and outsidethesouthernwallƒfewmetersfromtheniche,stonepilefourcourseshighhas been erected. On ƒ small flat stone inside the walled area, there were remains of burned incense. Nearby, one stone was found with ƒ short inscription containing ƒ personalnameandthedateApril18,2008. AccordingtotheinformantfromBayᒅ¢ᦦǡtheplaceisƒmag¢andgaber.The structureisƒmosque,andinsidethemosquethereisƒtombwhichisolderthanthe buildingsurroundingit.Asthewholeinteriorisfullofcollapsedstonesforming arbitrary piles, it is difficult to determine an exact location for any possible grave. Lindnercallshimƒ“sheikh,”butthelocalinformantsrefertotheplaceonlyas “Aᒒwar.”Hisexactidentityseemstobeunknowntomoderninhabitants,buthedoes haveƒ sister, Ꮱawra,whosetombliesinthesameSuff¢haarea.Lindnerrecordsthe localᦧAm¢”Đguideascallingher“horasa’uwa”.367BedóŽinformantspeculatedthat theplacecouldbeoriginallyƒtombofal-JahalĐtribewholivedintheareainthepast. 368Afterthem,itwasinhabitedbytheZew¢ydetribe,andintherecenttimesseveral groups camp in the vicinity, including people from Shawbak, SaᦧĆěÄn, even some

365Lindner2003:228. 366PersonalcommunicationwithDr.Zayadine,14.8.2007. 367Lindner2003:228.Thistranscriptiondoesnotgiveƒveryclearpictureofwhatexactlywasthename fortheplacethattheguideused.“Hora”isprobablyƒdialectalformofDzᏡawra,”while“sa´uwa”remains uwwa,dzƒstonemoundǤڍ“question.Itcouldbeƒ 368Al-JahalĐwereactuallyoriginallyƒNegevtribe,withtheircentralgrazingareasnearTellAradand their†ÄraextendingeasttowardstheDeadSea.Al-Suff¢haisalmost90kmsouthoftheirarea,butit couldbepossiblethatƒmoresouthernbranchmighthavespentsummersuponthemountainsonthe othersideofWadiAraba.Inthe1950’s,theysettledintheJordanValley,continuingtheirseminomadic lifestyle.AftertheSixDayWar,theymovedtolivenearthemodernsettlementofMaᦧaleAdumimuntil theywereresettledinthetownofal-JabalnearAbuDisin1998.(Hunayti2008)Robinson(1848:535) visitedPetrawithJahalĐguidesin1838.

96

families from al-Bedól.369 All in all, the archaeological remains in the area, and the ruinedstructureonthesiteitself,aswellasthepeculiarnatureofthe“twinsaints,” buriedincloseproximitytooneanotherpointtowardsanancientoriginofthissite.

4.Jiddal-Raf¢›ᦧƒ(AbóᏡµdi)andᖠᏡµdi  ΪϴϤΣϭ ΔόϳΎϓήϟ΍ ΪΟ

ThissiteissituatedonƒlargecemeteryinBayᒅ¢ᦦǡabout͸kmnorthoftheancient centerofPetraatanelevationof1055asl.Theareahasseveralarchaeologicalsites. ThemajorityofthearchaeologicalremainsareNabataean,includingtheSiqal-B¢ridǡ Coldcanyon,alsoknownas“LittlePetra”becauseoftheNabataeantombscutintothe wallsofthecanyon.smallvillagewasexcavatedbyDianaKirkbridestartingin1958, andtheoldestremainsweredatedtotheearlyNeolithic(Natufian)period.Thevillage andtheholysitearebothsituatedonƒlargerplainsurroundedbymountainsonthree sides.wadirunsthroughtheplain,andboththeᦧAm¢”ĐandBedóŽpitchtheirtents alongthewadiinthesummermonths.Thepavedroadrunsveryclosetothesite,but smallhillsintheareaknownasAmmQussa,oneofthemnowadaysoftencalledJabal BatrÄsia,370hidethesitefromview. alreadyheardabouttheplacein2005,butfound outtheexactlocationonlywhen wasleavingthecountry.Therefore, hadtowait until2007before wasabletovisitthesite.In2011, madeƒshortvisitforƒsecond time. The site is mentioned by Canaan,371 but the description is very brief and somewhatvague.ItseemsthatCanaandidnotgotoBayᒅ¢ᦦhimself,andonlyreliedon whatinformationhewasabletogatherduringhisshortstayinWadió•¢ǤMy information concerning the place comes from an interview with ƒman in Bayᒅ¢ᦦ in 2005,andanotheronewithƒmanofal-BedóŽinAmmSayᒒóin2011. ThecemeteryisnowadaysusedbybothᦧAm¢”ĐandBedól.Thewesternsideof thearealooksolder,andthisisalsowherethetombsinquestionarelocated.Thereare modern-looking graves on the eastern half of the cemetery. Canaan speaks of “The maq¢mǡinwhichthereisƒtomb…dz Two tombs are distinctly noteworthy in the cemetery,andapparentlytheybelongtothesetwoancestors.Theyarebothcomposed ofstonebouldersthathavebeenpiledintolargestonecairns,aboutfourcourseshigh. ThecairnsstandƒshortdistanceapartintheSWcornerofthecemetery.Thereare alsotracesofƒthirdstonemoundbesidetheeasterntomb,butitislowerandlesswell preserved.Novisibletracesofrecentvisitscouldbedetected. Canaan states that Abó Ꮱµdi is the ancestor of the ᦧAm¢”Än. In Bayᒅ¢ᦦǡ however, wasinformedthatthisisnotthecase.Jiddal-Raf¢›ᦧƒandhissonareboth ancestors of the Raf¢›ᦧa, ƒ tribe that nowadays lives at Khirbet Ĕ al-Raf¢›ᦧƒ near

369Zew¢ydeareƒsubtribeofbothal-SaᦧĆěĐandᏡuwayᒷ¢–Ibn ¢œÄǤItisnotclearwhichoneisin questionhere,butOppenheim(1943:301)statesthatthesubtribeofIbnJazihadthesummerpastures intheSharamountains. 370Thisisaninterestingexampleofhowplacenamesareformedandhowƒnewnamecanbecome commoninƒshortperiod.Dr.PatriciaBikai,theAssociateDirectoroftheAmericanCenterofOriental ResearchinAmman1996-2006conductedexcavationsonthissitefrom2003. 371Canaan1929:208.

97

Shawbak.Oppenheimalsoliststhisastheirhome.372Accordingtotribalhistory,this tribedidlivearoundBayᒅ¢ᦦinthe19thcentury,butuponthearrivalofal-ᦧAm¢”Đin the region, ƒ conflict arose. In the course of the struggle, the Raf¢›ᦧƒ were forced to retreatandmovenorth,wheretheyremained.373CanaanmentionsthattheLiy¢thneof Wadi ó•¢ also visit the maq¢moccasionally,butwhen askedmembersofthe Liy¢thneaboutthissitein2002,theyseemedtobeunawareofit.However,inthepast somefamiliesofLiy¢thne,namelyfromBaniᦧAt¢ǡᦧAl¢yaandᦧUbµdiyĐhaveencamped intheareaofBayᒅ¢ᦦinthewintersotheymayhavevisitedthetombsduringtheirtime intheregion.374Thistraditionwasprobablyforgottenwhentheysettledinthetown ofWadió•¢Ǥ

5.Gubó”ȋᖠRjód)ᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢† Ω΍Ϯϋ ϝΎϴϋ έϮΒϗ

LeavingPetratowardsthewest,thelanddescendssteeplydowntotheRiftValley.The gravesofthechildrenofஞAww¢dare situated approximately10kmnorthwestofthe ancientcitycenter,atthebottomofWadiAraba.NearbyisthewellofĔMadhkó”and ƒ natural spring which provides sources of water for an area that otherwise is extremely arid. To the north is the passageway of Wadi Namala, and to the south anotherriverbed,WadiAbóKhusµba,bothprovidingƒrouteuptotheShara mountains. The area was inhabited in ancient times, and numerous archaeological remainscanbeseenintheregion.Theseremainsincludeƒrectangularfortressandƒ possiblepoolamongothers,themajorityofthemdatingtotheNabataean,LateRoman andEarlyByzantineperiods.Surveysandexcavationshavebeenconductedinthearea, the most recent being the Ĕ Madhkó” Project as part of the Wadi Araba ArchaeologicalResearchProject.375ĔMadhkó”isconsideredtobeoneofthemain stationsalongthetraderoutebetweenPetraandtheMediterraneancoast.Threshing floorsandancientfieldwallsattesttheagriculturalactivitiesinthearea.376Todaythe areaisinhabitedseasonallybythelocalBedouinwhopitchtheirtentsalongthewadis. Thesiteisinuseespeciallyduringthewintermonthswhenitiswarmerdowninthe valley. visitedtheareain2005bycamel,althoughĔMadhkó”canalsobereached bycar. ThecemeteryofᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢†isoneofthewellknownsitesintheregion.Itwas knowntomostofBedól,ᦧAm¢”ĐandSaᦧĆěĐthat spokewith.Thesmallmuseumof ethnology in Bayᒅ¢ᦦ mentions it and Marguerite van Geldermalsen also included ƒ descriptionofhervisittothesite.377Myrecordedmaterialcomesfrominterviewswith twoBedóŽwomeninBayᒅ¢ᦦin2007,threeBedóŽmenonJabal ¢”óin2007andƒ BedóŽmaninAmmSayᒒóin2011. Thereareƒlargenumberofgravesinthecemetery,soithasbeeninuseforƒ

372Oppenheim1943:285. 373Sajdi2007. 374Canaan1929:197. 375WAARP(http://home.gwu.edu/~amsii/wadiarabaproject/bmp/bmp_about.html.)SeealsoSmith 2007formoredetailedinformationconcerningresearchontheancienthistoryintheĔMadhkó”area. 376Smith2005:63. 377Geldermalsen208:86-91.

98

long time. Some of the tombs are barely visible, but many have been marked with standing boulders and stone circles.  few were larger piles of stones while three larger cairns were clearly distinguishable from the smaller tombs. One was already slightlyruinedasthestoneshavefallendown,butitstillhadƒstickwithƒfadedwhite clothplacedamongthestones.Thesecondstonecairnseemedtobeingoodcondition, buthadnovisiblesignsofvisits.Thethirdonewasƒlargestonecairn,piledcarefully. Several large branches and sticks were placed leaning against the structure and betweenthestoneswithstripsofwhiteandgreenclothtiedtothem.Therewerealso ashyspots,plasticbottles,andtracesofburntincensearoundtheplace.Theashwas mainlycenteredonƒlowflatsurfacebuiltofstonesthathadbeenraisedinfrontofthe thirdgrave,resemblinganaltar.similarstoneplatformhadalsobeenerectedagainst thesecondcairn.Iftherewasoneinfrontofthefirstone,ithadbeenburiedunderthe fallenboulders.Theseremainsattestanactivehumanpresencethroughrecenttimes.  wasalsotoldbymyguidethatoldcoinsarethrownintothegrave,but didnotnotice any. ᦧIy¢Ž ᦧAww¢† is ƒ subtribe of al-ᦧAm¢”Än. The tombs belong to the tribe’s ancestors,themostnotablebeingᦧAww¢†himself.Anothernameoftenmentionedwas ¢lemibnᦧAww¢d.ᦧAww¢†wasƒmanofgreatabilities.Itisdifficulttoestablishhis exactdates,butpeoplegiveƒvaguegabelÄ–µsaneǡbefore200years,asƒreplyto whenhecametoBayᒅ¢ᦦǤAccordingtothelegend,heboughtlandintheareaforthe priceoftengoatsandƒgun.MusilalreadyliststhesubtribeofᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢†in1908.378

SouthofJabal ¢”ón:PetraȂRa’sAl-Naqb

6.FarajᏡasane ϦδΣ Νήϓ

Ascending back to the Shara mountains and Petra from the south side, ƒ route goes throughtheareaof al-ᐅ„µtab,just beforeenteringWadiSabra.Sabraitselfisƒ long wadithatprovidedƒpassagefromPetratowardsthesouth.Itmayhavebeenoneof the “satellite” towns of Petra. Today the area has seasonal inhabitants when local Bedouinpitchtheirtentsinthewadi. visitedal-ᐅ„µtabin2005bycamel. Magbaratal-ᐅ„µtabissituatedatthefootofƒmountain.Severaltombscanbe seen,butmostarebadlypreservedandpartiallycoveredbyaccumulatedsoil.Several stonesstillstanderectedmarkingthetombs. Somehavebeenmarked byflatround stonesorstoneslabsthatcircletheareaofthegravewhileothershavelargerboulders piledoverthetomb.brokenwoodenstickliespartiallyburiedbesideonetomb.It hasprobablybeenusedfortyingthestripsofclothbyvisitors.Therewerenosignsof recentvisitsandthecemeterylooksabandoned. TheidentityofFarajᏡasaneisunknownnorwasitpossibletoidentifyhistomb in the cemetery. He is not found in any of the written sources, and the site was mentionedonlybymyguide,ƒmanfromal-Bedól.HemayberelatedtotheSaᦧĆěÄn, as haveencounterednamessuchasFaraj,MufarrejandFarr¢Œamongthem.Equally,

378Musil1908:59.

99

thecemeterymaybelongtosomeothertribewhohasmovedtoƒdifferentregionand thusabandonedthesite.

7.Al-Baww¢–(Al-Fugar¢ᦦȌ(N30.30129,E35.46326) ˯΍ήϘϔϟ΍ / Ε΍ϮΒϟ΍

touristic“ScenicRoad”startsfromthetownofWadió•¢andrunsalongthe westernedgeofthehighplateau,windingsouthtowardsᐅaybeandal-R¢jef.Several high-endhotelshavebeenbuiltalongtheroad,offeringgoodviewsdowntothePetra ValleyandtowardstheSharamountainsandWadiArabainthewest.fewhundred meters south of the modern Marriott Hotel lies the site of ᦧ6 Amón. According to Musil,theKhilµˆ¢–andSaᦧµ†¢–familiesfromtheLiy¢thnesubtribeofal-Shró”lived aroundthespring,butithasbeen animportantsourceofperennialwaterforother inhabitantsoftheregion.Thewaterisusedforagriculture,andtherearebothancient andmodernterracesbuiltontheslopesforfieldsandgardens.SomefamiliesofBedóŽ alsopitchtheirtentsnearby.Thesiteofal-Baww¢–issituatednearthespring,righton thewesternsideofthe“ScenicRoad.”Thereisƒdirectviewacrossthevalleyandto Jabal ¢”óalmoststraighttothewest. Al-Baww¢–isoneofthewellknownsitesintheregion.MusilandCanaanboth listitamongthesitesvisitedbytheLiy¢thne379anditisstillknowntothetribe.380The sitewas alsogenerallyknowntotheBedóŽ andᦧAm¢”Än.Specificinformationcomes fromƒmanfromtheᦧAm¢”Än,interviewedinBayᒅ¢ᦦin2005,andfromtwoBedól,ƒ maninterviewedin2009andƒwomanin2011inAmmSayᒒón. alsodiscussedthe placewithHanial-Falahatin2002inWadió•¢Ǥ visitedthesitetwice,in2005and againin2009. The site is ƒ small cemetery, where most tombs are simple and not well preserved, visible only by the stones erected marking the place. They are situated aroundƒcentralstructure,whereƒ5-6courseshighandtwocourseswiderectangular stone wall creates ƒ small enclosed spaceǤ The lowermost course is barely visible abovetheground.Thedoorwayisinthenorthernfaceofthewall,withanelongated stoneservingasƒlintel.Therearealsotwosquarespacesontheinnerfaceofthe westernwall,blockedbysmallerstones,whichmayhaveservedaswindowsorsmall niches. On the outer face, there are two large round stones, possibly old grinding stonesorcolumndrumswhichareinsecondaryuseaspartofthewallstructure.Two tombs can be seen inside the enclosure, built of stone boulders and forming small mounds.Thesmalleroneissituatedclosetotheentrancewhilethelargertombisin the center of the rectangle. There is also ƒ stone cairn outside the enclosure on the westernsideofthewallandƒfourthonemarkedbyƒlowstonemoundƒfewmeters towards the north.  The site seems to have been frequently visited, since numerous signs of human presence can be seen, concentrating in and around the rectangular structure. White cloths have been wrapped around sticks and placed between the stonesinmanyplacesontopofthewall.Someoftheragswereworn,butsomewere

379Musil1908:330,Canaan1929:207-208. 380 AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:189.

100

still white and seemed to be relatively recent. There were ashy spots outside the squareandthestoneshavebeenblackenedinmanyplacesinsidethewalls,overthe centraltombandthewesterncairn.Thestonesofthecentraltombalsohadlayersof ashonthem,indicatingtheburningofincense.Otherremainsincludeglassandplastic, apparentlyveryrecent. Thereseemtobeslightlyvaryingtraditionsconcerningthehistoryofthe peopleburiedatthesite.AccordingtotheLiy¢thnetradition,Thisareawasinhabited by el-Fuqara -tribe whose members were well known for curing diseases. They died becauseofdroughtandwereburiedinthisarea.381Al-Fugar¢ᦦisƒsubtribeofthelocal BedóŽtribe,butthemembersofthissubtribedidnotconsiderthesitetobetheirown. Ingeneral,thename“al-Fugar¢஝dzseemstobeƒmorecommonlyusednameforthesite. ThisnamewasusedbybothMusilandCanaan382inthepastandbyinformantsinthe present.However,atleasttheBedóŽalsorecognizedthenameal-Baww¢t.Apparently thename“al-Fugar¢ᦦdzdoesnotrefertoanyspecificfamilybutmoregenerallytoƒ group of pious and religious people. The BedóŽ informants stated that the people buriedatthesitewereoriginallypiousmenfromGh۔al-᐀¢ˆÄǤtribecalledᦧUwµ¢– was mentioned and according to these informants, their descendants nowadays inhabittheareaofQaᒷ”¢na. wasnotabletoverifythis,butMusillistsƒtribeof“el- ᦧAwene”asƒsubtribeofGhaw¢rne.Curiously,anothertribe,called“el-Bawwat,”isalso listedamongtheGhaw¢rnetribesbyMusil.383

8.Khabb¢al-NabÄ ϲΒϨϟ΍ ϥΎΒΧ

FromthevillageofᖠDl¢gha,ƒpavedroadwindsdowntowardsWadiAraba.Slightly abovethisroadattheupperendof ¢ᦧ al-SaᦧĆěĐ liesthemag¢of Khabb¢n.The tombislocatedonthetopofƒsmallhill.Tracesofsomeothergravescanbeseen furtherdownatthefootofthesamehill,markedwithsomestones andonlyfaintly visible.Themaingraveisƒpileofstoneswherebouldershavebeenplacedontopof eachothertoformƒnarrow“ridge”.OtherbouldersarelyingbesidetheridgeȂeither supportingitorhavingfallendownfromthetop.singlepieceofbrokenwooden stakewithwhiteragswrappedaroundithasbeenerectedbetweenthestonesinthe centeroftheridge.holehasbeenexcavatedintothemoundȂperhapsinanattempt tofindtreasure.Therewasalsoƒverylargeamountofseashellsinandaroundthe stonemound. Thegraveisnotverywellknown.Noneofthelocalinformantsseemedtohave heardofit.TheinformationcamefromƒmanfromtheBedóŽtribe,butapparentlyit hasbeenvisitedbyal-SaᦧĆěÄn.ItisverypeculiarthathewascallednabÄǤThereisno prophetofthatnameinIslamictradition.Thecluemaybeinhisname,whichcouldbe relatedtowordΐΧǡmeaninganimpostor.

381AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:189. 382Inthenextissueoftheperiodicalheaddsƒfootnote:“Theawliy¢buriedatthesanctuaryofal- Fuqar¢atᦧ6Amóarealsocalledelbauw¢t. couldnotfindanyexplanationforthisexpression.” (Canaan1930:179). 383Musil1908:69.

101

9.᐀abb¢ᒒǡᒒmadandGhann¢  ϡΎϨϏϭ ΪϤΣ΍, ΡΎΒλ

Ĕ Ꮱamad is ƒ perennial spring located about ͸ km SW of the village of ᖠDl¢gha, slightlysouthofthepavedroadthatleadstoWadiAraba.Thespringbelongstothe SaᦧĆěĐwholiveintheregionespeciallyduringthesummertime,someofthemstill movingbacktothemilderclimateoftheRiftValleyinthewintertime.Theircemetery liesclosetothewell,ontheslopesandatthefootofƒsmallhill. Mosttombsareverysimple,markedonlybyanerectedstone.Atthefootofthe hill,therearetwolargertombs.Theoneclosesttotheroadisƒhollowcairnwithƒ boat-shapedwallofboulders,about3-4courseshighsurroundingthegrave.Ashesof burnedincenseremainonbothsidesofthetombonsmallstoneslabs,andsomeofthe bouldersinthewallarealsodarkenedwithfire.Twobrokenstickshavebeenplacedat thefrontbetweenthestones,onebare,theotherwrappedwithwhitecloths. hole hasbeenduginthegroundattheheadofthetombȂapparentlyagainanattemptto has been roughly incised on the surface of ƒ large ٭¢abbי find treasure. The name boulderonthefrontofthetomb.Thesecondtombisƒroundandhollowstonecairn. Thewallmadeofbouldersisabout4-6courseshighonthewesternside,butonly1-2 courseshighontheeasternhalf.Thereisƒbarestickinsidethecairnandaninscribed stoneonthefrontofthetomb.fewinscribedletterscanstillbeseen,butthestoneis badlyerodedandbroken,thusmakingitimpossibletoread.Noothertracesofvisits couldbeseen.Inadditiontothese,thereareƒfewverysmallmoundsofstoneinthe cemetery,butnootherremains. HillelsonmentionsGhann¢astheancestoroftheJabb¢”ĐȂƒsubtribeofal- SaᦧĆěÄn.384MusilalsomentionsthegraveofGhann¢m,statingthatitislocatednear arandal.385 He may be referring to the same site, although Gharandal itself isו ᦧAjn locatedtowardsthewest,downinWadiAraba.Thereisnoinformationaboutᒒmad, thenamewasprovidedbyƒBedóŽmanin2005,atthesametimeasGhann¢m.᐀abb¢ᒒǡ ontheotherhand,wasmentionedbyƒwomanfromtheBedóŽin2007andalsobyƒ manfromSaᦧĆěĐin2011andheseemstobethemostimportantofthethree.

10.FarajᖠMfarrej Νήϔϣ Νήϓ

ThesiteislocatedinƒcemeteryonƒwideplainnearᖠMraybet.Mosttombsarevery simpleandmarkedwithƒsinglestone,buttherewerealsoseveralwithƒwooden stakeandwhiteclothswrappedaroundit.Incensehadalsobeenburnedbesidemany ofthegraves.ThetombofFarajismarkedwithfivelargeslabsformingƒcurving structure.largewoodenstakestandsattheheadofthetomb,coveredfromtopto bottomwithseverallayersofwrappedwhiterags.Smallflatstoneshavebeenplaced beside the grave, and incense has been burned on six of them. Very faded inscribed letterscanbeseenononeoftheslabs. Thesitewasmentionedbythemanofal-BedóŽin2005withwhom alsovisited

384Hillelson1938:126.ThissubtribewasnotlistedbyOppenheimorMusil.Myinformantfromthetribe didnotmentioniteither. 385Musil1908:329.

102

thecemetery.In2011,ƒmanbelongingtoal-SaᦧĆěĐmentionedanancestorofthe subtribeᦧIyy¢ŽᖠMfarrejburiedinᖠMraybetǡwhichisprobablythesameplace.

Wadió•¢

ThetownofWadió•¢ǡformerlyknownasEljÄǡitspastandpresent,aswellasthe story of its inhabitants the Liy¢thne has already been discussed in the previous chapter.SeveralsacredsitesimportanttotheLiy¢thnecanbefoundoutsidethecityǦ Jabal ¢”óbeingthemostimportantofthemallǦbutinthissection describefour sitesthataresituatedwithintheareaofthemoderntown:al-ᖠᏡ•µÄǡSajaratᦧᒷ¢ya,al- Jarr¢shandᦧ6ó•¢.Greatchangeshavetakenplaceintherecentpastinthetown, includingrapidgrowthandtheincreasingimportanceoftourism.Thesechangeshave alsoaffectedtheholysitesofthetown.

11.Al-ᏡasanÄ(al-ᖠᏡ•µÄȌ ϲϨδΤϟ΍

ThesiteissituatedinthecenterofthetownofWadió•¢closetoanoldgraveyard, anditisconsideredtohavebeenofmajorimportancetotheLiy¢thneandvisitedbyall thefamilies.386Musilmentionsitbriefly,listingitasoneofthesaintsreveredbythe tribe387Ǥ Canaan describes the maq¢m in more detail.  visited the site in 2002 with Hanial-Falahat,whohasalsowrittenaboutlocalpractices.388 Al-ᏡasanÄ is the ancestor of al-Ꮱasan¢–family, ƒsubtribe of al-ᦧUbµdiyÄn.  His tombisinsideƒsmallstonebuilding.Itmayhavebeenbuiltofreusedstoneblocks during theOttoman period. The entrance is through anopen doorway. The building containsƒsinglevaultedroomwithƒroofmadeofwoodenbeams,blackenedbyfire. Thewallshavebeenplastered,buttheplasterhasfallenoffinmanyplaces.Opposite theentrance,thereisƒlow,vaultednichewithfaintmarksabovethearch.Themarks couldbedriedhennaorevenblood.Besidethedoorway,therearetwoplacesonthe wall for burning incense or placing grease lamps. According to Canaan, thetombis insidetheroomclosetothedoor.Itiscoveredwithƒtorngreenclothcover.389Suchƒ tombwasnolongervisiblein2002.Instead,thefloorwascoveredwithash,rubbleand garbage.Itseemsthattheplacehasnotbeenusedasƒshrineinƒlongtime,although CanaanalreadynotesthattheroomwaskeptinƒbadconditionǤ

12.Sajaratᦧᒷ¢ya(N30.322498,E35.478329) ΎϳΎτϋ

TheTreeofGiftsisconnectedtoᦧᒷ¢ya,theancestorofal-Ꮱilal¢–tribewhowerethe predominant visitors to this site. According to Canaan, the site was in ƒ cemetery whereƒ‘aldahtreegrewoverthegrave,eventhoughthetombitselfwasnotvisible. Therewasonlyƒroughlybuiltsquarewallaroundthetrunkofthetreewithƒplacefor

386AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:188. 387Musil1908:330. 388AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:188.Al-Falahatalsotoldmeabouttheplaceinƒpersonalinterviewin 2002. 389Canaan1929:207.

103

burning incense on the southern side.390 However, according to Al Salameen Ƭ Falahat391itwasthetreeitselfthatwasconsideredsacredbythelocalpeopleasitwas inhabitedbythewalÄǤThetreewasshowntomein2011byƒlocaltaxidriver,who pointed out to me ƒ large tree growing in an old cemetery and said it was Sajarat ᦧᒷ¢ya. Another man of the Liy¢thne that  interviewed in 2011 also gave me the directionstothetree.

13.Al-Jarr¢sh ε΍ήΠϟ΍

Thismaq¢mwasalsolocatedinthetown,butwhennewbuildingswereconstructed, theplacewasdestroyedbybulldozers.Today,thereisnothingleftofthesite.Canaan describesthemaq¢mastwotombssurroundedbyƒlowwall,withƒsmallandverylow doorǤTherewasƒplaceforlampsandincenseinfrontofeachtombandƒboxthorn wasgrowingbetweenthegraves.392ThetombsbelongedtoSulaym¢and¢lim,two brotherswhoweretheforefathersofal-Mash¢ᦦle,alsoƒsubtribeofal-ᦧUbµdiyÄn.The membersofthefamilyvisitedtheirtombsuntiltheyweredestroyed.393  14.ᦧ6ó•¢ (N30.324443,E35.497807Ȍ ϰγϮϣ Ϧϴϋ

WhendescendingdowntowardsthetownofWadió•¢fromtheeast,theSpringof Mosesisontherightsideoftheroad. photographtakenbetween1920and1933, shows ƒ spring and ƒ natural pool of water with ƒ small stone building in the background.394Thismaybethevault which is built of rough stones described by Canaan.395 Al-Salameen Ƭ Falahat396 also mention ƒ sacred tree that grew inside ƒ smallroomorcoveredcavenearthespringofMoses.Whentheroomwasdamaged, the tree was also uprooted. Later, ƒ large rectangular building was built over the spring.Itismadeofwhitestonebrickswithwindowsonthreesidesandthreewhite domes on the roof. There are souvenir stalls at the entrance, but the interior of the buildingconsistsofƒsinglelargeroomwithƒstonepavementandƒlargerock protruding through the floor in the SE corner. The perennial spring gushes to the surfacefromundertherock,thewaterflowingintoƒpoolinthecenteroftheroom andthenoutofthebuildingthroughƒchannel. Canaan lists the spring as the property of al-ᦧUbµdiyĐ and al-ᦧAl¢ya. The sanctityofthesite,however,derivesfromitsconnectiontothetraditionofMosesand theIsraelites,asrelatedintheQurᦦ¢(7:160):

AndWedividedthemintotwelvedescendanttribes[asdistinct]nations.AndWe inspiredtoMoseswhenhispeopleimploredhimforwater,"Strikewithyourstaff

390Canaan1929:207. 391AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:190. 392Canaan1929:208. 393Hanial-Falahat2002.ThesiteisalsolistedinAlSalameenƬFalahat2009:189. 394PPOC.http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/mpc2004004999/PP/. 395Canaan1929:208. 396Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:21.

104

thestone,"andtheregushedforthfromittwelvesprings.Everypeopleknewits wateringplace.397

IntheChristiantradition,thisplaceissometimesconnectedtothewatersofMeribah, whereMosesalsostruckthewaterfromtherock:

TheLordspoketoMoses,saying:Takethestaff,andassemblethecongregation, youandyourbrotherAaron,andcommandtherockbeforetheireyestoyieldits water.Thusyoushallbringwateroutoftherockforthem;thusyoushallprovide drinkforthecongregationandtheirlivestock.SoMosestookthestafffrombefore the Lord, as he had commanded him. Moses and Aaron gathered the assembly togetherbeforetherock,andhesaidtothem,"Listen,yourebels,shallwebring waterforyououtofthisrock?"ThenMoseslifteduphishandandstrucktherock twicewithhisstaff;watercameoutabundantly,andthecongregationandtheir livestockdrank.398

15.Jabalal-TaᒒÄ(N30.344852,E35.598716ȌϢϴϜΤΘϟ΍ ϞΒΟ

TheMountainofArbitrationisnotinWadió•¢ǡbutabout1.5kmnorthofUdhruᒒǡ eastofWadió•¢ǤItisƒknownhistoricalsiterelatedtotheeventwheretheProphet’s CompanionAbóó•¢al-AshᦧarÄactedasanarbitrator,representingtheCaliphᦧAlÄibn AbÄᐅ¢libatthenegotiationswithMuᦧ¢wiyaibnAbÄSufy¢afterthebattleof᐀iffĐin AD 657. These negotiations took place at Jabal al-TaᒒÄm.399Itisƒlowhillwithƒ ruinedstonestructureonthetop.Theruinsonthehillseemtobemucholderasthe potterysherdsonthesurfaceoriginatefromthe1sttothe4thcenturyAD.400

Maஞ¢n

Maᦧ¢ is one of the two urban centers of southern Jordan and its importance has alwaysbeenbasedonitslocation.Nowadays,theDesertHighwayrunspastthecity, butevenbeforethat,Maᦧ¢wasƒcentraltransporthub.Thepilgrimroutefrom DamascustoMeccawentthroughthetown,anditwasoneoftherestingstationsalong thejourney.In1908,italsobecameoneofthestationsoftheHejazrailway.Musilgives

397Canaan(1929:208)tellsƒlocallegend,ƒvariantofthesamestoryastoldbyLiy¢thne.Nielsen (1929:201)alsonotesthattheBedouinmakeƒpilgrimagetothespringofMoses. 398Numbers20:7-11.SinceMoseshadstrucktherockinsteadoftalkingtoitasGodhadordered,both MosesandAaronwereforbiddentoenterthePromisedLand.ThestorycontinueswhentheIsraelites askforpassagethroughthelandofEdom,buttheirrequestisrefused.Aarondiessoonafterthisandis buriedonMountHor.InadditiontotheplaceinPetra,otherlocationshavealsobeenconnectedtothe incident.OneplaceisᦧUyóMusaatMountNebonearMadabainnorthernJordan,alreadydescribedby EgeriainherItineraryinthe4thcentury:There,inthemidst,betweenthechurchandthecells,thereflows fromoutoftherockƒgreatstreamofwater,verybeautifulandlimpid,andexcellenttothetaste.Thenwe askedthoseholymonkswhodwelttherewhatwasthiswaterofsogoodƒflavour,andtheysaid:"Thisis thewaterwhichholyMosesgavetothechildrenofIsraelinthisdesert.(20-21). ThethirdsiteislocatedinSinai. 399Muhammad1999:79. 400YvonneGerber,personalcommunication2005.

105

anestimationof150familiesinthesouthernhalfofthetownand100familiesinthe north.401Today,thepopulationisestimatedtobeapproximately30,000.402 AntoninJaussenvisitedthetownatthebeginningofthe20thcentury,andhe describesthreeofthetown’sholysitesinhisbook. wasinMaᦧ¢inSeptember2007 andusedJaussen’sbookasmymainliterarysource.Duringmystay, interviewedfour menfromMaᦧ¢n. madeƒsecondbriefvisitinNovember2011andwentthroughthe placesagainwithƒlocaltaxidriver.

16.AmmᖠJdÄᦧ403(N30.207658,E35.743878)ϊϳΪΟ ϡ΍

Amm ᖠJdÄᦧ is situated along the edge of the Wadi Sh¢Äye that cuts through the northernpartofthetown.ItwasknownandvisitedbyallthetribesofMaᦧ¢n.There areruinedwallsfromolderstructures,aswellasanoldgardenbesidethesite.Thesite itselfispartoftheerodedriverbed.Itprotrudesfromthesouthernbankofthewadi, curvingoutwardsandformingƒsmall,aboutthreemetershighshelter.In2007,the placehadclearlybeenvisited,andtherewerevarioussignsofrecenthumanpresence: the ground was ashy, blackened by candles and incense. Patches of henna had been stuffedintothewall,andsomeofthepieceswerestillquitefresh.Onmysecondvisitin 2011,allthesetraceshaddisappeared.Theinnerfaceofthesitewasclean,and did notnoteanyremainsonthegroundeither. TheinformantsstatedthatAmmᖠJdÄᦧwasthemostimportantholysiteinthe town.Itwasalsotheplacethatwasknownbyallofthem.Yet,theoriginalidentityof AmmᖠJdÄᦧwasnotveryclear. wastoldthatAmmᖠJdÄᦧwasƒpiouswomanwho helpedthepoorandsick.Theinformantsalsosuggestedthathertombmightbeontop ofthesite,butnosignsofanygravecouldbeseen.Instead,allsignsofvisitswere undertheformationandonitswalls.Jaussenwasabletorecordtalesrelatedtothe origin of the name and the site. According to him, people who went under the formationforshelterstartedseeingthespiritoftherockmanifestedintheirdreamsin theformofƒsnakeorƒwomanandtellingthemthatshewasthewaliyaoftherockǤ Whentheseincidentscontinued,theplacebecameƒholysite,favoredespeciallybythe womenofMaᦧ¢n.

17.ShµkhᦧAbdallahͿ΍ΪΒϋ Φϴη

This site is located on the southern side of the town, in an area called al-ᐅÛr. The modern bus station is situated nearby, but the site is secluded between private buildings.Originally,thetombofᦧAbdallahwasinsideƒsmallbuildingorshrineandit may have looked similar to either the shrine of ¢”ó or al-ᖠᏡ•µni in Wadi ó•¢ǡ although wasnotgivenanexactdescriptionoftheshrine.Thisbuildingwas

401Musil1908:56. 402 http://world-gazetteer.com/wg.php?x=&men=gcis&lng=en&dat=32&geo=- 110&srt=npan&col=aohdq&pt=c&va=&srt=pnanwritten.26,461peopleinthecensusof2004. 403Jaussen1908:302usestheform‘Umm;edeï’ah,Laméredelapetitemutilée usethewordin masculineformasitwasgiventomebytheinformantsin2007.“Themotherofƒsmallmutilatedone” perhapsreferstothestrangeshapeofthissite.

106

destroyedforsomereasonandnonewshrinewasevererected.Instead,theplaceof thegravewassurroundedbyƒhighwallmadeofconcreteblocks.Thewallencircles thewholearea,andnodoorwaywaslefttoenableentrancetotheenclosure.Itseems thatthetombswererebuiltatthesametimeasthewallwasbuilt,assimilardecorated blockssurroundtheelevatedconcreteplatformsofthegravesaswellasthetopofthe wall.Therearethreetombsinside,thelargestoneapparentlythatoftheShµkhandthe twosmalleronessituatedatitsfootprobablybelongingtomembersofhisfamily.At theheadofthelargesttomb,ƒstonewithanArabicinscriptionhasbeenattachedto therebuilttomb.Thetopofthestonehasbrokenoff,cuttingawaythetextfromthe upperrows.Thebottomhasbeenblackenedwithfire.Thisstonemaybewhatremains ofanearlierstructure,ƒtomborperhapsƒcenotaph.Fourrowsoftextcanstillbe seen,withthefifthrowconsistingofthenumber262.404Theareainsidethewallsis veryuntidyandbadlykept.Peoplehavethrowngarbageinsideanditseemstohave becomeƒlocaldump.Someashcanbeseenontheground,butitprobablyoriginates fromtherubbishandnotfromvisits. According to Jaussen, Ce personage monta du désert et vint s’installer dans la ville.Ilfitlebiensanssefaireremarquer.WhenhediedhewasdeclaredƒwalÄbyoneof his parents. Jaussen states, that Shµkh ᦧAbdallah was the most important walÄ in Maᦧ¢n.405In2007,however,AmmᖠJdÄᦧwasconsideredmoreimportant.Thismaybe theresultofthechangesthathavetakenplaceinMaᦧ¢n.Asthereisnoentrancetothe tomb,itisalsoverydifficulttovisitanditseemsthatShµkhᦧAbdallahhasbecomeless importantthanheusedtobeinthepast.

18.Ban¢–al-ᦧµ Ϧϴόϟ΍ ΕΎϨΑ

ItseemsthatthegrowthofthetownofMaᦧ¢hasbeenquiterapid.Newbuildingshave beenerectedoverandaroundtheoldareas.Abandonedruinscanbeseeninvarious partsofthetown:alongtheedgesofWadiSh¢Äyainthenorth,butalsointheold sectioninal-ᐅ۔andal-Bas¢–Đinthesouth.ThethirdsitedescribedbyJaussenwas calledBan¢–al-ᦧµn,theDaughtersoftheSpringǤTherewasnotomb,butƒsimplewall

404 amgratefulforIlkkaLindstedtforprovidingmethereadingandtranslationoftheinscription. Accordingtohim,thetextreadsas: (?)ϲΘϟ΍/ϰΗ΍ ΔϨγ ϲϓ ϥϮϓ[Ϊϣ] ϙήΒϟ΍ϭ ωϼϘϟ΍ ΓέΎϤϋ (?) ϥ΍ήΣ ϥ[ϡ] ΞΤϟ΍ ϖϳήσ ϲϓ Ύθϳ ϥ[ϡ] [ϱΪϬϳ Ϳ ϥ΍]… 262 ΔϨγ Thetranslation(byLindstedt)isasfollows: 1.buriedintheyearheexecuted/which(?) 2.thebuildingofcastlesandwaterpools 3.onthepilgrimageroadfromHarran/Hawran(orsomeothertoponym). 4.…[Godguides]whoHewills(orƒsimilarphrase). 5.Theyear(1)262AH amalsogratefulforRobertWhitingforhiscommentsconcerningthescriptandthedating. 405Jaussen1908:297.

107

withnichesabovetherunningwater.406Henotesthateventhoughtheplacewascalled ban¢t,daughters,inplural,thelocalpeoplereferredtothesiteaswalÄyainsingular. However,hedoesnotgiveanyfurtherdetailsconcerningthesite,noteventheexact locationotherthanthegeneralreferenceofitbeingsomewhereinMaᦧ¢n. Thespringapparentlynolongerexists.In2007,noneoftheinformantswas evenawareofƒplacecalledBan¢–al-ᦧµn,eventhoughtheoldestofthemwasabout70 yearsold. wastakentotwosprings,bothofthemdriedup.Onewasknownasᦧµ ᖠNjazaorᦧµ Jwµzi,butitdidnotseemtomatchtheaccountofJaussen.Thesecond one,however,didresemblethedescription.ThespringwascalledᦧµSwµlemandit haddriedupƒfewdecadesago,althoughtheinformantscouldstillrememberitfrom theirchildhood.Iftheplacewascorrectone,itseemsthatthesanctityofthissitehad disappeared when the spring dried out, or more likely even earlier, as the local inhabitantscouldnotrecalltheplacebeingofanyspecialimportance.

19.Shµkhᖠᒒammad ΪϤΤϣ Φϴη 

JaussendoesnotmentionShµkhᖠᒒammadinhisstudyatall,butthelocalinformants in2007statedthathewasthethirdimportantwalÄintheMaᦧ¢region.Histombwas located in al-Bas¢–Än, thegardens of Maᦧ¢inthe old quarterof the town.Thus, the three sites, Shµkh ᦧAbdallah, Shµkh ᖠᒒammad and Ban¢– al-ᦧµ would have been situatedveryclosetoeachother,inthesouthernpartofthetown.AmmᖠJdÄᦧisnot veryfareither,althoughitisinthenorthernhalf.Itwascommonforpeopletovisitthe threeplaces,AmmᖠJdÄᦧandbothsheikhsonspecialoccasionssuchasƒcircumcision party or after the birth of ƒ new baby. Starting with Amm ᖠJdÄᦧǡ then advancing to Shµkh ᦧAbdallah and finally going toShµkh ᖠᒒammad before returning home for ƒ dinner Shµkhᖠᒒammad’stombhadoriginallyƒshrine,justlikeᦧAbdallah’stombhad. Accordingtothelegend,however,hedidnotlikeƒroofoverhisgrave.Theroofwas builtandrebuilttentimes,andeachtimeitcollapsedduringthenight.Finallyitwas leftasitwas,anopenroom. wastoldthatthisshrinehadalsobeendestroyedand eventhegravewaserased.When visitedthesitein2007onlyƒfaintrowofstones andsomescattered stoneslabsinthegroundwerestillvisibleandmarkingthesite where the shrine once stood. In 2011,  could no longer locate the place. The local driverdidnotrememberShµkhᖠᒒammadeither,buthetookmetoal-Bas¢–Đwhich hadbeenrebuilt.Atleastpartoftheareahadbeenturnedintoƒparkwithpalmtrees, pavedpathwaysandƒchildren’splayground.Itispossiblethatthetombisnowunder thepark.

SouthofRa஝•al-Naqb

ExceptforthecityofAqaba,theareasouthofRaᦦ•al-Naqbinthesouthernregionof Jordanissparselypopulated.ThecentralsiteisWadiRammwithitsrockylandscape thatattractsclimbersandhikers.Thelocaltribes,Zel¢biyeandZew¢yde,workmainly

406Jaussen1908:302“…unsimplemuravecdesnichesaudessusdel’eaucourante.”

108

intourism,offeringvisitorsguidedtoursaroundthearea.Today,thevillageofWadi Rammisƒpermanentsettlementwithconcretehouses,althoughƒfewfamiliesstill continuethetraditionallifestyleinthedesert.Severalothersmallersettlementsexist aroundWadiRamm,includingÄseandal-Gh¢l,thebordertownMudawwara,aswell asTitinontheroadfromWadiRammtoAqaba.Agriculturallandaroundtheregionof Abó᐀uww¢hasalsoofferedthelocalinhabitantsseasonalworkinthefields. Informationconcerningthesitesinthisareacomesmainlyfromfourmenofthe Zel¢biyetribefromWadiRamm. visitedtheareabrieflyin2005,interviewingthe inhabitantsfirstandthenvisitingthesites19Ǧ27.Exceptforƒnoteinƒtouristmap forSite20, havenotbeenabletofindanyreferencestotheseplacesinanyliterary sources.

20.AmmᖠDfóˆ(N29.590028,E35.62264) ϑϮϓΩ ϡ΍

The Mother of Slopes lies about 20 km east of Wadi Ramm along the road to Mudawwara. The site is located on the western face of ƒ crescent-shaped mountain calledJabalᖠDfóf.Thelandarounditisƒflatandemptysandyplain,butthevillagesof al-ManashĔandal-Gh¢l,aswellasirrigatedfieldsarenotfaraway.pavedroadtoal- Gh¢Žrunsnearby.Today,theareaaroundAmmᖠDfóˆhasbeenfencedanditbelongsto ƒclosednaturereserve.Therefore,itisnotpossibletogonearthesite.Itis,however, quitevisiblefromƒdistance. AmmᖠDfóˆisƒhighsandduneoffinewindblownsandthathasaccumulatedin ƒshelteredspaceontheslopeofthemountain. wastoldthatpeoplehavebeenburied nearby,but didnotseeanytombs.Itistheduneitselfthatisconsideredtobesacred bythelocalpeoplewhocallAmmᖠDfóˆƒwelÄǤ Itisprobablythemostfamoussite aroundWadiRamm:ithasbeenvisitedfromQuwayra,anditwasalsoknownin Mudawwara. There is also another sand dune beside Amm ᖠDfóˆ called ibenhaǡ“her son,”butitisnotconsideredtobesacred.Thesiteisnolongervisited,asthefence preventsit.

21.ᖠRjó†al-Maᒷ¢lgaΔϘϟΎτϤϟ΍ ΩϮΟέ

ThissiteislocatedintheWadiRammNatureReserve,NWofWadiRammvillageon thenorthernsideofJabalal-Barra.Themountainsheltersthetombsonthesouth,but thesiteissurroundedbyanopenplaininallotherdirections:WadiAmmᦧIshrĐinthe west,extendingnortheast. visitedthesitein2005andagainbrieflyin2011.Together withAmmᖠDfóf,ᖠRjó†al-Maᒷ¢lgaisthebestknownholysiteintheregion.Itwas frequently mentioned by informants in Wadi Ramm, and it is also marked ion the touristmap.407 lga form ƒ small cemetery that has apparently grown¢ڒThe tombs of al-Ma aroundthecentraltomb.Thesmallergravesareverysimple,markedeitherbylarge stonesorƒsimpleverticalstoneslab.Manyarealreadybadlywornandbarelyvisible.

407WadiRammTouristMap,RoyalJordanianGeographicCentre.

109

Thecentraltombconsistsofanirregular-shapedlowmoundmadeofpiledboulders withthreesinglerowsofstonesextendingeastfromthecentralmound.largepatch ofdriedvegetationandsoilcoversthetopofthemound.Severalofthebouldersinthe moundhavetracesofburningonthesurfaceorsmallashypatchesonthetop, indicatingtheuseofincense.Somewornwhiteragsarealsolyingonthegroundand between the stones. Other than these, no signs of recent or ancient human activity couldbedetectedonthesurface. According to Oppenheim’s table, al-Maᒷ¢lga is ƒ subtribe of the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢– Ibn ¢zi.408 However, the local informants said that the tombs belong to the Zew¢yde family,althoughallthetribesintheregionvisitedthemag¢mǤTheburialinthecentral moundbelongstoShµkhᖠᏡµd,anancestorandleaderofthetribe.

22.Shrµˆal-Marᒲad  ΪλήϤϟ΍ ϒϳήη

ThelongWadial-MarᒲadislocatedwestofWadiRamm.Itrunsnorth-southbetween twomountainranges,theeasternrangecalledbythesamename:Jabalal-Marᒲad.This alteration of north-south –running flat bottomed wadis and inselberg ranges, the highestpeaksrisingabove1700aslandthelowestpointsatthebottomoftheplain goingdowntoabout800asl,isverycharacteristicofthegeographyofWadiRamm. Thenamemeansƒplaceofobservation,ƒlookout,andthegeographyofthisareadoes offergoodlocationsforobservationȂ orambush.ThetombofShrµˆ al-Marᒲadison thewesternsideoftheplainalongthedirttrailleadingtoAqaba. Thetombisƒlargeroundishmoundthatmayhavebeenpartiallyfilledwithsoil andthencoveredwithboulders.Somelargerstonescanbeseenaroundthemound, possiblyindicatingsmallergraves,butthetracesareveryfaint.Therearenomaterial signsofvisitsotherthanwhatappeartobeattemptstoexcavatewithinthemound itselfandbesideit.Somebouldershavefallen(orbeenthrown)fromthemoundand thesoilfrominsidethetombhassliddownalongtheeasternside. Theareaispartofthe†Äraofal-Gedm¢n,thesubtribeofal-ᦧAl¢™Än.Thereare no permanent settlements in the plain, but the Bedouin live in the area seasonally, pitchingtheirtentsalongthesidesofthewadi,especiallyduringthespring.

23.Shrµˆal-Shyókh ΥϮϴθϟ΍ ϒϳήη

Located at the southern edge of Wadi Ramm and standing on the plain, the site is reachablebyƒfour-wheeldrivevehicle,buttherearenomarkedroads.Thereisvery littleremainingofthistomb:ƒverylowmoundwithƒfewbouldersthathavealready partiallyfallendown.Windblownsandhascoveredthegraveinplaceswherestones aremissing.Theinformantsrememberedthatthereweretreesgrowinginthetomb andtherewassomesmallvegetationvisible,althoughnotquitetree-sized.Theremay beremainsofƒsmallertombbesidethelargerone,butitwasdifficulttodetermine.All in all, there are no surface finds, no signs of visits, nor any remains of earlier

408Oppenheim1943:300.

110

structures.Theplaceseemstobetotallyabandoned.Thetombwassaidtobelongtoƒ pious sheikh called Ć¢ ᦧE† and he was visited by his descendants in the Zel¢biye tribe,butalsobyotherfamiliesaswell.

24.Al-Gaᒷᒷ¢”  έΎτϘϟ΍

ThesiteisalsoinWadiRamm,approximately͸kmsouthofWadiRammvillage.The namereferstothemountainthatisknownforitsspringthatprovidesperennialwater forthearea.Ontheeasternside,atthefootofthemountain,ƒsmallcemeterycanbe seen.Allthegraveslookverysimple,withonlyƒverticalstoneslaborƒsmallboulder markingtheplacesoftombs.Therewerealsonosignsofvisitsoranyremainswhich couldrevealwhichofthegravesmighthavehadspecialimportance.Thelocalguide whowaswithmecouldremembertheplacebeingvisitedinthepast,buthewasnot abletopinpointtheparticulargraveashehadbeenveryyoungatthetime.Thesite wasalsomentionedbyoneoftheolderinformantsinaninterview.

25.Abó᐀uww¢ ϥ΍Ϯλ ϮΑ΍

Thissiteissituatedintheareaofal-᐀uww¢n,approximately10kmeastofal-Gh¢l. LocalBedouinhavebeenlivingintheareaseasonallyandtheareahasbeeninhabited mostlybytheMazanafamilyofal-Zew¢ydetribe.Thegovernmenthasbeenlaunching agriculturalprojectsintheregionandthefieldsarestillvisible,althoughatleastsome oftheprojectswerediscontinued.Theprojectsprovidedseasonalemploymentforthe localinhabitants,andalsothegrainandflourwasdistributedtothefamilies.Without ongoing projects or seasonal work, the area seemed to be mostly desolate when  visitedtheplaceintheautumnof2005.Thetentsitescanstillbeseenontheground, indicatedbyrectangularareaswhereallthestoneshavebeenremoved. Whatalsoremainsisƒsmallcemeterywithabout20-30gravesplacedinƒrow. Someofthetombsmaybeolderandtheyhavebeenmarkedwithverticalslabsand smallboulders.Othertombsseemmorerecentasconcreteblockshavebeenusedin enclosingthegraves.Thecemeterywasfencedanditwasnotpossibletogoinside. Noneofthegravesseemedtohaveanysignsofvisits.Apparently,theholysiteitselfis ƒwidefieldofstonebouldersinthevicinityofthegraveyard.Somestoneshavebeen piledup,buttherewasnoclearindicationoftheexactlocationofthemag¢mǤ was toldthatthegraveofAbó᐀uww¢wasinthecenterofthefield,butitseemedƒvery unlikelyspotfordiggingƒtomb.Thehighestspothadbeenmarkedwithwhitepaint butapartfromthecolor,noothertracesofhumanpresencecouldbeseen.

26.Rijmal-ᦧᒷawÄϱϮτόϟ΍ ϢΟέ

Thissitecanbefoundapproximately20kmwestofMudawwara,slightlyoffthedesert roadtoWadiRamm.Theonlyinformationconcerningthisplacecamefromtheguide fromWadiRammwhoshowedthesitetomein2005.Rijmal-ᦧᒷawÄisƒrockyhillon thesouthernsideofƒwideplateau.Thehilldiffersfromthesurroundingareain

111

havingdarkstonesthatresembletherocksofAbó᐀uww¢n.Thetopofthehillisan unevenerodedrocksurface.heapofstoneshasbeenerectedontheeasternendof thehilltopandmarkedwithwhitepaint.Theheapisalsovisiblefromthefootofthe hill,butnoothertracesofvisitscouldbeseen.Theplaceisnotwidelyknown,the visitorsareprincipallytheBedouinoftheMudawwararegionwhovisitthesiteasthey passbyduringtheirseasonalmigrationwiththeirgoatsandcamels.409

27.GalᦧatMudawwara(N29.321989,E35.991701) ΓέϭΪϣ ΔόϠϗ

ThefortressofMudawwaraissituatednearthemoderntownofMudawwaracloseto theSaudiborder.Thefortisinthemiddleofƒwideplain.Otherstructuresincluding wellsandtwocisternsarelocatedtowardsthesouthnearby.Theremainsoftheold railwaystationarealsonearby.Thehistoryofthefortressextendsbacktothe18th century,theestimatedtimeofconstructionbeing1730-1735.Thebuildingwasreused in the 20th century,410 but it was originally the result of the Ottoman government’s policyofprotectingandcontrollingtheHajjroutefromDamascustoMecca.Thefirst fortswerealreadybuiltinthe16thcentury,andduringthe18thcentury,thenetworkof fortswasexpandedwiththefortressesofal-Balqa,al-Ꮱasa,al-Faᒲᒲ—ᦦa,al-Mudawwara andMad¢ᦦin᐀¢liᒒbuiltduringthisphase.411ThefortswereusedbyOttomangarrisons stationedalongtheroutetoprotectthepilgrims.Allthefortshaveƒverystandard ground plan which may have derived from medieval caravanserais.  It is ƒ square- shapedbuilding,approximately20metersoneachsidewithroomsontwofloorsandƒ parapetsurroundingƒcentralcourtyard. 412Thefortresseswereconstructedoflocal materials,thefortofMudawwarabeingmadeofsandstoneblocks.In2005,theouter wallsofthefortificationwereinrelativelygoodcondition,buttheinnerstructureshad collapsed in places, leaving the courtyard filled with stone tumble. Remains of the stairsleadingtotheupperfloorwerestillvisiblenearthearchedentrance.Inseveral parts of the building, there were deep holes in the ground suggesting illegal excavations.413Sherds,glassandironfragmentswerelyingscatteredonthesurface. Mudawwara was mentioned as ƒ mag¢mbyoneinformantinWadiRamm.  visited the fortress in 2005 with ƒ guide who was also from Wadi Ramm. The suspected grave is situated in the NW corner of the fort. The room has also been excavated,andtherewasƒdeepholeinthecorner.Somefireplacesseemedtoexistin theroombut wasnotabletostudythesitecloselybecauseofthedenserubbleonthe

409Canaandiscussesthe“HeapofStones”–typeofholysite,statinghowwhenonestandsatsuchƒspotit isƒcauseforwondertolookroundineverydirectionandfindnothingtosuggesttheideaofsanctity exceptmereheapsofstones,which,ofcourse,differinsizeandformindifferentplaces.Healsopointsout thatsuchheapsmaybeinhabitedbyjinn.Heapofstonesasƒsignofƒplacewheresomeonehasbeen killed,asusedbytheBedouin,wasalsomentioned.(Canaan1924:73-74)Thenameofthissitedoesnot seemtoindicatesuchƒplace,sinceitreferstogiftsandofferings. 410Petersen2008:33. 411Petersen2008:33. 412Petersen2008:32. 413Itseemsthattheseexcavationscausedthesouthernwalltocollapseatsomelaterpointasshowninƒ picturetakenbytheCouncilforBritishresearchintheLevant: http://www.cbrl.org.uk/img/haj%20forts2.JPG.

112

floorandnumerousinhabitedwaspnestsonthewalls.Thetombwassaidtobelongto ƒlocalBedouinmankilledbytheTurksandburiedunderthefortification.Histomb wasnotamongthepopularonesandseemstohavebeenvisitedonlybypeopleliving inMudawwararegionǤTheareabelongstoal-ᦧᒷótribe,ƒsubtribeoftheᏡuwayᒷ¢– ibn ¢zi.   28.Shrµˆ¢baᒷ ςΑΎγ ϒϳήη

SouthwestofWadiRammandapproximately10kmnorthoftheSaudi-Arabianborder liesWadi¢baᒷǡƒflat-bottomedplainsurroundedbymountainsofverydarkcolor, possibly of volcanic origin. The wadi runs from the southeast towards northwest, providingƒpassagetothevillageofTitinandfurtheron,tothehighwaytoAqaba.The characterofthissiteisunclear.ItwasmentionedbyaninformantinWadiRammand showntomebytheguidefromWadiRamm.Thereweresomevagueremainsofgraves onthesouthernsideoftheplain,buttherewerenosignsofanyremainsotherthan scatteredbouldersmarkingthetombs.Shrµˆ¢baᒷmaythusrefertothevalleyitself.It isoneofthelessknownplaces,theareahasbeeninhabitedbytheᦧAmr¢but apparentlythetribenowadaysresidesmainlyinSaudiArabia.

29.Al-Hajfe  ΔϔΠϬϟ΍  

West of the village of Quwayra the dirt road runs through wide wadis between the mountainsuntil,afterapproximately13km,itascendshigher.largelonelypalmtree marksthespot,andthereisalsoanoldwellnearby.fewhundredmeterstowards thewest,theroadreachesthehighestpointatover1300aslandstartsdescending downtowardsWadiAraba.Thesiteoffersverygoodviewsbothtowardstheeastern plateauandtothewestallthewaydowntotheRiftValley. Al-Hajfeisƒverylargecemeterythatextendsoverthreehills.Thethirdhilltop is dominated by ƒ large heap of the stones of ƒ totally destroyed, ruined structure. Largepartsofthewallsseemtohavecollapsedinside,formingƒveryintensestone tumble.Illegalexcavationsalongthewallsrevealclearwalllines,butitisdifficultto form ƒ concise picture of the complex. Pottery sherds lie scattered on the surface aroundthestructure,butthescatterbecomeslessdensefurtherawaynearthegraves. On top of some stones lying around the ruins there were patches of ash, indicating burnedincense,butonthetombsthemselves,nosignsofvisitscouldbedetected.Itis therefore difficult to determine which tomb or tombs have had special importance. Judgingfromthesizeofthesite,thecemeteryseemstohavebeeninuseforƒlong time. Some of the tombs have already partially disappeared and only an occasional boulderor stone slab reveals the place. Some tombs have been made of stone slabs placedoverthegrave.Severalofthetombsareespeciallywellmade:workedstones havebeentakenfromtheruinsandreusedinbuildingthetombs.Theyarerectangular inshapeandthreetofourcourseshighabovethesurfacewithƒverticalslabatboth endsofthetomb.Somearealsoplasteredover,somecontaininscriptionsinArabic. The area has been inhabited by al-Gedm¢ and al-Nej¢†¢– of the ᦧAlawÄn. In

113

2005,onetentwaspitchednearthepalmtree,butin2011when visitedthesite again,theplaceseemedtobetotallyempty.Theinformationaboutthesitecamefrom WadiRamm,and didnothavetheopportunityoffindingoutmoredetailsconcerning the history of the cemetery and the possible mag¢ in it. However, the ruined structureconfirmsthattheplacehasƒlonghistory.Thelocationprovidesƒgoodplace forƒmilitarylookout,butƒmountainsanctuarycouldalsobeƒpossibility.

30.ShrµˆIshhab ΐϬη΍ ϒϳήη

TheinformationconcerningthissiteagaincomesfromWadiRamm.Themag¢was saidtobelongtoanancestoroftheZew¢ydefamilyand wastolditwaslocated somewhereeastofᏡumayma.In2005 oncevisitedƒlargecemeterysouthofthe ancientsiteofᏡumayma.Someofthetombslookedverymodern,butmosttombs weremarkedbyƒsinglestoneslab,soestimatingtheagewasverydifficult.Oneofthe tombswasbuiltofsmallboulders,formingƒverylowmound.brokenwoodenstake hadbeenerectedbetweentherocksandtherewasalsoanotherpieceofcurvedwood fromƒpalmtreeplacedundertheboulders.Driedgrasshadbeenpiledontopofthe mound,andtherewerealsoremainsofburnedincenseonthestones. returnedtothe areain2011toverifythesite,buttheBedóŽmenlivinginᏡumaymahadnotheard aboutShrµˆIshhab.Ifthetombdescribedabovewasthecorrectplace,thedirections giveninWadiRammwereinaccurate.ItisalsopossiblethatShrµˆIshhabisactually locatedmoretotheeast,ontheothersideoftheDesertHighway.Eitherway,thissite remainsunverified.Thenameisrelatedtothecolorgrey,perhapsdescribingthecolor oftheground.

31.Al-Marmad(N29.94727,E35.47279) ΪϣήϤϟ΍

ThissitewasmentionedbyinformantsinWadiRammin2005,but wasnotableto findtheplacethen.In2011,as wastravelingtoQuwayra, receiveddirectionsfrom twoyoungmenoftheBedóŽtribelivinginᏡumayma.Al-Marmadissituatedaboutʹ kmsoutheastofthetownofDabbetᏡ¢ót,ontheeasternslopeofthemountainthat bordersthevillagefromtheeast.simpledirtroadleadsnearthesite. couldnotsee anyinhabitantsnearby,butapparentlysomefamiliespitchtheirtentsalongthewadi totheeastofthesite. Al-Marmadisƒhighsanddune,formedbyaccumulatedfinesandalongtheside ofthemountain,similartoAmmᖠDfóf.Someshrubsandgrassarealsogrowinginthe sand.Thelocalinhabitantsaremainlymembersofal-Mar¢ᦧye-tribe,butthedunehas alsobeenvisitedfromWadiRamm.Thenamemayrefertoanashytone,althoughthe sandisnotgreyincolor,oritmayalsobeanimplicationoftheusageofthesite.As  wastolditwasusedforhealing,itmayhavebeenƒplaceespeciallyforhealingeye diseases.Numerousanimaltracksleaduptothetopofthedune,andtherewerealso somefainttiretracksvisibleintheground,butotherwisetheplacewasemptywhen  visitedit.

114

Sitesnotseen

Inadditiontothesitesdescribedabove,therewereseveralplaces didnothavethe opportunitytovisit.Thesesiteswillbelisted here,startingwiththeonesthatwere collectedfrommodernsourcesȂeitherrecordedininterviewswithlocalinformants, ordiscussedinƒmodernpublication.Somehavealsobeenmentionedinearliertexts. Afterthese, alsoincludethesitesappearingonlyinearliersources.Forthese, could notfindanymodernverification.

32.Buᒷmatal-Minye ΔϴϨϤϟ΍ ΔϤτΑ

TheTerebinthofDeathisanoldtreegrowingonthetopofƒhillatal-Minye,southeast ofWadió•¢ǤThetreeappearsinƒstoryrelatedtothetribalbattlesbetweentheBanÄ ᦧᒷ¢andBanÄᦧᒷÄyeinthe17thcentury.However,Buᒷmatal-Minyedoesnothaveany specificroleinthestory,butitissimplythelocationwheretheinvadersweredriven off.Inthetradition,thetreeitselfwasconsideredtobesacredandtherewasnotomb oranyotherstructure.ItwasvisitedbysomemembersoftheLiy¢thnetribe,especially byal-Shrór.414

33.Zign¢natal-Shró” 

Thissitewasanothertypeofsacredtreewhichgrewinᐅaybebutitburneddownand nolongerexists.Itwasalsovisitedbyal-Shrór.Thesitediffersfromtheotherplaces listedbecauseitwasnotthoughttobeinhabitedbyƒwalÄǡbutbyevilspirits,jinn,who sanginthetree.415

34.Swµri ϱήϳϮγ

Swµri is an ancestor of al-SaᦧĆěÄn. Both Hillelson and Musil list him as ƒ famous warrior and the forefather of the Ram¢mna family.416 In 2011,  interviewed two membersoftheSaᦧĆěĐwhobothrecognizedthename.However,theolderinformant toldmethatthesiteisnolongervisited.Themainreasonisthattheplaceofhisgrave, Wadial-Jer¢fi,isapparentlynowontheIsraelisideofWadiAraba.

35.Al-WalÄᏡµ†¢lemϢϟΎγ ΪϴϤΣ ϲϟϮϟ΍

TheinformationconcerningthetombofᖠᏡµ†camefromƒBedóŽ manin2005.In 2011, discussedthesiteagainwithmembersofal-BedóŽandwastoldthatthereisno roadtothegrave.ThelocationofhistombissomewherenearGharandalinMshazza



414Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:191. heardthefullstoryofthetribalbattlefromHanial-Falahatin 2002. 415Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:191. 416Hillelson1938:126,Musil1908:46,329.

115

36.Al-᐀kharÄϱήΨμϟ΍ ήΒϗ

TheinformationcomesfromƒmanfromWadiRamm,recordedin2005.Thetombof al-᐀kharÄisnearthetownofal-Jafr.Hewassaidtobeƒmemberofal-᐀khó”tribewho diedinbattleduringthetimeoftheᏡuwayᒷ¢–warsandwasburiedinthearea.The membersofal-Skhó”maystillvisittheplace,butoutsidethetribe,heismostly unknown.

37.Ꮱalfe ϰϔϠΣ

ThesiteislocatedwestofMudawwara,closetotheborderwithSaudiArabia.The informantsinWadiRammstatedthatthesitebelongstotheBaniᦧᒷÄyeandisvisited bythem,butthenatureofthesiteisnotclear.Itwasreferredtoas“SµŽᏡalfe”byone oftheinformants.ᏡalfeislistedinWikimapiaanditseemstobeƒnarrowgorgewhich probablyhasƒseasonalƒstream.417Thenamemaysuggestthatthesitewasusedfor .(makingoaths.ֺalfeisalsothenameofƒplant(Alfagrass,Stipatenacissima

38.Al-J¢miᦧ ϊϣΎΠϟ΍

Theonlyreferencetothesiteof“theMosque”isCanaan’sdescription.Hedoesnotsay theexactlocationofthisplace,butaccordingtohim,Salm¢ibnSaᦧÄd,thefatherofthe sheikhofal-Shrór,wasburiedthere.Thusthesitemayhavebeeninornearᐅaybe.In additiontoSalm¢n,otherunnamedpiousmenwereburiedoutsidethebuildingand underƒstonemound,butCanaanhimselfcouldnotfindanytracesoftombs,onlythe buildingitselfwhichhedescribesasanoldlargeandvaultedroom,verydefectiveand partlyruined.TheroomwasalsomainlyusedforFridayprayers.418Sincethereisno present-dayrecordofthissite,itmayalreadyhavebeenoneofthelessknownones duringthetimeofCanaanandthetombsofthefugar¢mayhavebeenforgottensoon afterhisvisit,especiallyiftherewerenosignsofgravesabovetheground.

39.ᦧOmar ήϤϋ

According to Musil, this walÄ islocatedinthemiddleofthevillageofEljÄ.419 Canaan doesnotmentionᦧOmar,nordoanyofthemoderninformantsfromWadió•¢Ǥ

40.ᦧAbdallahͿ΍ΪΒϋ

MusilalsomentionstheplaceofthetombofᦧAbdallah,whowastheancestorofthe “Amrani”ȋᦧAm¢”Än)tribe.AccordingtoMusil,hisgraveliesinRaᒒama.Hesawtwo stoneslabspiledwithvotivegiftsinfrontofthetomb.420SinceRaᒒamawaslistedby MusilasthewesternmostborderoftheᦧAm¢”Đterritory,Bayᒅ¢ᦦbeingthesouthern

417http://wikimapia.org/#lat=29.2691047&lon=35.7607555&z=14&l=0&m=b&v=8. 418Canaan1929:208. 419Musil1908:331. 420Musil1908:58.

116

border, the location may be somewhere in the northwestern part of Wadi Araba, outsidetheboundariesofmystudy.Nevertheless,ᦧAbdallahwasnotmentionedinany oftheothersources,eithertextualororal.FortheᦧAm¢”Đinthepresenttime,Gubó” ஞIy¢ŽஞAww¢disthemostimportantancestralsite.

Othersitesvisited

AsitwasmyoriginalplantostudytheregionsouthofWadial-Ꮱasa, madeƒtentative visittothenorthernsideoftheresearchareain2005.Soonafterthat, decidedtolimit mystudytotheareasouthofShawbak,thusleavingoutthenorthernmostsection. ThereisƒconcentrationofholysitesbetweenShawbakandKarak,withaboutƒdozen placesrelatedtotheBible,theQurᦦ¢andthehistoryofearlyIslam.Below, describe three of the sites that  visited as ƒ comparative example. Finally, the last two descriptions are about cemeteries where none of the tombs were considered to be sacred. visitedtheminordertocomparethemtothesiteswherereligiousvisitswere orhadbeenconducted.

41.FarwaibnᦧImróal-Judh¢Ä ϲϣ΍άΠϟ΍ ϭήϤϋ ϦΑ Γϭήϓ

Thistombislocatednearthe springofᦧAfr¢ᦦ closetothesouthernedgeofWadial- Ꮱas¢ᦦǤ  dirt road that turns off from the King’s Highway leads to the place. Piled boulderssurroundthemodernmemorial,erectedin1986.Thememorialisbuiltof whitestones,withƒplasteredbase.Itisapproximately͵metershighandstandsonƒ base.platewithanArabicinscriptioninthreecolumnshasbeenattachedtothefront face of the base, telling about the martyrdom of Farwa ibn ᦧImró al-Judh¢Ä in approximately 633 (12 AH). He was the ruler of the Maᦧ¢ area who converted to Islam, sending ƒ messenger to the Prophet. The Byzantines, however, were warned aboutthisandFarwawascrucifiednearᦧAfr¢ᦦbytheGhassanidkingal-Ꮱ¢rith.421

42.Al-Ꮱ¢rithibnᦧUmayral-AzadÄ ϱΩίϻ΍ ήϴϤϋ ϦΑ ΙέΎΤϟ΍

Thetombofal-Ꮱ¢rithisbytheKing’sHighwaynearᐅafÄle.Themunicipalityandƒ smallvillagehavebeennamedafterhim.Thetombisinsideƒlargemoderncomplex made of white stones with ƒdomed mosqueand ƒminaret. Inside the shrine is the whitemarblecenotaph,thetopcoveredwithgreenclothandprayerrugs.Hisnameis inscribedattheheadofthecenotaph,withƒtextfromtheQurᦦ¢onthefrontside.The quotationisfromóratal-Raᦧ†(13:24):“˶έ΍͉Ϊϟ΍ ϰ ˴Β ˸Ϙ ˵ϋ ˴Ϣ ˸ό ˶Ϩ ˴ϓ ˸Ϣ ˵Η ˸ή ˴Β ˴λ Ύ ˴Ϥ ˶Α Ϣ ˵Ϝ ˸ϴ ˴Ϡ ˴ϋ ˲ϡ ˴ϼ ˴γ dz(Peacebeupon youforwhatyoupatientlyendured.Andexcellentisthefinalhome).Al-Ꮱ¢rithwasone oftheProphet'sCompanions.HewassentbytheProphetasƒmessengertothekingof Basra,buthewascapturedandkilledbytheGhassanidrulerShurᒒabĎinᐅafÄle.422

421Muhammad1999:67. 422Muhammad1999:62.Inthebookisanolderphotographoftheplace,showingƒsimplerectangular one-roombuildingwithƒcenotaphtotallycoveredwithƒlargegreencloth.Thelargecomplexhas replacedthisolderbuilding.

117

43.Shµth Κϴη

smallshrineislocatedinthetownofᐅafÄle.Itisƒrecentlyrestoredbuildingwith severalroomsandƒcourtyard. didnotseetheinterior,astheplacewasclosedwhen wasvisitingthesite.ShµthisƒprophetandthesonofAdamandEve.Theshrinein ᐅafÄleisnottheonlysitethatclaimstocontainhistomb.Al-NabÄShaythcanalsobe foundintheBekaaValleyinLebanon.

44.Gubó”al-Wiᒒayd¢– Ε΍ΪϴΣϮϟ΍ έϮΒϗ

Thissiteislocatedapproximately͸kmnorthofBayᒅ¢ᦦǡnearthepavedroadleading downtoWadiAraba. visitedtheplacetwice,firstin2005withƒmanandwoman fromal-BedóŽandagainin2011withƒyoungmanfromthesametribe.Itseemstobe ƒwellknownsite,asitwasmentionedbyseveralofmyBedóŽandᦧAm¢”Đinformants. However,  wastoldthatitwasnotƒholysiteandthereforenotvisitedbythelocal people. Thissiteisƒcemetery,expandingoverƒlowhillwhichappearstobetheruins ofsomeearlierstructure.Tracesofwalllinesarevisibleinmanyplacesinthearea, andtherewerealsopotterysherdsscatteredaroundthesurface,datingbacktothe2nd halfofthe1stcenturyandtothe2ndcenturyAD.423Thegravesweresituatedaround theancientstructures,someofthemalsostandingpartiallyontopofthewalls.Many wereonlyfaintlyvisibleabovethegroundandmostweresimpletombs,markedwithƒ single stone or stone slabs. There were also ƒ few stone cairns and stone mounds, perhapssuggestingƒmoreimportantburial.Architecturalstonesfromtheruinshad beenreusedinthetombs. Theoriginofthesiteappearedtobeunknowntomost.In2011,ƒmanfrom SaᦧĆěĐtoldmethatal-Wiᒒayd¢–wasƒtribewhoruledthewholeregioninthetime of ¢hilÄyaǤAl-Wiᒒayd¢–isalsoƒtribeknownfrommorerecenthistory.Betweenthe 16thand18thcenturies,theyseemedtobethemostpowerfultribeintheNegevandby the time of Napoleon’s campaigns, they controlled the region “between the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea.”424Atthebeginningofthe19thcentury,theyhad beendisplacedbytheTiy¢haandTar¢„Än,andthetribesplitintotwosections,one joiningtheJub¢”¢–confederationandtheothergrouptheTar¢„Än.425Musilalsonotes thatsomefamiliesofthe“Wᒒµ†¢t”encampwiththeTiy¢ha.426Eventhoughthemain areaofthetribeseemstohavebeenmoretowardsthenorthwestnearGaza,ifthey really controlled the area of Negev all the way to the Dead Sea, it does not seem improbablethattheycouldalsohavecrossedWadiAraba.



423YvonneGerber,personalcommunication2005. 424Eakins1993:75. 425Eakins1993:76. 426Musil1908:38.

118

45.ᖠMraybet andII ΖΒϳήϣ

ᖠMraybetisƒwideplateaubetweentheSharaMountainsandWadiAraba.Itis inhabited seasonally, mostly by families of al-SaᦧĆěÄn. Two of their cemeteries are locatedonlyƒfewhundredmetersapartfromeachother. visitedthemin2011withƒ manfromal-Bedól.Atbothsites,thetombsconsistmostlyoflowmoundsmadeofsoil withverticalstoneslabsorconcreteblocksplacedatoneorbothendsofthegrave.At bothlocations, alsofoundonetombthatwasdecoratedwithwhiteclothsthathad beenwrappedaroundƒstick,andononegravethereweretracesofburnedincense.

6.3. Comparativeanalysisoftypes

The following table presents ƒ brief summary all the sites described above with ƒ compiledlistoflocations,types,structuresandmaterialevidence. The list contains altogether 45 entries. Two sites are not holy sites, but are includedonlyforcomparativepurpose.Threesitesareoutsidethegeographicallimits ofthisresearch,andareusedforcomparisononly.Furthermore,ninesites havenot visitedpersonally,andtheywillnotbeincludedinthestatisticalanalysis.I,however, use them in the qualitative discussion if they provide enough information for the purpose of the study. This leaves altogether 31 locations that  have had the opportunitytovisitpersonallyandmakeobservations.Atleastsixofthesitesinclude morethanonewalÄǡthusincreasingthenumberofindividualsaintstomorethan37. Itisverylikelythatothersitesdoexistinthisregion.Findingthemallwould haverequiredƒsystematicsurveywithprolongedvisitstomostǦifnotallsettlements ǦintheareaandinterviewingpeoplefromallthetribesoftheregionȂƒtaskbeyond thescopeofthiswork.Equally,thereisƒquestionofvalidityofsites.Thereisƒ cemeteryofBedóŽalongtheroutetoJabal ¢”ón.Billesurveyedtheplaceandnoted sacralelementsinthetombthatwassaidtobelongtoƒBedóŽancestorandfagÄr.427 Curiously,thiscemeterywasnotspokenabout,norshowntomebymyBedóŽ informants.Thisraisesquestionsaboutwhysomethingisnotrevealed,butalsoabout thereliabilityoforalinformation.Inmylistofsites,thereareƒfewthatwere mentionedbyonlyoneinformant,andƒfewwherememoriesconcerningthesanctity wereveryvagueanduncertain.Eventhe19thȂandearly20thcenturywrittensources mustbeviewedwithequalskepticism,astheyalsohavebeenbasedonoralsources. On balance, ƒ large number of sites can be studied with greater reliability. The informationaboutthemisabundant:itcomesfromseveralseparatesourcestogether withthematerialevidenceobservedduringvisitstothesites.Naturally,asthereis muchmoreinformationconcerningthesesites,theyhavealso beenstudiedinmore depthandusedintheanalysis. Despitethesedefects, believethesesitesprovideƒcomprehensivesampleof thesacredlandscapeofsouthJordan,offeringƒwiderangeoftypesandlocationsasƒ basis for the theoretical discussion. Comparedtothenumerousshrinesthatdotthe

427 Bille2008:110.

119

countrysideandcitiesalikeinEgypt,Moroccoandmanyotherregions,theholyplaces of South Jordan are rather simple in character. NabÄ ¢”ó is the only saint in the regionwhosetombisinƒwhitewashed,domedbuildingthatissocharacteristicfor theholyshrinesinmorepopulatedareas.Manyoftheothersitesarevarioustombs withoutanybuildings.Inadditiontothetombs,thereareseveralnaturalsiteswhere someanomalousfeaturehasmadetheplacesacred.Thefollowingchartgivesƒpicture ofthedistributionofsitetypes.



Keytothetable:

Image:FigureNo.inAppendixII LocationtypeǣαOntoporupperpartofmountainorhill,αBottomorlowerpart ofƒplainorwadi,αUrban,withinƒtownorƒcity. State of Preservationǣ P: Preserved Ȁ In good condition (Structure still intact, only minor deterioration), PP: Partially Preserved (Most structures still standing, some major deterioration, R: Ruined (Structures collapsed), D: Destroyed (Site no longer visible) Structures(Themainstructureislistedfirst,othernotablefeaturesarelistedafterit. Ifthereisrecordedinformationaboutthechangestakingplaceatthesite,thepresent situationwillbelistedfirstandwhatisknownoftheearlierstructuresafterthemin parentheses):αBuilding,αCenotaph/Constructedtomb,αOtherenclosedspace, αOthernaturalformation, αGraveyard, αInscription,αStonemound,α Unidentified,αPlaster(ontomb),αAncientruins(locatednearbyorsitebuiltover olderstructure),αSmallertomb(s)(Thestructureitselfisƒsmallertomb,orthere aresmallertombsaccompanyingthemainstructure),αTreeorothervegetation,α secondaryuseofearliermaterialsinthestructure,αWellorSpring HumanactivityǣMaterialsignsattestingvisitstothesite.Recentlyobservedactivity listedfirst,itemslistedinoldersourcesbutnotseenorverifiedinparentheses.:α Candles,αBakhó”(Incense),αCloths/rags,αExcavation(grave-robbing), α Fireplaces, αHenna,αOtherpaint,αTexts(“graffiti”),αOthervotivegifts (beads,ostricheggshells,etc.),αWoodenstructures(stakes,poles),ǦαNosignsof visits,n/aαUnknown(notseen) WalÄ:Typeofsaint:αAncestor, αIslamic,charactersandeventsfromtheQurᦦ¢or earlyIslamichistory,αAnimism,sanctificationofnature No.: Number of sacred entities (for example, the number of awliy¢஝ buried) at the location.







120

2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 S ᖠ A S B S A J ᦧ a  a F ᐀ K a F G J A J J N 6 S a i a a h R h h l l a l a a m a m h u d ᒒ a a b n - - - b b b r µ µ r r j n J ᖠ B j a b d w m ó a  a a µ a a a a m k k m b M Ꮱ ¢ b a ó  l l l f d r r j j a a h h ¢ e t       b w r a s r   a ᖠ Ꮱ G H a   ó l r ᒒ ᖠ   ᖠ a a ¢  t µ ¢ - ᖠ ᦧ l M  l ᦧ s w ¢ D A J  , a R & ¢ l l - s I - n n M ᦧ  d - - T ¢ y r M A A s r h b f a M f i  ¢  ᦧ ó µ Ä  ó a a a ¢ Ꮱ ó a ᒒ  ᒷ ᒒ f d ᦧ t a n  n ¢ r l n l ¢ n ᒒ a f a m a a -  r r   y y  e ᦧ ᒷ k N m  w  ᒲ l e A ¢ a  ᦧ l a Ä a j a a l a w m  r m d d g   b h a   a w   Ä  a  &    d  ¢      d G     h   a   n    n  ¢ m   I   m         a     g     e   2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1  1  1 1   , - - 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 1 B B S U U U U T U U U U B B T ( B B B T T T T T     y ) p e a A J M M M M U W W W W ᖠ B A ᦧ ᐀ B A S J J L 6 a a a l M a u o l d Ä l Ä l - b n b b a a a a - a a a a r - b r - f M c h B G B a ᦧ ᦧ ᦧ ᦧ r    f a a d d d d r ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ꮱ A M a ¢ r a l l l a ¢ a a a i i i i n n n n t  u ᒒ   y m     a r ᖠ ᦧ y G H i r a M M M M      ᒒ a o r b m ᒲ D ( d ᒅ ¢ ó ¢ a u n a e ó ó ó ó h ¢ r f r a n d t p ó ó s s s s ᦦ ó k d  ) f ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ n n ó    r  P P P D P P P R P D P P P P P P R P P R R P S o P P P P P P P M M F D D C F R W D T B S M M E N M M E R B S , t , , , , , , , , ,  ,    r , ,   , , , ,    ,  I  E M R   E U     C S R  ( G u ? S G G S G G B , E  , , , ,  c ? ,  (   ,   ( , , ,  S , , G G  U R     t E (   C S I R R , ( u S W  , , ) , T ? I   ?  r M U  ) U , e ( ) )  , B T s  I ) ) ,  P ,  W M M F M F M F M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M G e  + n  d F e r E B n    A     B B B C B W B  T F A H ------/        , , , , , , , , , , u ( ( (       F    ? a W C B F C F F B B B B B m , , , , , C , , , , ) )       ,   W H W C C a F  , T V E  n , W , , , )     W W  H ( a C c , , ,   t  E V i V v ) i t y A A N A N A N I I A A A A A ? A A A A N I I W / ? ? a  N l Ä N 1 o 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 3 1 < 1 2 2 2 1 1

121

4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 5 4 3 2 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 ᖠ G  a a ᦧ ᦧ a Ꮱ a Ꮱ S Z B a S a S G R A A S N S A O M l l l l w l h l h h i u u a i b l h a m a ------b g m j - r r r A J J ᐀ M H l b l ᒷ m ó m µ µ G r n u d ¢ µ µ ᦧ µ f m k µ a a ó t z r  a e a m ¢ f f a f d a a ᐀ h d  e h i t y a    r r j a n a ᒷ l r I S  u a h f   d a M ᒷ b l i s l S t m e a a ¢ l w ¢ ¢ a ᦧ - r  Ä h - e ¢ l t a b ᦧ r  m h Ä u S A -  a t l h w  l a a W h   e d - d ᒷ I a Ä l ᒷ M m a ¢ y  a  - b a i S w n w ó ᒒ n i  h  n k a Ä d  w r  y h y   ƻ  I a e  d  I r  r   ¢ a   t                                                                                                                                  3 3  3 3          2 2 2 2 2 2 2  2            ------3 2 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 B B U U T n U n n n n n n T S B T n B T B B B T / / / / / / / / ? ? y a a a a a a a a p e ᖠ ᐅ ᐅ ᐅ ᦧ R W n S A M W ᐅ E D Ꮱ Q W M R ᐀ R R L A M a u / l o Û a a a l a a a a a u u f s - u a u - a a a w f f ᒒ y m m m c r r M b J m w r h Ä Ä d d d d d  ¢ a a a b a l l b ᖠ w a i i i a m m m e e ᦦ i f i a t m a y e M   e   r z n i w M e y S b y ¢ o b t z y a l ¢  r n d o m w n e a - Ꮱ ó e a b J e r t s e ¢ a a a d y ¢ r n ? ᒷ r e e ¢ ? a ó r f i t P R P P P ? ? D ? ? ? ? D P P P P N R P P P R S o P P P ? / P ? A G G B B E n n n n n n n T T F G G F B F G G M S t , / / / / / / / , ? ,  , ? , ,     r     / /  I a a a a a a a S R C C R / u ,     F D  , , ( c M D   I B P ? t u , ,   r R U e , ) s  T ,  W ,  U n n M M M M M M ? M M M ? ? ? M ? M M ? M ? M G / / e a a n d e r B  n   n n n n n n n n n  B B  E P P   H ------ /  / / / / / / / / /  ,   , , , u     a a a a a a a a a a F C W E m  , , (   ( W V a C n ) , V  a ) c t i v i t y   I I I A ? A ? A A A N N N A A N A A A A A W - -   ? ? / ? ? ? a N l Ä ? N 1 o 1 1 1 1 1   - - 1 1 1 1 < 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ? ? ? ? ? ? ?    

122

6.3.1. Sitetypes

Site types

6 % 13 % Building Other built enclosure 26 % 13 % Stone mound / cenotaph Smaller grave Natural formation Other / unspecified 26 % 16 %

 Thistypeofchartonlyprovidesinformationonthemostprominentfeatureofthesite. In many cases there are several types included, for example, ƒ cenotaph inside ƒ building, stone mounds with ƒ tree or well, tree and ƒ building. Therefore the classification is rather arbitrary. It does, however differentiate between sites with ƒ buildingorotherenclosureformingtheboundariesofthesite,whateverisinsideofit, andbetweensiteswherethestonemoundorcenotaphstandsaloneintheopenair,for example.Inthischart, havealsotriedtogobacktotheoriginalappearanceofthesite ifinformationisavailable,evenifthesitehaschangedorbeendestroyedlateron.The result shows ƒ rather uniform distribution among open-air stone mounds or cenotaphs,naturalformationsandbuildingsorotherenclosingstructuressurrounding thesite.Typically,ƒtombisƒstonecairnormound,withgravesconsistingonlyof smallstonesbeinglesscommon.However,itispossiblethatthesesmallgraveshave beenbettermarkedinthepast,buthavesincebeenabandonedandforgottenȂaswas thecasewithmanyofthegraveslistedas“small.”However,ifurbansitesareexcluded fromthelist,thepercentageofsiteswithbuildingsdecreasesnotably.Allinall,the mosttypicalholyplaceintheareaswithoutpermanentsettlementswouldhavebeenƒ moundofstones,distinguishablebyvarioussignsofvisits. Among the material remains that prove human activity on the site, the most commononesareclothsandincense.Stripsofusuallywhiteclothhavebeentiedonƒ pieceofwoodorsimplyplacedbetweenthestonesinthemound.Theincenseleaves ashyspotsonthesurfaceoftherockontopofwhichitisusuallyburned.Fireplaces maybeevidenceofsacrificialmealspartakeninhonorofƒwalÄǤThisisnotalwaysthe case,however,astheymayjustaswellbesmallfiresmadebyshepherdsrestingnearƒ site. Other types of material remains such as burned candles, henna, paint or inscriptions are much less common. Erecting small piles of stones has also been ƒ

123

religiousact.428 observedƒstonepileinthevicinityofᒒwar,andƒpilemayhave alsomarkedthelocationsofRijmal-ᦧᒷawÄandAbó᐀uww¢n.Yet,itseemstohave beenmorecommontobuildsuchpilesalongtheroutetotheholyplace,inthespots wherethedestinationisclearlyvisible.Burckhardtnotesthepracticethatwasrelated toJabal ¢”ón:

UponthesummitofthemountainnearthespotwheretheroadtoWadyMousa divergesfromthegreatroadtoAkaba,areƒnumberofsmallheapsofstones, indicatingsomanysacrificestoHaroun.429

Ontheotherhand,excavationsindicatingattemptedgraverobberyaswellasgarbage thrownoveroldsitesalsorepresent ƒhumanpresence,albeitƒlessdevotedone.It shouldbenotedaswellthatclothsandincensewerealsofoundinthegraveyardsof ᖠMraybetwherenoholysitesweresaidtoexist.Theyarethususedassignsofvisit evenonordinarytombsanddonotaloneindicatesanctity.

6.3.2. Gender Aswasexpected,majorityofthesitesareconnectedtomaleawliy¢஝Ǥ When Canaan madehissurveyinPalestine,hefoundoutthatabout13.5%ofthesaintswere female.430 Asƒcomparison,ofthesitesstudiedinsouthernJordan,onlyfourwere clearlyfeminine,thusrepresentinglessthan10%ofallthematerial.Inaddition,only one of them was actually considered as having been ƒ real person. Amm ᖠJdÄᦧǡ as mentionedabove,wasthoughtbythemoderninhabitantstohavebeenƒpiouswoman, buttheearlierlegendsattestthatthesitehadƒguardianspiritwhosepresencemade thesitesacred.Ban¢–al-ᦧµisƒspringandnotƒpersoneither.Thethird"feminine" saintinmysurveywasAmmᖠDfóf,ƒsanddunenearWadiRammandthefourthone wasᏡawra,the sisterof ᒒwar.Althoughthelastpairaresaidtobehumanbeings, they do not seem to be related to any of the present or historical tribes and their originsareshroudedinlegend.ThenumberoffemalesitesisquitesimilartoCanaan’s survey.Healsonoticedthatalbeitfewinnumber,ƒlargepercentageoffemalesaints enjoyedƒwidereputation.Similarly,bothAmmᖠDfóˆandAmmᖠJdÄᦧareamongsuch sites,consideredtobeamongthemostimportantonesintheirsphereofinfluence.

6.3.3. Location Inordertounderstandbetterthecharacteroftheholysites,itisnotenoughtostudy onlythematerialremainsonthesiteitself:thesurroundingareaandlocationisjustas important. For example, where are the graves situated? Why are the graves located wheretheyareandwhyweresuchlocationschosen?Whenanalyzingtheselocations, it is of course necessary to recognize the historical setting and attempt to draw ƒ pictureofthelocationatthetimewhenitwastakenintouseandalsothroughoutthe activeperiod.Verypracticalreasonsmaycausethechangesthatoccurinthetradition.

428Canaan1924:74. 429Burckhardt1983[1822]:420. 430Canaan1927:3.

124

There are indications of various sites that have been abandoned because of demographicshiftsorpoliticalchangestakingplaceintheregion.Forexample,SitesͶ and34seemtohavegonethroughsuchchanges. On the one hand, there are sites that have held their sacred character even thoughthedescendantsofthepeopleburiedtherearenotfoundinthevicinity.Site͹ (Al-Baww¢t)isoneexampleofthecontinuationofthecultinsuchƒcase.Sitesmay alsopredatethepermanentsettlement.Afterurbanizationincreasedintheregion,the holy sites that once were located on the outskirts of towns or villages may have incorporatedintotheurbancenterorsuburb.ThiscanbeseeninbothWadió•¢and Maᦧ¢n. On the other hand, as the traditional seasonal migratory patterns have been discardedandthecommunitieshavemovedintosedentarylife,sitesthatoncewere locatedalongtheseasonalroutesmayhavenowfallentotallyoutsidethesphereof dailyorevenannualmovement.Itisthereforeclearthatwhatcanbeobservedtoday doesnotnecessarilyprovidetheanswertotheoriginalquestion:whatwasimportant aboutƒlocationthatwaschosenasƒsiteforƒholygraveorothersite?Thefollowing chartshowsthegeneraldispersionofholysitesinvariousgeographicallocations.

Location

3 %

26 % 26 % Top of mountain or hill Bottom of a plain or wadi Urban (in town) Not applicable

45 %

 Thechartincludesbothman-madeandnaturalsites.Sincemanyofthenaturaltypeof holysiteshaveunusualfeaturesorotherwisestandoutfromthesurroundingterrain, thelocationitselfisƒdeterminingfactor.Variousetiologicalmythsaretoldinorderto explainthesepeculiarfeaturesinnature.ExamplesincludeSites14ȋᦧ6ó•¢Ȍand16 (AmmᖠJdÄᦧȌwheretheformerhasbeenconnectedtotheBiblicalandIslamicstoryand thelatterwasconnectedtovisionsanddreamsseenatthesite.Similarlegendsarealso relatedofSiteͳ(Jabal ¢”ón).However,thereisalsoƒlargenumberofnaturalsites that do nothave any unusual physical features. Reverence of trees and springs Ȃ or more precisely the reverence of spirits inhabiting these environments Ȃ is characteristicofananimisticworldview.Thephysicallocationorappearancemayin

125

suchcasesbeoflittleinteresttothebeliever,andthisaspectwillbediscussedfurther inthenextchapter. Whenitcomestoman-madestructures,thechoiceoflocationbecomesƒmore relevant question. Canaan analyzed the sites he studied and concluded that almost 70% of the shrines and other holy sites were situated on hilltops or other elevated places. In many cases, the site of the holy place seems to have been chosen with visibilityinmind.Thus,Canaanstates:

Evensuchshrinesasarebuiltontheslopingsideofƒmountain,orjustabovethe bedofƒvalleyaresoplacedthattheymoreorlessdominatethesurroundingarea andarevisiblefromafar.Comparativefewwelîsaresituatedinvalleys;butifone shouldbe,itisgenerallyfoundtobeintheneighbourhoodofthejunctionoftwo wâdisorinƒplacewherethewâdihaswideneditsbed,sothattheyareseenatƒ distancefromdifferentdirections.431

TheresultsfromthestudyinsouthJordanseemtosupporttheseobservations.Ofall sites,26Ψweresituatedontopofƒmountainorhill.Ifonlyancestraltombsaretaken inaccount,themosttypicallocationisatthefootofƒmountainorhill,overlookingƒ wadi.Thejunctionoftwowadisorƒwidenedriverbedisƒveryprominentchoiceof locationinWadiRamm,buttheconnectiontojunctionsorpassagewayscanbeseenin themorenorthernlocationsaswell.Forexample,Site͸islocatedalongtheroutefrom WadiArabatoPetraviatheSabra Valley, andSite͹ islocatedbythe ancientKing’s Highway,althoughitalsocanbedefinedasƒ“hilltop”sitebasedonthelocationatthe edge of the high plateau, overlooking the mountains towards the west. All in all, it seemsplausiblethattherehasbeennoattempttohidetheseplacesfrompassersby. Eventhoughthesitescouldnotbeseenfromfar,theyweresituatedonlocationswith openviews.Theaccessibilitytodaydoesnotrevealthesituationinthepast.Manyof thesiteswereinremotelocations,awayfrommodernroads,althoughmostcouldbe reachedbycar.However,oldpathsandtravelroutesmaywellhavebeennearby.Even withthesitesinthemostremotelocations,thedifficultyofthejourneycanbeseenas partofthereligiousact,soeasyaccessmaynothavebeenthemainfactor,either. Aninterestinggroupofsitesisformedbytheholyplaceslocatedontopofthe mountainrangeattheedgeofWadiAraba.Sitesͳ(Jabal ¢”ón),ʹ(Jabal ¢”ón)and͵ (AᒒwarandᏡawra)areallfoundinƒrow.Theremayalsobeƒrelationamongthem and Sites ͹ (al-Baww¢t) and ͺ (Khabb¢n) as well. Finally, Site 29 (al-Hajfe) can be foundinƒsimilarlocation,ontopofƒmountainandwithƒviewdowntobothsides, althoughtheviewtowardsWadiArabaisnotasunobstructedasistheviewtowards west.TheothercommonfeatureamongSites1,2,͵and29istheproximityofancient ruins which attests ƒ long tradition related to the locations. Thirdly, Jabal ¢”ó is visiblefrombothSitesʹand͵andalsofrom͹andͺȂal-Baww¢–isactuallydirectly overlookingthemountain.

431Canaan1924:3.

126

High Places were cultic sites and sanctuaries built by the ancient Semitic peoplesontopofmountainsandhills.TheyarementionedintheBibleseveraltimes, sometimesinƒneutralorevenpositivetone,asisattestedintheFirstBookofSamuel (9:22-25), but in an increasingly negative tone in later texts.432 Nevertheless, this traditionlivedonintheregion.ItwasknownalsoamongtheNabataeans.Oneofthe ”ǡor“theHighPlaceofSacrifice٭wellknownsitesinPetraproperisJabalal-Madhba withwellpreservedaltarstructuresstillremainingonthesummit.Thecontinuationof ƒcultisƒcommonfeatureinreligions.Thesanctityofƒsiteoncedeclaredsacredstays unchanged by time, religious authorities or ethnic migrations. Often new structures builtuponanancientsacredplacesignalƒtransferofreligiousandpoliticalcontrol, andassuchmayactasƒkindof“showofforce.”However,inmanycases,the practitionersofthenewreligionadopttheoldtraditionsmoothly.Iftheruinsonthe siteslocatedonthemountaintopsarerelatedtoancientNabateanculticpractices,the continuationofthistraditiondoesnotseemimplausible. The idea of “borrowed sanctity” can also be applied to the sites around Jabal ¢”ón.Burckhardtnotedheapsofstonesatlocationswherethemountainwasquite visibleandhowthesespotswereusedforsacrifice.433Thus,ƒplacefromwhichitwas possibletoseeƒholysitecouldgainpartofthesanctityofthemainlocationandthus become sacred itself. Visiting this type of “subordinate” shrine may sometimes be considered to be as virtuous as visiting the actual shrine itself.434Thismightbethe reasonforchoosingthelocationsforal-Baww¢–andKhabb¢n.Sitesʹand͵mayhave beenindividualsanctuaries,butsincetheyalsohaveviewtowardsJabal ¢”ón,they may have been related. This relation would then have become transferred to the modern tradition, where ¢”ó and ¢”ó are part of the same Biblical and Islamic narrative.

6.3.4. Typesofsaints TheancestorsǦleaders,wisemenandothernotablemembersoftribesdominatethe sacredlandscapeofsouthJordan.Inaddition,thenumberofsitesrelatedtonatural formations,treesandwellsisalsohigh.Thenumberofsitesconnectedtoeventsin Islamic history or to the characters in the Qurᦦ¢ and the Bible increases notably towards the north. However, the question that cannot be answered in this work is whetherthepercentageofthistypeofsitewouldremainthesameifallsmallerholy sites within the northern regions were included. In ƒ study made in Kufró„¢ near Irbid,allfoursitesstudiedweretombsoftheProphet’sCompanions.Itmustalsobe notedthattheclassificationofsainttypesisnotalwaysstraightforward.Althoughthe historicityofmanyofthetribalancestorsseemsplausible,theoriginsofsomeofthe siteshavebeenshroudedinmysteryandlegend.Asdiscussedabove,themountaintop sitesalongWadiArabamayhavetraditionsdatingbacktotheNabateanperiodoreven earlier. The modern stories related to them may therefore be later additions to the

432InʹKings23:13JosiahispraisedfordestroyingalltheHighPlacesaroundJerusalem. 433Burckhardt1983[1822]:420. 434Crawford1930:294.

127

tradition. This may have also happened in cases where the natural sites become connected with historical or mythical persons. Some sites were probably originally naturalincharacter,andbecauseofthesanctityoftheplace,peoplehavebeenburied inthevicinity.Intime,thesanctitywouldbetransmittedtothetombs.Unfortunately, thesekindsoftransformationsareverydifficulttofollowwithoutfurtherknowledge. Tryingtodeterminetheageofsitesisinmanycasesverydifficult.Jabal ¢”ó is the only location where textual and archaeological evidence prove ƒ continuous traditionfromthe1stcenturyADonwards.Insomeotherplaces,suchasJabal ¢”ón, ᒒwarandpossiblyal-Hajfe,thearchaeologicalremainsoffersomematerialfortrying tounderstandthepastofthesite,butinallcases,textualevidenceislacking,sothe originalpurposeofthesesitescannotbeattested.Forthetrees,wellsandother natural formations, it is possible that the people have considered the site sacred as longastheyhaveknownit.Equally,ƒplacelosesitssanctityifitisdestroyed,asisthe case of Ban¢– al-ᦧµ in Maᦧ¢n. When the well dried up, the location was relatively quicklyforgottenaswell.

Saint types

3 % Tribal Ancestor

23 % Islamic ( characters and events from the QurॕĈn or early Islamic history) Geographical element / Natural setting 13 % 61 % Uncertain

 Theancestraltombsthatcomprisethemajorityofthesitesareprobablynotveryold asƒwhole.Theoralsourcesdonotusuallygivethetimeinyearsbutrefertovarious generationsornotableeventsinhistory.Themoreimportantgravesthatarevisitedby severaltribesmayremaininactivememorylonger,butsmallertombs,importantonly toƒsinglefamilyorsmalltribemaybequicklyforgottenwhenthegroupmovesaway fromthearea.Fortheoldergenerationsandforthemoremobiletribes,theknowledge ofthelocalpastandƒwiderregionismuchmorecommon.Thetransitionfromanoral societytoƒliterateonehastakenplaceveryrecentlyintheregion,andfortheyounger generations, local knowledge may be very limited. Furthermore, their knowledge of theregionoutsidetheirowndailyexperienceismorelimited,especiallyasthetribes havebecomemoresedentaryandtheirannualtransitionsarenolongertakingplace

128

withthesamefrequencyasbefore.Thusƒsitelocatedneartheoldwintercampmay beforgottenwhenthesettlementiscreatedinthesummerarea,andpeoplenolonger movetotheotherregion.Therefore,whenonesitehasbeenforgottenandsomeother remembered,itdoesnotnecessarilyprovethattheformerwouldbeolder,althoughit ispossiblethattheoralhistoryisnotabletokeepalivesitesthatareolderthanthe “tribalmemory.”Onlythemostimportantandpowerfulsitesremainactive,suchasal- Baww¢–(Site7)wheretherearenoancestorsofanyofthetribeslivingintheregion today.Ontheotherhand,therearesitesthatarevisitedbythelivingdescendantsof thepersonburiedthere.TheᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢†derivetheiroriginfromᦧAww¢†whomay havelivedatthebeginningofthe19thcentury.In2007,ƒmanoftheSaᦧĆěĐtoldme that Faraj ᖠMfarrej (Site 10) was his grandfather’s father. These two examples probablydemonstrateƒgeneralscalefortheageofancestraltombs.  

129

7. DIALOGUESBETWEENTHETWOWORLDS

The most complex challenge in collecting oral material is probably finding the right questionȂorrather,formulatingthequestioninsuchƒmannerthattheinterviewer andtheinformantbothhavethesameunderstandingofwhatisbeingasked.Different resultsarereceiveddependingonthewordsusedinthequestions.As startedby asking about al-awliy¢஝ǡtheoutcomewasnotinmanycaseswhat hadexpectedor hopedfor,asthisconceptdependsgreatlyontheviewoftheinformant.personmore educatedandawareoftheteachingsofscholarlyIslammayviewonlyJabal ¢”óasƒ walÄǡwhileothersarepurelypagansitesandshouldbeforgotten.Thetermmag¢is slightlymoreacceptable.Finally,askingabouttheplacesthatpeopleusedtovisitor stillvisitdoesnotnecessarilyrevealanyclearerresults.Althoughziy¢radoeshaveƒ certainconnotationȂreferringtothevisitstoholysitesȂitcouldalsobeunderstood assimplyƒvisit,forexample,toƒfamilycemeterytorememberthedeceased. The selectionof the sites presented in the previous chapteris quite manifold and may be partially ƒ resultof the variety of the termsused. It ranges from places about which people have only vague memories and where the exact site and the historyitselfisalreadymostlyforgotten,tositeslikeJabal ¢”ówhichareknown acrossreligiousbordersandarefamousthroughouttheregion.What,therefore,are theseplacesreallyandwhatmakesthemdifferentfromtheothers?Theopinionsof thelocalpeopleseemtovarygreatly.Whatisƒsaint’stombforoneisƒremnantof paganismtoanotherandthusnotworthmentioningatallǤIntheChapter͸thefocus wasonmaterialevidenceandthings hadseen.Inthischapter, focusmoreonwhat thepeoplehavesaidaboutthesesitesandhowdoestheoralinformationandfolklore correspondtothematerialevidence.Whatisevidentisthatthesesiteshavehadsome kind of significance to my informants, as they have chosen to include them in their answers. On the other hand, silence and denial bear significance as well and also deserveƒcloserlook. Theoverviewoftheawliy¢஝inIslamictheologyandpopularbeliefhasalready been discussed in Chapter 4. There are also numerous studies concerning the traditionsandbeliefsoftheArabpeoplesandtheypresentƒlargebodyoffolklore fromtheregionȂincludingdetailsofthetraditionofsaints.435 donottrytorestate everyaspectoftherichfolktraditionsasdescribedinthesestudies.Instead, will concentrateontheoralmaterialandobservationsrecordedinsouthJordan.Naturally, observationsrelatedtosurroundingregionsareincludedaswellwhenevertheyreveal comparativematerialofinterest,suchasthepresenceofƒsimilarpracticeorthelack ofcertainaspect.Itismyintentiontoobservethetraditionofholysitesinthecontext ofthelocalcultureasƒwhole,notseparatedfromtherestoftheeverydaylifeofthe community,butratherseenasoneelementwithinit.Therefore,tobetterunderstand whatisspecial, believeitisalsonecessarytodiscusswhatisconsideredmundaneȂ andseewhethertherereallyisanydifferencebetweenthetwo.Thematerialanalysis

435ThestudiesthathavebeenusedinthisresearchincludeCanaan1924-27,Granqvist1965,Jaussen 1948,Musil1908andWestermarck1926.

130

showsthatmorethanhalfoftheholysites,61%,aregravesbelongingtoancestors: leaders, warriors and other important people. If the tombs of religious and mythologicalfiguresareaddedtothecount,thesitesrelatedtothedeadexceedbyfar thenumberofothertypes.Itfeelsquitenatural,then,tobeginthissurveyoflocal folklore with the dead. How were the deceased Ǧ and death itself Ǧ perceived in the community?

7.1. Rememberingthedead

Deathisthelastofthegreatritualsinhumanlife.Stagesthatguidetheindividualfrom thisworldtothenexthavebeenhighlyritualizedinallsocieties.436Thepracticesof mourning and remembering the deceased offer the living various ways and opportunitiesforexpressinggriefandsharingmemories.InPalestine,thefortydays followingtheburialwerethetraditionalmourningperiodwhichincludedƒseriesof mealsofferedinmemoryofthedeadanddistributedtoeveryonepresent,especially thepoor.AccordingtoGranqvist,thefirstfuneralfeastwasofferedonthedayofthe funeralandwassometimesfollowedbyanotherone.Onthenextday,twomoremeals were offered and during the following three weeks, ƒ new feast was prepared each Thursday. After forty days, ƒ large and one of the most important of these meals, knownasthe“SupperoftheDead”washeld.437Canaanhasƒverysimilardescription oftheseburialfeastsfromtheLiy¢thne.supperwaspreparedonthedayofthe death,andaftertheburial,ƒgoatorsheepwasslaughteredandcookednearthetomb. Ontheseventhdayafterburial,breadwasdistributedtothepoorandfinallyonthe 40th day, ƒ large feast was prepared.438 Both Granqvist and Canaan mention that ƒ memorial celebration for the dead, known as Thursday of the Dead, also took place everyspring.439ThetwogreatfeastsoftheIslamiccalendar,ᦧE†al-Aᒅᒒ¢andᦧE†al-Fiᒷ” also include similar practices. During these days, the families visited tombs and cemeteries.MenreadtheQurᦦ¢andwomenalsogatheredatthecemetery,offering foodtopeopleandmourningthedead. FortheRw¢laBedouin,theburialcustomswereapparentlymuchmoresolemn. There was no visible mourning or reading from the Qurᦦ¢n, and even the work of ǡiftherehappenedtobeone٭¢burying the deceased was preferably given to ƒ fall present. One meal was offered on the third day after the burial. They also had the ٠ahÄyeǤOnthatdayƒshe-camelwasslaughteredin-annual“DayoftheDead,”calledal memoryofallmembersofthefamilywhohaddiedinthepastyear.mealcouldalso bepreparedinyearsafterthefirstifthefamilywascampingnearthegraveduringthe Day of the Dead.440 The Liy¢thne of Wadi ó•¢ also celebrated Khamĕ el-Amw¢t,

436ForthepopularIslamictraditionsrelatedtodeathandburialsee,e.g.,Granqvist1965. 437Granqvist1965:87-90,97-98. 438Canaan1929:203-204. 439Canaan(1926:141)providessomemoredetaileddescriptionsofvarioustraditionsrelatedtothe day.Eggsweredyedandchildrenwalkedaroundthevillage,beggingforaneggforthesakeofthesoulof yourdead.Healsonotedthatthedaywasmostimportantforthewomenwhospentitinthecompanyof friends.InHebron,younggirlsevendancedinthecemetery. 440Musil1928:672.

131

“Thursday of the Dead,” in the spring. The comingof the day was announcedto the inhabitants,anditwascelebratedby sacrificinggoatsandsheepforthesoulsofthe dead.441 Canaan calls the older traditions survivals of the ancient practice of giving offeringstothedead.442Thesepracticesdonotseemtodiffermuchfromthetradition of visiting the saints’ tombs as described earlier. Granqvist has also recorded the influenceofSufithoughtandtradition.Shedescribesƒdhikr-ceremonyperformedin honorofdeceasedmeninthevillageofArᒷ¢s.443Therewasƒsimilarenthusiasmonthe part of the female members of the community to perform the various stages of remembranceatthegraves.Whilemenconcentratedonreadingholytexts,thewomen wouldshowtheirgriefinmoredrasticways: wailing,singinganddressinginsoiled clothing,forexample.Granqvistrelatesthatthemenwouldoftenobjecttothis behavior,butthewomenconsideredthesetraditionsastheirrightandresponsibility. Thereislittledoubtthatthegatheringsatthecemeterywerealsosocialevents,where foodwasenjoyedinƒlargecompany.444 Materialremainsleftbypeopleontheordinarygravesitesarenotdescribedin much detail by the early sources. Granqvist mentions grave goods, personal possessionsthatwereputintothetombwiththebody.445 Slaughtering and cooking sheep, goats and camels near the burial site would also leave traces on the ground. Signsofvisitstotheordinarytombsfrommoderntimes,asattestedinthecemeteries visitedinsouthJordan,especiallytheᖠMraybetcemeteries,confirmsimilarpractices. Eventhoughitdoesnotseemtobeƒcommontradition,themournersmightburn incenseandtiewhitepiecesofclothonwoodenstakesontheordinarygravesaswell. Allinall,thereappearstobelittledifferencebetweenanordinarygraveandmanyof thesmallersiteslistedinthepreviouschapter.Alltheancestorshavebeenmourned and remembered and people have visited their graves, leaving signs of their visits. Mealshavebeencookedandeatenonthesites.Ifwecomparethematerialremainson ancestraltombslistedinmyfieldworktopracticesperformedinordinarycemeteries, they appear to be very similar. This similarity points towards ƒ continuation of ƒ traditionofthecultofthedead. Lookingatalltheseexamples,thereisalsoƒcleardifferencewhichcanbeseen intheevidence:theordinarydeadwereatthemercyofGod.Alltheactionsperformed bylivingpeopleweredoneforthesakeofthedeceased.TheywouldprayforGodto havemercyonhisorhersoul.Theanimalssacrificedforthedeadwerenotofferedto them,butthemeatwasdistributedtoasmanyaswereavailable,andespeciallygiven tothepoorinordertoperformƒgooddeedinthenameofthedeceased.Thosewho participatedinthosemealswouldinfactbeenjoyingthehospitalityofthedeadperson

441AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:193.AlsomentionedbyCanaan(1920:204).Accordingtohim,thisday tookplaceonthelastThursdayofRamaᒅ¢n. 442Canaan1929:204. 443Granqvist1965:151. 444ThecommunalityofsucheventswasalsoattestedbyTaylor(1998)inrelationtovisitstotheCairo cemeteries.SeeFootnote147. 445Granqvist1965:62-63.

132

andinturnsayprayersforhisorhersoul.446Annualvisitstothegravesinorderto mourn the dead were performed for the same purpose: to keep the memory of the dead alive and increase the number of prayers said for their souls. Thus, all these actionswereperformedbythelivingasƒfavortothedead.deadpersoncouldnotdo anyfavorsfortheliving.447 There seems to be ƒ connection between this type of traditionandtheriseofbeliefinrewardorpunishmentintheafterlife.passagefrom the2ndBookofMaccabees(12:43-44)showsthisconnectionveryclearly.

Healsotookupƒcollection,manbyman,totheamountoftwothousand drachmasofsilver,andsentittoJerusalemtoprovideforƒsinoffering.Indoing thisheactedverywellandhonorably,takingaccountoftheresurrection.Forifhe werenotexpectingthatthosewhohadfallenwouldriseagain,itwouldhavebeen superfluousandfoolishtoprayforthedead.

Thus,iftherewasƒresurrection,andifthesoulswerejudgedandpunishedor rewardedaccordingtotheirdeeds,everyactionandeverychoicemadeduringtheir lifetimemattered.Deathwasthepointwherethepersonnolongercouldchangehislot Ȃatleastnotbyhimself.Thisleftthelivingƒgreatburden:whatifthepersonwhodied hadnotbeenpiousenough?Theresponsibilityforassuringthatthescaleswouldturn infavorofthedeceasedwashandedtothelivingrelativesandfriends.Theirtaskwas toperformthevariousrituals,includingtheprayers,sacrificialmealsandotheractsof generositytoensurethatthesoulwouldbeacceptedinParadise. Inthelivedreligion,thistraditionrunsparalleltoandmixeswithanothertype of belief. In the ancient practices of ancestor worship, the dead ancestors played an activeroleintheeverydaylivesoftheirdescendants.Storiesrelatedtothistradition continuetopresentthiskindofreciprocalinteractionwherethedeadcanbeinvoked toaidtheliving,orthedeadthemselvesactivelymeddleinmattersoftheliving.This includeseventssuchasdreams,omensandvisions.Withtheideaofthebeliefin punishment or reward after death, the ancestors would have ƒ more passive role, becomingtheonesneedinghelpandassistanceinstead.Butsomeoftheseancestors didcontinuetoplayƒmorenotableandinteractiverole.Theyareknownassaintsand powerfulancestorswhoduringtheirlifetimeshowedspecialabilitiesandearnedthe respectandtrustoftheirtribesandfamilies.Intheircase,therelationshipbetweenthe dead and the living continues to be reciprocal. This interaction manifests itself in variousformsofritualandbehaviorandcanbediscoveredinstoriesandlegendstold bythelocalpeople. The view of the cult of dead is already present in the earliest theories of religion. Herbert Spencer saw the worship of the dead as the “first religion” of “primitiveman.”Thisearlybeliefwouldthengraduallyevolve,untilthereligion reachedthestateofmonotheism.448Ofcourse,suchƒviewisnowoutdatedandhasno placeintherecentstudiesontraditionalsocieties.Thebeliefofthedeadinteracting

446Canaan1926:68. 447Westermarck1926:552. 448SeeHamilton1995:23-24.

133

withthelivingexistsalongsideotherinterpretations.449Thus,ratherthanseeingthe differentapproachestowardsrememberingthedeadasanevolutionfrom“primitive,” theyshouldbeviewedfromthebasisoftheneedandthegoal.450Incertainaspects,the emphasis should be in the doctrinal approach, for example, in the question of resurrectionandsalvation.Inotheraspects,theimagisticelementmaybeprevailing. In such cases, the elements of communality, memory and kinship would be emphasized.451 ThepracticesofthemoderndayBedouinofPetraseemtohavesomesimilarity to those of the Rwala, but there is also ƒ large influence from ƒ more fundamental interpretationofIslamictheology.AstoldtomebyƒBedóŽwomanin2011,onlythe mengotothecemeterytoburythedead,whilethewomenremainathome.Afterthe burial,thereisƒmealoffered,butexcessiveexpressionsofmourningarenotsocially acceptable.Foronlymentoparticipateintheburialceremonyisnowadaysƒcommon practiceintheregion.Inmanyareas,however,womendovisitthetombslateron,but thatdoesnotseemtobethecasewiththeBedól.Myinformantassuredmethatshe herselfwouldneverenterƒcemetery,eveniftherewerenootherpeoplepresent.The women of the region have certainly visited cemeteries in the past and the material evidence presented in the previous chapter proves that many of theholy places are stillbeingvisited. This tradition seems to be the most recent addition in the lived religion as representedinmydata.Accordingtothisthought,thelivingnolongerhavepowerto helpthedeceased.ThesoulisatthemercyofGod;nogooddeedoffamilymembercan changetheverdictoftheAlmighty.Thus,theancestors arebeyondthehelpoftheir descendants.Asthelivingcannolongerhelpthedead,neithercantheancestorshelp theliving.WiththeincreasingknowledgeofscholarlyIslamictheology,theperception oftheholyplacesischanging.Theholysitesbecomeordinaryplacesthatpossessno special powers. However, as Granqvist noted at the beginning of the 19th century, various perceptions exist side by side, and even if the beliefs are changing, the old practicesmaystillberemembered.452

7.2. SecularmeetssacredȂthecelebrationsandrituals

It’sholy,it’sfun,it’sƒtour,youcansay…It’sanoccasiontohavefreshmeat,fresh meal,andithasƒniceatmospherebecausepeopleofferfoodtopoorpeople.It’sƒ realcelebration.453

449Jetsu2001:254-255. 450SeeFootnote69. 451AsdocumentedbyFrancis,KellaherƬNeophytou(2002:102),interviewingƒMuslimvisitorinƒ cemetery:Wecomewiththechildrenbecausetheylovetheirgrandfatherandtheymustknowtheirfamily ishereaswellasathome. 452Granqvist1965:148. 4536M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢10.9.2002(Hanial-Falahat),talkingabouttheannualÛsamofNabÄ ¢”ónǤ

134

Differenttheoriesprovideƒnumberoftoolsforapproachingthetopicofritualand festivities.Ritualscanbeseenasƒmediumforaddressingandexperiencingthesacred, ƒ communal activity where the focus is on the cohesion of the society, or ƒ more personal experience of the cognitive level.454 Studies focusing on rituals in secular societieshaveshownthatƒritualactdoesnothavetobeconnectedwithreligionsȂ unless we choose to define ice-hockey games or transition of power in politics as religiousactivity.Butwhethertheseritualsarerelatedtoattemptstoexperiencethe supernatural, or to strengthening, establishing and redefining social structures, they are meant to highlight the important elements of the mundane sphere of everyday behavior.However,preparationsprecedebothreligiousandsecularritualsalike,and inbothcases,greateffortismadeinordertomaketheoccasionmemorable. The aspects of the sacred and the religious experience have already been discussed as concepts in Chapter 3. In this section, they form the basis of the frame insidewhichthesocialdimensionoflocalritualbehaviorispresentedinmoredetail. InthecommunitiesofsouthJordan,theholyplacesandtheawliy¢஝playanessential role in some ofthe celebrations and rituals. On the other hand, there are important celebrationswheretheyseemtohavehadnorolewhatsoever.Inthefollowingsection, describethevariousfestivalsandanalyzethesignificanceofthesaintsoneachof theseoccasions.Thereareƒnumberofwaysofclassifyingritualactivity,withmanyof thecategoriesinvolvingsomeoverlapping.Insection3.3, discussedthecategoriesof affirmation, suspension and transformation, as presented by Hermanowicz Ƭ Morgan.455Here, havechosentostudytheritualactivitiesfromtheangleofƒmore traditional classification. It is not the purpose of this study to provide ƒ thorough analysis of various ritual classifications, but the different categories are here used simplyforthesakeoftypologicaldiscussion.Mydivisionisbasedontwocriteria:focus oncommunalityvs.focusonindividualsononehand,andcyclicalvs.occasionalrituals ontheother. Perhaps the most studied ritual category is the rite de passage, or ritual of transition.Transitionritualsarelinkedtothechangesinthelifeofanindividual.They highlightthemomentsoftransitionwhereƒpersonisfirstremovedfromthestatushe or she earlier held within the community and then transferred into the new role throughthestagesoftheritual.456Manyofthesetypesofritualsareoftenconnectedto ƒ certain age, and therefore tend to be “once in ƒ lifetime” occasions for the individuals.457 Theothertypeofritualactivity havechosentocall“communalrites.”This does not mean that the rites of passage would not involve the participation of the communityȂonthecontrary.Ritesofpassagemayequallybeofmajorinteresttothe societyasƒwhole,oratleasttocertaingroupswithinthecommunity.Theysymbolize

454Paden1992:71. 455SeeFootnote88. 456Gennep1960[1909]:11. 457Thiscategoryequalsinmostaspectstheideaof“transformationritual,”aspresentedby HermanowiczƬMorgan(1999).

135

thecontinuationoflifeandthecontinuationofthetraditionsandritualsofthesociety, andthereforeareimportanttoallparticipants.However,inritualsoftransition,the focusisonanindividualorƒselectedgroupofindividualswhoaregoingthroughthe transition.458Manyofthecommunalritesfollowƒcyclicalpattern,thusanoftenused term,calendarritualǡcouldbeusedintheircase.Duringeveryritualcycle,ƒcommunal rite is repeated by the community that comes together in its own social cycle. The communalritualmaymanifestitselfinvariousforms,butthemainpurposesinclude strengthening the social ties within the group and ensuring the well-being of the communityforthecomingcycle.Itdealswithmattersthatareofgreatimportanceto thesocietyasƒwhole,enablingeverymembertoparticipateinthecommoneffort.459 Thirdly,thecategoryknownas“situationalrituals”willbediscussed.Theterm “crisisritual”isalsousedtodescribeƒsituationalritual,althoughseveralresearchers includingVictorTurneruse“Life-CrisisRitual”asƒsynonymforritesofpassage.The crisis rituals may often contain the communal aspect. They do not follow the periodicityofthecalendarrites,butareperformedduringtimeswhenthegroupfaces ƒcommonthreat,suchasdrought,warorepidemic.ChappleandCoonhaveusedthe term“intensificationritual”forbothsituationalandcommunalritualtypes,ƒconcept thatportraysthefunctionofsuchactions.460However,ƒcrisisritualmaybeperformed byƒsingleindividualorƒsmallgroupofindividualsintimesofpersonalcrisis,suchas illness,insecurityorothermisfortune. Thuswehavethreecategoriesasfollows:

x Communalrites  Cyclicalandcommunal x Transitionrites  Occasionalandindividual x Situational(Crisis)rites Occasionalandcommunalorindividual

7.2.1. CommunalRites TheIslamiccalendarhasonlytwonotablefestivals,bothofwhichareactuallyrelated toreligiouslymuchmoresignificantoccasions.Thesmallerfeast,ᦧE†al-Fiᒷr,concludes themonthofRamaᒅ¢n,whiletheᦧE†al-Aᒅᒒ¢iscelebratedduringthetimeoftheHajj. Both celebrations manifest the communality of the Islamic rituals, since during Ramaᒅ¢thewhole“communityofbelievers”(ummatal-mu஝minÄn)comestogetherin fastingandfeasting.Fortheritualsofthepilgrimage,eventhosewhodonothavethe opportunitytojointheHajjwillparticipateintheFestivalofSacrifice. TheoldpilgrimageroutetoMeccaranthroughthetownofMaᦧ¢whereoneof the resting stations was located. This proximity brought the locals in contact with

458See,e.g.,Gennep1960[1909]andTurner(1977)forƒdetaileddiscussionconcerningtheritesof passage.Someritualsmayeasilyfallintoseveralcategories.Forexample,Turnerseespilgrimageasƒ riteoftransitionwiththreestagesoftheritualwherethepersonisfirstseparatedfromtheeveryday life,andjoinsthecommunitasofpilgrims.Finally,afterthepilgrimageisover,theindividualreturnsto normallife.Turner’sviewshavealsobeenchallenged,e.g.,byColemanandEade(2004).However,in analyzinglocalpilgrimageandcommunalvisitstoholyplaces,myapproachisonthesocialaspectofthe ritual.Thelocalpilgrimageisalsocyclicalinnatureasithasbeenrepeatedannually. 459Durkheim2001:259. 460SeeChappleandCoon1942.

136

pilgrimcaravansandprovidedƒwaytojointhepilgrimageaswell.However,ƒjourney toMeccawasnotonlyperilousandstrenuous.Inthepast,suchƒjourneywould probablyhavebeenbeyondthefinancialmeansofthemajorityofpeople.Although thereverylikelyweremoresuchmembersofthecommunity,  personallymetonly oneoldermanoftheBedóŽwhowascalledbythetitleֺ¢jj.Duringtheperiodofmy research, several others from the village did perform the ஞUmraǤ Compared to, for example, the tradition in some parts of Egypt and Syria where houses of new hajjis havebeendecoratedwithscenesfromthejourneyafterperformingthepilgrimage,461 theredidnotseemtoexistanyexternalsignsamongtheBedouinofPetra,butinside, thehousesaredecoratedwithsouvenirsfromMecca. In2005, wasstayinginAmmSayᒒóduringthemonthofRamaᒅ¢n,andalso participatedinthefastingandintheᦧE†al-Fiᒷr.Inthefamilywhere stayed,thefast was observed very scrupulously, although some of the younger men who worked amongthetouristswerenotasstrictwiththeirfasting.simplebutfillingmealwas beganwiththeofferingofdatesandlentilsoup,followed”¢ڒeatenbeforesunriseandif bymeatandfruit.Thismealwasclearlymorefestivethaneverydaydinners,butitwas usuallyenjoyedwiththefamily.Anoccasionalguestwasinvitedtoparticipate,but there was no tradition of communal feasting comparable to the large cities where r.OntheᦧÄd,thewomenandgirls¢ڒpeoplegatherinrestaurantsandpublicspacesforif dressedintheirbestclothesandthechildrenweregivengiftsandmoney.Otherwise, thedaysofthefestivalwerequitesolemnwiththemainfocusbeingontheᦧĆprayers andthefeastdinnerȂalsoeatenwithinthesphereoftheextendedfamilyathome.For thesakeofpersonalpiety,someofthemembersofthefamilycontinuedthefastfor anotherweekafterthefestival.462 InadditiontothefestivitiesoftheIslamiccalendar,thepeopleofsouthJordan have also had other celebrations that embodied both religious and secular ritual aspects.Theywerecyclicalincharacter,celebratedannually.Likethecelebrationsof peoplecommonthroughouttheIslamicworld,theywerealsoconnectedcloselytothe localsaintsandholyplaces.Inthepast,theselocalfestivalsseemtohavebeeneven more important for the community than the Islamic holidays. The study of the traditionsrelatedtothedeadrevealedthatbothfeastscontainedpracticesrelatedto the ancient ancestor cult, namely visiting graves and communal meals in the cemeteries.Canaan’snoteabouttheLiy¢thnecelebratingtheirThursdayoftheDeadat the end of the month of Ramaᒅ¢ also reveals the importance of the old traditions whichmayhaveevensurpassedtheIslamicones. For the inhabitants of the Petra region, especially the Liy¢thne, the most important annual feast was the Ûsam of NabÄ ¢”ónǡ celebrated in late summeror earlyautumn.Thefollowingaccountdescribingthetwo-dayfestivalwasrelatedbyan olderwomanfromal-Falaᒒ¢–subtribe.

461PalvaƬPerho1998:42. 462ᦧE†al-Aᒅᒒ¢isalsoanimportantfeast,but wasnotabletobepresentintheregionduringthetimeof thisfeasttomakepersonalobservations.

137

WedescendfromheretoSiq,toPetra,andascendtheroadofprophet ¢”ón. Whenwearrivethere,afterwehaveclimbedup,werest.Wecookteaandcoffee, andprepare[…]Webringchickenandallkindsofthings:webringthereandeat. Wepassthetimethere,sittingbythehouse[]Thebigcookingpotofprophet ¢”ó is there, and we cook there on it. Some people bring meat, offering ƒ sacrificethereattheprophet’smountain.Theyusethecookingpotandmakefood onitbythefire.Naturallythereisnogasorgeneratororanythingexceptthefire thereinnature.Wesitaroundthefiresinginginthenight,andhavefun.Inthe morning, after sleeping we get up, make tea and breakfast, and climb the prophet’sroaduptothemountain,totheshrine.Weascendthere,lightƒfire,and putthefireontherock.Thenweputincenseonit,andweenterdowninthe shrine,lightƒfireandlookaround.Westayalsotheresingingandpraying.But beforewehaveyetenteredintothemosquewepurifyourselves.Sowepray,and thenwegoout.Wesitƒwhile,passingthetimeonthemountain,andthenwego down,ofcourse.Wegodowntothetentandsitthere,eatingbreakfast.Thenwe gohome.Everyonecomestheretoattendthehorseracing.Theyridehorsesinƒ placewheretherewerenobuildings.Itiscalledmantigatal-jemµd.Visitorsalso cometolookattheracing.Thisishowithappens.Latereverybodygoeshome,and ofcoursethereisƒsacrificeinthenight,calledஞashaal-nabÄ ¢”ó(dinnerofthe prophet ¢”ón).Everyfamilymakesƒsacrificewiththeirneighbors,andtheyeat thedinnertogether.463

Thisstorydepictsƒfestivalsimilartothemaw¢simcelebratedallaroundtheIslamic world.Itisƒmixtureofreligiosityandsecularmerrimentwhereprayingandpersonal piety is combined with singing, feasting and racing. The preparations for the celebrationstartedlongbeforetheactualeventwiththemakingofnewclothes,baking andpreparingfood.Themealwasalsoofferedtothepoor,thusunitingalllevelsof society. Thetimingofthisannualvisitwasrelatedtothechangeofseason.Itsignaledthe endofsummer,andtheseasonofrainwasmuchanticipated.Infact,thefestivalitself wasƒritualforensuringthewinterrains.464Annualrainswerenaturallycrucialfor bothagricultureandpastoralism,andtheÛsamwasthecommunalactforsecuring thesurvivalofthecommunityinthecomingyear.localsongrecordedbyCanaan containspeculiarlyricsthattalkabouttheneedforrain,butalsoaddressAaronusing specifictitles.

¢”óniuinn¢djĐ¢ಃ–¢æbil-qµœdj¢†Ä¢ez-zam¢ ¢”óni›¢nidjm(in)ikbĔ›¢„ókaw¢kibಃ¢liyah

4637W1Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002. 4641M1,Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002.6M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002(Hanial-Falahat).Examplesof prayersrecitedtome(3WG1Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002)includesupplicationssuchas“¢All¢Š›¢ rabbÄtirzign¢”,“tirzign¢bi-l-ghµth”and“tirzignabi-l-neஞme.”Abu-Zahra(1988:513)translatesghµthas “divinerescue,”rizqas“destinedlivelihood”andneஞmeas“divineblessings.”Thesewordsarealso commonlyusedinrainprayersinTunisia,asƒsupplicationforGodtosendrain.

138

Aaronwearecomingthirstytoyou Inthesummerheat(weare)drivenbythirst. Aaron!greatstar!father(possessor)ofhighplanets!

Darbin-nabÄ ¢”óಃurdjumal¢wi ¢”óhan-nidjmel-kbĔ›¢„óel-kaw¢kibelಃ¢liyah

Thewaytothe(shrineofthe)prophetAaroniscrookedanddifficulttoascend; Aaron(thouart)thegreatstar!fatherofhighplanets.465

Thelyricsseemtoreflectanancientbeliefinstarsandplanets(kaw¢kibȌasproviders ofrain.Thisbeliefcanbefound,forexample,inthecollectionofᏡadÄthQudsÄǡwhere thethirdᒒadÄthstatesthefollowing:

OntheauthorityofZaydibnKhalidal-Juhaniyy(mayAllahbepleasedwithhim), whosaid:TheMessengerofAllah(maytheblessingsandpeaceofAllahbeupon him)ledthemorningprayerforusatal-Hudaybiyahfollowingrainfallduringthe night.WhentheProphet(maytheblessingsandpeaceofAllahbeuponhim) finished,hefacedthepeopleandsaidtothem:"DoyouknowwhatyourLordhas said?" They said: "Allah and his Messenger know best." He said: "'This morning oneofmyservantsbecameƒbelieverinMeandoneƒdisbeliever.Asforhimwho said:'WehavebeengivenrainbyvirtueofAllahandHismercy,'thatoneisƒ believerinMe,ƒdisbelieverinthestars;andasforhimwhosaid:'Wehavebeen givenrainbysuch-and-suchƒstar,'thatoneisƒdisbelieverinMe,ƒbelieverin thestars(ΐ ϛ Ϯ Ϝ ϟ Ύ ˶Α ϦϣΆϣ) .'"466

The traditions predating the Christian structures on Aaron’s Mountain have been speculated about by Lahelma Ƭ Fiema.467Theysuggestƒcultconnectedtothe Nabateansupremefemaledeity,al-ᦧUzz¢ǡwholaterbecameassimilatedwithIsis.Her identification as an astral deity, with ƒ connection to the Morning Star/Venus, is attestedinClassicalandByzantinesources.Nevertheless,thesongattests aspectsof pre-IslamicoriginstillremaininginthelocaltraditionatthetimeofCanaan.468Bythe

465Canaan1930:211.Thetranscriptionofwordsandthetranslationarehisown. 466 amgratefultoKaarloYrttiahoforbringingthispassagetomyattention.Bailey(1974:588-589)also mentionstheuseofstarsȂnamelythePleiades,AldebaranandBetelgeuseǦassignsoftherainyseason. ThemostimportantperiodofrainwascalledWasmal-Thurayaǡ“signofthePleiades.”McCorriston (2011:44)discussestheconnectionofmountaintopsanctuarieswithrain:thehighplacewaswherethe peoplecametopetitionforrain(istiq¢’Ȍfromthedeityoftheplace.ShementionsthegraveofNabÄ ar(“TheProphetLordofRain”)inHadramawtasanexampleofƒcontinuationofthisڒmawl¢ma tradition.(McCorriston2011:47) 467LahelmaƬFiema2009. 468Duringthe2003FJHPexcavationseason,aninscribedmarbleslabwasuncoveredinsituthefloorof thechurchnave.TheslabcontainsthreelinesinGreekfromPsalm29:3:“TheGodofglorythunders,the Lordthundersoverthemightywaters.”(Frösénetal.2008:277-78ȌFrösénnotesthatthepassageis extremelyrarelyusedinsuchlocations.Althoughithasbeensuggestedthattheslabcouldbesomehow relatedtostoringofholywater,therealsoexistsanintriguingpossibilitythattheaspectofrainand waterrelatedtothemountainmayhavebeencarriedintotheChristiantraditionaswell.

139

beginning of the 21st century, this song was already forgotten and all the people interviewedaboutthetopicoftheannualpilgrimagesaidthatthesongssungduring thevisitweresimilartotheonesthataresunginallcelebrations,suchasweddings. Althoughtheautumnalvisitwasapparentlyofgreaterimportanceandsignificance, therewasalsoanothercelebrationwhichtookplaceinthespring.Canaancallsthem “winter” and “summer” feasts, the other one taking place in February, and the one during the grape season.469 Al Salameen and Falahat also note the two occasions, connecting them to the ancient practice of celebrating the vernal and autumnal equinox. Both times mark the change of seasons and were important for the agriculturalandpastoralcycle.470 Apparently, the autumnal feast had more importance for the farming communities. It also marked the beginning of agricultural work, and the Liy¢thne wouldonlybegintoploughtheirfieldsafterthepilgrimage,whentheleadersofeach subtribestartedworkingontheirownfieldsfirst.471Forthepastoralists,thespring seasonbroughtthefamiliestogetherintheirspringpastures,anditmarkedthetimeof theirlargefestivals.Atthistime,manyoffamilieswouldvisittheirancestraltombsand arrangetheirowncelebrations.472Jennings-BramleydescribeshowtheBedouinofthe Sinaitic peninsula …spend two days there, feasting, racing, dancing and enjoying themselvesgenerally.Men,womenandchildrencome,andsometimesasmanyas50or 60willcollecttogether.Theyfancythesaintispropitiatedbythenoticetheythustakeof him,andtakespleasureintheirvisit.473InsouthJordan,similarfamilypilgrimageswere mentionedinconnectionwiththeSaᦧĆěĐwhovisitthetombsinĔᏡamadannually, andtheᦧAm¢”ĐwhogatheratGubó”ᦧiy¢ŽᦧAww¢d.FarajᖠMfarrejwasalsomentioned asƒlocationforcommunalvisits.474 InWadiRamm,however, wastoldthatthere werenospecialoccasionsforvisitingthetombsofancestors,butpeoplewouldvisit whenever ƒ need arose. Other communal visits with uncertain timing include the annualpilgrimageofLiy¢thnewomentoal-Baww¢t.475TheBedouinfromMudawwara weretoldtosacrificeƒgoatwhenevertheypassRijmal-AᒷawÄduringtheirjourneys.476 Thetombsofal-SkharÄinal-JafrandJiddal-Raf¢›ᦧƒinBayᒅ¢ᦦwerebothconnectedto theirowntribes,butitisunknownwhethertheyhavebeenvisitedbylargergroupsor individuals. Throughouttheregion,itwasalsocommontoofferthefirstproductsofthe yearȂwhethertheywerenewbornanimals,milk,fruitorgrainȂtothelocalsaint.For the annual ziy¢rainWadió•¢ǡƒnewbornkidwouldbechoseninthespringasƒ sacrificefor ¢”ó andmarkedasƒfadówithƒspecialcutintheear.Thegoatwas slaughteredandpreparedfortheeveningdinneraftertheautumnpilgrimage.Inthe

469Canaan1929:210. 470Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:183. 471Miettunen2008:41. 472Jaussen1907:315. 473Jennings-Bramley1906:26. 47423M1SaᦧĆěÄn,AmmSayᒒó2011.Seesection1.3.below. 475Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:189. 476AssaidbyƒmanfromZel¢biye,WadiRamm2005.

140

past,thecustodianoftheshrineofAaronwouldcollectthefirstproductsoftheyear fromthesurroundingareas,andgoasfarasᐅafÄletogathergrain,fruitandoilfrom theinhabitantsasƒgifttothesaint.477Similarofferingsweregiventotheshrineofal- ᖠᏡ•µni.Milkproductswerefirsttakenandpouredontherootsofᒷ¢yabeforethe peoplewouldeatany.478InWadiRamm,animalscouldsimilarlybededicatedtothe ancestors,andmilkproductswerealsoofferedtothem,aswellastoAmmᖠDfuf.479

7.2.2. TransitionRites

•µ”al-hudhud›¢ஞarÄמ waggaஞalaÄdo w-inta-l-gamar›¢ஞarĕ naban¢–•Ädo.480٭w-i

Thebirthofƒnewchild,especiallyƒmalechild,hasalwaysbeenofgreatimportance to the family and to the whole community. The new generation ensures the continuation of the tribe, they carry on the name of the family and they will also becometheprovidersandcaretakersoftheirparentswhentheygrowold.Thenumber ofsonscandeterminethestatusofƒwoman,buttheyarealsoimportantinthelifeof themanaswell.Itisthereforenotsurprisingthattheveryfirsttransition,birth,and events related to this, such as joining the child to the community, are among the importantritesofpassage.Thenewbornisveryvulnerabletodeathcausedbothby naturalandunnaturalmeans.Toprotectthechildfromillnessesandevil,theparents couldturntothesaintsandancestors.AmongthepeopleinthePetraregion,ithas beenƒcommontraditiontotakebabiestovisitAaron’stombsoonafterbirth.481This appliestobothboysandgirlsanditisnotconnectedtoanyotherceremony,although thevisitmayhavebeenƒfulfillmentofƒvowgivenbythewomantothesaintinorder to have ƒchild. Many people even emphasized how important it is that the parents showthechildtothesaintbeforeheorsheispresentedtotheothermembersofthe familyandtribe.TheᦧAm¢”Đhavehadtheirowntraditionoftakingtheirnewbornsto visit the cemetery of ᦧIy¢Ž ᦧAww¢† (Site 5) once they reach the age of20days.482In Maᦧ¢also,thebirthofƒchildwascelebratedbytouringtheholysitesofthetown. Earlyinthemorning,thefamilywouldstartbyvisitingAmmᖠJdÄᦧfirst,bringinghenna, foodandcandlesandofferingsweetstothechildrenofthetown.Afterthis,theywould proceedtoShµkhᦧAbdallahandfinallytothetombofShµkhᖠᒒammad.Those

477Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:187. 478Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:188,191. 47911M1Zel¢biye,Rammvillage2005. 480Thehoopoebird,ohbridegroomȀGuardsonhishand./Andyouarethemoon,ohbridegroomȀAndwe aredaughtersofhisgrandfather.weddingsongsungbyyounggirls,recordedinWadiAraba2005.The word“sÄd”wasnotedbytheinformantstobePalestinianinorigin.Thewordfor“grandfather”inthe Bedouindialectis“jidd.” 481ThiswasmentionedbyseveralpeopleinthePetraregion,bothLiy¢thneandBedól.On29.8.2007  spokewithanoldermanfromal-BedóŽwhosaidthatheandhiswifehadtakeneveryoneoftheirten childrentovisittheshrineofNabÄ ¢”ónǤ 482Sajdi2011[1996].

141

interviewedrecallfourtosevencarsdrivingaroundthetowninprocession,visiting eachsiteandofferingsweets.Afterthetour,thefamilyreturnedhomeandofferedƒ feastintheevening.483 Toestablishanevenstrongerconnectionbetweenthechild,andthesaintthe childcouldbe“bound”tothesaint.InthePetraregion,theformulamaஞalligtakஞa-n- nabÄ ¢”ón(“Ibindyoutoprophet ¢”ón”)couldbeuttered,thusensuringthe protectionof the saint. The children thus putunder the prophet’s sacred protection werecalledmuஞallagÄn.484childcouldalsobenamedafterthesaint,andthenames ¢”ó and ó•¢ have been very popular in the Petra region and as far away as Maᦧ¢n.485InWadiRamm,childrenwerealsonamedafterpiousancestorstogaintheir lgaǡSite¢ڒĆ¢(Shrµˆal-Shyókh,Site23)andᖠᏡµ†(al-Mablessing.Namessuchas 21)werementionedasespeciallyfavoredones.486Thereisalsoƒreferencetopiecesof haircutfromƒchildandplacedintheroombuiltneartheSpringofMoses,probably forthesakeofprotection.487 ThecircumcisionofboysinthevillagecommunitywasdescribedbyGranqvist. In the villages and towns, it seems to have been one of the big celebrations, and probablythemajoroneinthelifeofƒyoungboy.Thiscelebrationlastedseveraldays and included feasting, dancing and ƒ procession. Granqvist also notes that the ceremonycouldbeperformedatthetombofƒsainttoenhancethesanctityofthe rite.488CanaanalsowritesaboutthispracticeinhissurveyofPalestiniansites, mentioning visits to the holy sites during the procession.489 In relation to southern Jordan,however,henotesthelackofthistraditionwhenhestudiedJabal ¢”ón.490 Paralleltohisobservations, wasnotabletofindanyexamplesofcircumcision ceremonies performed at or including visits to the holy sites by the Bedouin. In the past,itwasvisiblycelebratedamongtheBedouinofPetra.Itseemsthatthistradition haschanged,andtheceremonyitselfhasbecomeƒmoresolemnandprivateoccasion. 491DuringmytimeinthevillageofAmmSayᒒón, didnotseeanycelebrationsof circumcision. Apparently, the circumcision ceremony has been ƒ more important celebration in rural and urban communities. The only information from the region comesfromthetownofMaᦧ¢n.AmmᖠJdÄᦧandthetombsofbothShµkhᦧAbdallahand ShµkhᖠᒒammadinMaᦧ¢werementionedassiteswhereyoungboysweretakento visit after their circumcision ceremony in ƒ similar manner of procession and celebrationasafterthebirthofƒchild.492Inthepast,itwasanimportantpartofthe

48316MG2Maᦧ¢2007. 4847W1Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002. 485Doughty(1955:73)mentionsthecaseofMaᦧ¢n,butthepeoplealsotoldmeaboutthetraditionin Wadió•¢Ǥ 48611M1Zel¢biye,Rammvillage2005. 487Al-SalameenƬFalahat2009:191. 488Granqvist1947:207-209. 489Canaan1926:142. 490Canaan1929:211. 491WomanoftheBedól,FieldnotefromAmmSayᒒó2011. 49216MG2Maᦧ¢1.9.2007.

142

circumcision day, although the practice no longer continues. Visiting the tombs was believedtogivetheboysbarakafortherestoftheirlives. Marriageisoneofthegreatritesoftransitioninthelifeofanindividual,butat thesametimeitisalsoƒsocialcelebration,joiningtogetherthewholecommunityfor severaldaysoffestivities.TheweddingcelebrationsinsouthJordanlastseveraldays, although in modern times, the period of feasting has shortened.  was able to participateinƒnumberofweddingsinthevillageofAmmSayᒒón,andalsoinWadi Araba.Eventhoughƒhighlyritualizedevent,theBedouinweddingcelebrationappears tobeverysecularincharacter.Itistheonlyoneofthegreatritesstudiedwherethe holysitesandsaintsdidnotseemtoplayanyrole. Inthefolktradition,thebridehasbeenoften protectedmagicallyagainstthe powersofevil.Granqvistdescribesƒpitchforkdressedinwoman’sclothesthatwas carriedbesidethebrideasshewastakenfromherhometothebridegroom’shouse.493 ThisdollwasmadeinordertodrawawaytheEvilEyefromthebride.Accordingto Granqvist,ƒsimilardollwasalsousedinthe circumcisionprocessiontoprotectthe circumcisedboys.494similardollwasalsousedinthe“RainMother”–ritual,butit hadƒdifferentroleintheprocessioninthatcase,mostlikelybeingƒkindof representation of the Rain Mother herself Ǧ parallel to the processions where the imagesofgodsorsaintshavebeencarriedinvariousreligions. However, in south Jordan, no dolls were carried in the Bedouin procession whenthebridewasbroughttohernewhome.Theonepracticethatmayberelatedto themagicalprotectionagainsttheEvilEyeisthemake-upofthebride.Theirfacesare always powdered pure white, with eyes darkened and lips painted bright red. This extremelypeculiarlookisnotlikelytobeusedsimplytorepresentanidealbeauty,but ratherasƒprotective“mask.” Theonlyothermarriageritual wasabletorecordwhichmayhavecarriedƒ magicalmeaningisrelatedtoƒlocationinBayᒅ¢ᦦǤThereisanoldNabataeancistern nowadayscalledTheWellofBrides,“Ĕal-ஞar¢஝is.dz The cistern was carved into the rock, and ƒ staircase led down to the level of the water. Over the centuries, soil accumulated in the wide empty space, and had filled almost the whole space. Apparently,DianaKirkbridecleanedthecisternwhileconductingherexcavations at the Natufian site in the late 1950’s, and it has been again in use as the water accumulatesinthecisternduringthewintermonths.Whenlookingatthewalls,ƒrow ofhandimprintssurroundsthewholecave.Themarksareupneartheceiling,several meters above the floor level now that the accumulated soil has been cleaned away. TwomembersoftheBedóŽaccompanyingmeduringmyvisittothecisternin2011 toldthatitwasƒtraditionforbridestoenterthecaveandleaveanimprintoftheir palm,dyedwithhennaonthesurfaceofthewall. wasnotabletofindoutthereason forthisritual.Italsoappearsthatthewholetraditionwasdiscontinuedaftertheroom

493Seger1987:91.ThemaidsofhonorintheWesternweddingtraditionhadthesame“honor”of distractingorconfusingtheevilspiritssothatthebridewouldremainprotected. 494Granqvist1947:200.

143

wascleaned,asitwouldrequireƒtallladdertobeabletoleaveanimprintnearthe ceilingand didnotseeanyimprintsonlowerlevels. Thelastofthetransitions,deathandburial,havealreadybeendiscussedabove in relation to the veneration of ancestors. In addition to the living, the power and barakaoftheholysitewasthoughttoextendalsototheordinarydead,buriedinthe proximitytothesaint.Insomeofthecemeteries,suchasinĔᏡamad(Site9)oral- Hajfe(Site29)itisnotalwayssoclearwhethertheburialsitealreadyexistedbefore onetombbecameholy,orwhetheritwasthetombofthesaintthatdrewtheother burials.Ontheotherhand,therearesitessuchasal-Baww¢–(Site7)andal-Maᒷ¢lga (Site21)wherethesaint’stombisclearlythecentralstructure,andotherburialshave beenmadeinitsvicinity.InthePetraregion,thedeadwereburiedfacingJabal ¢”ó insteadofMeccabyallthetribesresidinginitsvicinity.Crawfordnotesthistradition among the Ꮱuwayᒷ¢t, Nuᦧµ¢t, Bedól, SaᦧĆěĐ and also the Liy¢thne whohad their owncemeteryinWadió•¢.495 TheBedouindonotcelebratebirthdays.Todaythereasonforthelackofsuch celebrationisbasedonthereligiousprohibition,anditisunlikelythatinthepastthe birthdayswereevenknown.However,eventhoughthistypeofannualfestivalisnot celebrated, there are always special occasions in the everyday lives of people that deservetoberecognized.Smalltransitionstakeplaceandbecomeritualizedwithinthe community, although the transitional characteristic itself is not always clearly displayed.Thesesmalleventsrepresentanintricateexpressionofritualcommunality eveniftheydonotdemonstratecyclicalpatterns.AmongtheBedól,ƒmemberofthe community would occasionally offer ƒ dinner, inviting the tribe or subtribe to participateinthemeal.Suchƒmealmaybearrangedonspecialoccasions,suchas whentheindividualhasbeenillandiscominghomefromthehospitalorifsomeone hasreturnedfromabroad.Veryoften,itissimplyƒpublicdemonstrationofpersonal pietyorgenerosity.Thesedinnersareusuallymensaf,thefestivalmealwhichdemands thatthehostsacrificeseveralgoatsfromhisflock.Thesemealsdidnotusuallylast verylong.Thefoodwaseatenquicklyandafterƒfewglassesofteaorcoffee,theguests dispersed. What then ensued among the female members of the host family was ƒ livelydiscussionconcerningtheguests:whooftheinvitedmenhadparticipated,who hadonlysenthiswifeandwhohadnotarrivedatall!Therewasƒsubtleairof resentment towards those who had failed to perform their communal duty and participate in this social ritual.  observed ƒ very similar discussion in 2009 when visitingthesickbedofanelderlywomanoftheBedól.Thewomenwhowerevisiting therewereveryinterestedinhearingwhohadcometoseeherduringherillnessand whohadnot.

7.2.3. SituationalRituals Theritualsofcrisisarerelatedtotheunexpected,disastrousordangerouseventsthat affect the whole community, ƒ family or an individual. Situations falling into this

495Crawford1930:292.

144

categoryandpresentedinthissectionincludedroughtanddangeroffamine,illnesses, deathofchildrenoranimals,infertilityandfearofnaturalorsupernaturalenemies.

Rainandwater ForthepeopleofthePetraregion,theannualpilgrimagetotheshrineofAaronwas onemeansofensuringthecomingofrain.Sometimes,however,therainsdidnotcome despite of the visit. In such cases, another pilgrimage could be arranged to the mountain.TheBedóŽdidnothavetheirownannualÛsamǡalthoughsomefamiliesdid participateinthepilgrimageoftheLiy¢thne,buttheywouldalsoorganizeƒcommunal visitiftherewasnorain.TheyweresometimesaccompaniedbyfamiliesfromBayᒅ¢ᦦǡ fromtheᦧAm¢”Än.Thejourneytothemountainwasmuchmoresolemnincharacter than the visitof the Liy¢thne, andonly whenreturning did people start singing and shooting.496Aaronseemstohavebeenthemainproviderofraininthewholeregion, as praying for rain was not mentioned in relation to the other holy sites. The continuationofthecultandthepossibleancientconnectionofthemountainsanctuary andtherainshavealreadybeendiscussedabove.Perhapsinmorerecenttimessuchƒ miraclewasalsoseenasbeingbeyondthepowersoftheancestorsandonlypossible forƒprophetofGod.Holyandmiraculoussprings,ontheotherhand,areincludedin mydata.TheSpringofMoseswasthoughttohaveƒmiraculousorigin,andƒspringin Maᦧ¢wasprotectedbythe“DaughtersoftheSpring.”ĔᏡamadwassaidtohave beencreatedonlyaftertheancestoroftheSaᦧĆěÄn,Sabb¢ᒒǡwasburiednearby.There wasnowaterbefore,butafterthegravehadbeendug,ƒspringopenedandisstillin use.497 ThemainrainmakingritualrecordedintheMiddleEast,TurkeyandMorocco wasknownintheLevantas“TheMotherofRain”,Ammal-ghµthǤMusilwitnessedit amongtheRwalaandinKerakandJausseninsouthJordan.Canaandescribestheritual as it was performed in Palestine, and Westermarck has ƒ similar account from Morocco.Inaddition,ƒritualverymuchthesameas“TheMotherofRain”isalsofound inTurkey.498Eventhoughthedetailsoftheritualmayvary,thereareseveralsimilar characteristics:

1.  crudedoll,madeofƒladle,pitchforkorwoodenstakestiedinthe formofƒcrossanddressedupinhumanclothes,iscarriedatthefront oftheprocession.499 2. Theparticipantsaremostoftenwomenandchildren. 3. Theprocessionmovesaroundthevillageorcamp,singing.Ifthereisƒ saint’sshrineontheway,theymaystopinfrontofit.500

4964M1Bedól,Petra2002. 49723M1SaᦧĆěÄn,AmmSayᒒó2011. 498Musil1928:10-13,Musil1908:8-10,Jaussen1948:323-329,Canaan1926:144-153,Westermarck 1926:268-269,Baçgöz1967:304-306. 499ExceptforWadió•¢ǡthedollwasdressedinfemaleclothing.TheLiy¢thne,however,usedmale costume.(6M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002,HaniAl-Falahat) 500InWadió•¢ǡthewomenwouldfacetheshrineofAaronandsingthesongstowardsthemountain. Later,theritualbecamepartoftheannualziy¢raǡandwasperformedonthemountainduringthe

145

4. Foodisdonatedtothepeopleintheprocessionastheypassthe houses. 5. Attheend,thefoodispreparedandeaten,aswellasdistributedtothe otherspassingby.

Theterm“MotherofRain”wasusedintheMiddleEast.InTurkey,thedollwascalled yagmurgelini,“TheBrideofRain”.InMorocco,thenames“Bride”or“BrideofRain”are alsoknown,butthedollwasalsocalled“Tal»unja”,asitwasmadeofƒwoodenladle (ƒ»anja), or morja, “MotherofHope”.Thesongscontainprayersaskingforrain.All sources include examples of the lyrics, and in South Jordan there was also some variationinthecontents.Fromthepeopleinterviewedregardingthesong,theolder women from the BedóŽ and ᦧAm¢”Đ only remembered the first two lines. The informantsfromMaᦧ¢andWadió•¢providedwholestanzas,buttheyalsobegan withthesesamelines:

¢-ammal-ghµthghµthĐ¢   MotheroftheRain,rainuponus BallÄshwayshet”¢஝Đ¢   wettheheadofourshepherd

There are various theories discussing the origin of this ritual. Canaan suggests ƒ Christian origin, with the doll in woman’s clothing being ƒ reference to the Virgin Mary.501Westermarck,however,discussestheBerberoriginsoftherainprocession andthemagicalrainmakingpracticesinLibya,alreadydocumentedbyDioCassiusin the3rdcenturyAD.502Baçgözincludesseveralexamplesfromtheancientworld,noting thevariousprocessionsheldinEgyptandMesopotamia,whereimagesofgodswere carried through the cities.503Nevertheless,theneedforwaterisuniversaltoall communities, and droughts have always been events of danger and crisis. Various magicalandritualmeansofensuringadequatewaterhavebeenusedthroughoutthe world.504

Illness Ifthelackofrainwasƒsituationthataffectedthewholecommunity,therewerealso moreprivateandpersonaltimesofcrisis.Whenaskingaboutillnessesandcausesof death,thepeoplehadƒverynostalgicviewaboutlifeinthepast.Theoldpeoplespoke veryhighlyoftheoldlifestyle,statingthatitwashealthier.Similarly,thedietofthe pastwasoftenconsideredtohavebeenmuchhealthierthantoday.Thefoodwassaid to have been simple and natural, keeping the people in good physical condition. In

festival.(6M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002,HaniAl-Falahat).Abu-Zahra(1988:521)describesthevisitto allsurroundingshrinesinthevillageofSidiAmeurinTunisiaduringtherainritual. 501Canaan1926:144. 502Westermarck1926:269. 503Baçgöz1967:305.Abu-Zahra(1988:522)discussesthesimilaritybetweentheancientLibyan goddessTanitandherabilitytomakerain,and“MotherTambu”oftheTunisianrainritual.Incontrast totheancientgoddess,MotherTambuistheoneinneedofrain.Sheisthepersonificationofbarren earth,thirstyfortherainstomakeherfertileagain. 504See,forexample,Frazer1993:62-80forƒthoroughlistingofdifferentritualsrelatedtorainmaking invariouscultures.

146

2011, hadonediscussionwithmembersofƒfamilyoftheBedól,wheretheless positiveaspectsofthepastlifewerealsomentioned.Accordingtothem,peopledied muchyoungerandveryfewpeoplelivedpasttheageof60.Inaddition,peoplediedof illnesses that today can be cured. “Fever” (Δ˷ϤΣǡ perhaps referring to Typhus fever, althoughitcouldbeƒgeneraltermforanytypeofseriousillnessinvolvingƒhigh fever505), meningitis (ΔϳΎΤγȌandsnakebites(ϞλȌ were mentioned as main causes of deathinthepast.Thismemoryissupportedbytheofficialfigures.TheBedouinof Jordansufferedfromƒhighermortalityrateandlowerlifeexpectancythantherestof the population. In 1977, 70% of the Bedouin children were still reported as being stunted and 17% wasted due to malnutrition.506 The historical records also show repeatedoccurrencesofdroughtandfamine.Ontheotherhand,forthesemisedentary tribeswhowereusedtoƒmobilelifestyle,movingfromtentsandcavesintodensely populatedvillageshasprobablycreatedissuesofhygieneandnewkindsofepidemics. Thismayhavecausedthepeopletorememberthepastasbeingmorehealthy. Whenitcametocuringillnessesinthepast,themeansweremostlylimitedto prayer,magicandmethodsofhealingthatwereavailableinthesurroundingnature. There were specialists to whom people turned in case of an illness. Some of these specializedinhumans,buttherewereotherstrainedincuringanimalsaswell.507For medicine, various herbs were mentioned, some of them still in use. MaryamÄye, or driedsage,wasoftendrunkasaninfusion.Itwassaidtohelpagainstƒcoldandupset stomach.Myhostessmademedrinksageteaandeatcrushedgarlicmixedwith yoghurtwhen wassufferingfromƒcold.Honey,zanjabĎ(ginger),andgrunfel(cloves) werealsomentionedasgoodmedicine.Berries,seedsandleavesofvariousshrubsand treesgrowingupinthemountains,suchasஞarஞar(juniper),harmal(Peganumharmala, Syrianrue)andkharrób(Ceratoniasiliqua,carobtreeorStJohn’sbread)werebealso usedinmedicinaldrinks.Thecloveswerealsomadeintonecklacesduetotheirgood scent, and harmal seeds could be similarly bound into ƒ necklace or ƒ protective decorationthatwashungonthewallofthehouseortent. Othermeansofhealingincludecauterization,whichseemstohavebeenƒvery common procedure. An iron nail would be heated over the fire and then pressed againsttheskinatthespotwherethepainwassituated.508Infantsweresometimesfed ground-up scorpion mixed with milk to protect them from the sting,509 or children weresimplyallowedtobestungtomakethemimmuneiftheysurvived.510Holytexts arealsoƒstrongprotection,andwereusedtoprotectsmallchildrenaswell.In2011,ƒ newbornchildinAmmSayᒒó wasprotectedwithƒpieceofpaperwherepassages fromtheQurᦦ¢hadbeeninscribed.Inaddition,therewasalsoƒpieceofgarlicplaced

505Canaan1925:197. 506Shoup1980:111. 5079MG1Zel¢biye,Rammvillage2005. 508ThismethodwasdescribedbothbytheBedóŽandbytheZel¢biye. sometimesheardmotherssaying itjokinglywhentheyweretalkingaboutƒmisbehavingchild.KawwÄha,”cauterizeher(orhim),”they wouldsaywarningly. 509Shoup1980:112. 510 sawtwoBedóŽmenwithscarsfromsuchdeliberatelycausedstings.

147

withthetextinherswaddlingclothes,aswellaskohlaroundhereyesȂboth traditionalmagicalmeansofprotectionagainstevil.Theirusewasexplainedtomein medical terms: the kohl was believed to clean the eye and give long and thick eyelashes. The garlic on the other hand was said to draw away the yellow hue (neonataljaundice)fromtheskin. Alongside natural medicine and medical procedures, there was also the possibilityofaddressingthesaints.Itmightbethelastresort,butitcouldbeusedin addition to, or instead of, the other methods. Some sites are connected to both the healingpowerofthesaint,andtheideasofnaturalmedicine.Onemedicalpractice amongtheBedouinwasto“bathe”thesickpersoninwarmsand.Thiswasbelievedto curetheailmentsofthebody.Anyplacewithsoftsandcouldwork,butinmymaterial, there are two examples which seem to have been seen as more powerful than the normalsand:AmmᖠDfóˆ(site29)nearWadiRammwasthemorepowerfulone,but alsotheothersandduneal-Marmad(site31)wasvisitedtofindƒcure.Thesacred powerofdunesisnotlimitedtotheareaofsouthernJordan.Serjeantsuggeststhatthis typeofsanctificationofsanddunesmaygobacktothepre-Islamictimes.Thereare ƒexamples from Yemen, where the “White Dune” (Al-KathĄ al-Abya٠ȌatAbyanis popular center of pilgrimage, and NabÄ ó† has been buried in the “Red Dune” (Al- mar).511٭KathĄal-A Even though most of the holy sites appear to be “generic” in terms of their abilitytoperformmiraclesandprovidefortheneedsofthepeople,therealsoseemed tobesomespecializationamongthesaints.NabÄ ¢”ówascloselyrelatedtotherains andrainmaking,althoughhecouldbeaddressedinanytypeofcrisis,includingfor healing. The tomb of ᖠᏡµ† ¢lem was said to have been ƒ place to visit in case of variousillnessesandespeciallysnakebites,whileFarajᑃMfarrejhadthespecialpower tohealtheblind.Thepracticeoftakingƒsickpersontoƒholysiteandleavinghimor herthereovernightwasmentionedinseveralcases.ThetombsofprophetAaron,al- Fugar¢ǡal-ᖠᏡ•µniandᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢†seemtohavebeenthemostcommonlocationsin thePetraregionforsuchhealing.Ontheotherhand,ifthepersonwastoosicktobe takentoanyoftheseplaces,anypersoncouldgoinsteadandvisitthesaintforthesake ofthesickperson.512InMaᦧ¢n,ƒtoursimilartotheonestakingplaceafterbirthand circumcisiontookplaceifƒchildbecamesick.Thefamilywouldvisitthethreemajor holysitesofthetown,firstAmmᖠJdÄᦧǡthenShµkhᦧAbdallahandfinallyShµkh ᖠᒒammadbeforereturninghome.womanwhowassickcouldchooseanyoneof thesaints,butwouldmoreoftenchooseeitherᦧAbdallahorᖠᒒammad.Thetradition ofvisitsseemstohavebeendifferentinMaᦧ¢n:youngunmarriedgirlsnevervisitedthe holyplaces,onlywomenaftertheyhadgottenmarriedandapparentlyyoungchildren withtheirmothers.Thiskindoflimitationhasnotbeenmentionedelsewhere.513

511 Serjeant1971:74. 5124M1Bedól,Petra2002. 51316MG2Maᦧ¢2007.Asstated,theinformationconcerningthewomenalsocomesfrommen,notfrom thewomenthemselves.

148

Defense Thus,themeansofhealingcouldinvolvenaturalmedicine,magicandprayer.Similarly, thecausesforillnessescouldbenaturalorcausedbyevil.TheEvilEye,malevolent magic,jinnsandspiritscouldcausesicknessandothermisfortune.In2002,ƒlocal youngmanworkingontheexcavationsonJabal ¢”ósufferedfromwhatappearedto beanepilepticseizure.Hisfriendscametotheconclusionthatthisconditionwasthe resultofhimsleepingatthewrongtimeoftheday,thusbecomingvulnerabletothe attackfromjinn.ThecureforitwastoreadtohimfromtheQurᦦ¢n.Ingeneral,various neurologicaldisordersandmentalconditionscouldbeinterpretedasworkofjinnsand otherspirits.Tocuresuchconditions,ƒpersoncouldalsobebroughttotheholysite and left to sleep there over night.514 As the Evil Eye, witchcraft and jinns are all mentionedintheQurᦦ¢n,evenpeoplewithƒmorenegativeapproachtowardsvisitsto the tombs, divination, or other aspects of old beliefs, took these threats seriously. During an informal discussion with ƒ family of the BedóŽ in 2011,  was assured, however,thatmagicanddemonsshouldbefoughtwithpiety,prayerandreadingthe Qurᦦ¢n,notwithcounter-magicorgoingtothegraves.

PregnancyandProtection Thebirthofƒnewchild,especiallyƒboy,hasbeenanimportanteventforthefamily andforthewholecommunity,whileinfertilityandtheinabilitytoconceiveƒchildhas beenregardedasƒgreatmisfortune.AccordingtotheBedouin,onecauseforinfertility inwomencouldbeanelevateduterus.Thehealercouldfeelwithherhandsthatthe uterushadrisenfromitsnormalposition,thusmakingconceptionimpossible.Tocure this condition, she would press her palms on the woman’s stomach and push the wombdownwards.Inaddition,thewomanwoulddrinkherbalmedicinetoassurethe return of the uterus to its normal place. As ƒ result, the woman would be able to conceive again.515TheideaofthemovingwombisknownfromtheancientGraeco- Roman medical sources, for example, Galen of Pergamum. This concept was then transferred to medieval Islamic medicine, where this condition, known as “uterine im),wasdiscussedbyvariousphysicians,includingal-R¢œÄ٭suffocation”(ikhtin¢“al-ra in the 9th century Most often this condition was thought to cause anxiety Ȃ or “hysteria.”516 However,aswithillnesses,ƒwomancouldalsoturntothesaintsinhersearch forƒsolution.Forexample,inMaᦧ¢n,thewomansufferingfrominfertilitywouldvisit thesiteofAmmᑃJdÄᦧǤJaussendescribeshowshewouldrestintheshadowandrubher bodyagainstthestoneorwiththesoiltakenfromthefootoftherock.Shereturnstoher

514When interviewedHanial-Falahatin2002,herecalledthefollowingincident: fewyearsago metsomepeople,maybefromtheஞAm¢”Än.Theybroughtƒlady,whomtheyhadtied downwithropes.Shewasbroughtonƒpick-up,andtheywantedtotakehertoJabal ¢”ósothatshe couldgetridofherillness. don’tknowwhathappenedtoher. 515ToldbyƒwomanfromtheBedól,writtendowninAmmSayᒒóinNovember2011.Hermotherwas anexpertinsuchƒprocedure. 516Porman2009.

149

homewiththefirmbeliefthatshewillbeƒmothersoon.517visittoƒholysitecould alsobearrangedifthewomandidbecomepregnant,butthechildrenwhowereborn died young, or if the family’s cattle were dying.518 In addition, the holy site was “hallowed ground,” providing protection from any earthly or supernatural danger. Animalsandotherpropertycouldbeplacedbesidethetomb,puttingthemunderthe protectionofthesaintandkeepingthemsafefromtheft.personfearingthedangers ofnight,orbeingpursuedbyhisenemiescouldalsosleepbesidethetomborseek shelterwithinitssphere.519 Communicationwiththesaintsandancestorswasnotonlysupplicationsthrough prayer and pleading. The people could also negotiate with the saint. In case of an illnessorotherdanger,thefamilymemberscouldaddresstheirancestor,promisingto sacrificeƒgoatorcamel,butonlyifthepersonrecovers.520

7.3. Thepunishingsaints

Incontrasttothemorebenevolentcharacterofthesaints,thereisanothersideto them.Theydonotonlyactashealers,protectorsandproviders,buttheyalsopunish andtakevengeance.DuringhissurveyinPalestine,Canaannotedthatthesaintscanbe dividedintotwogroupsonthebasisofthemannerinwhichtheytreattransgressors. forbearing)ofthefirstgroup)٭awĎĐer-róڒThelocalpeoplethemselvesusetheterm ofsaintsǤTheyaretolerantsaintsanddonotusuallyrespondaggressivelytowardsƒ personwhohasbehavedwrongly.Sometimestheymayremindthepersoninquestion, givinghimtimetocorrecthisways.Theymayshowtheirfullpoweratthemoment whenpeoplestarttodoubttheirabilities,butascanbeexpected,thisgroupofsaintsis theminorityandtheyareusuallythoughttobelesssignificant.Theothergroupof ishrÄn, the٭ saints is more respected and feared. This group is known as nizqĐ or irritableones.Anypersonwhoirritatesthesaintcanexpecttobepunished,usually within three days. The punishment can be very severe and can also affect people, animals and property of the transgressor’s close circle. Paralysis, illness and even deathareoftenmentionedresults.521 Asƒwhole,ƒsaint’spunishmentcanbedirectedintwodifferentways.Inthefirst case, it is the walÄ him- or herself who has been offended by someone. The other scenarioinvolvestwoparties,onepartyhavingbeentreatedwronglybytheotherand thereforeinvokingthewalÄtoavengetheinjustice.TheoffensestowardsthewalÄmay

517Jaussen1907:303. 51811M1Zel¢biye,Rammvillage2005.Hehadvisitedthetombofal-Maᒷ¢lgahimself,whenhisgoats starteddyingingreatnumbers.Hestayedovernightbythetombwithhiswholefamily.Hehadalso visitedAmmᖠDfóˆoncewiththesameobjective.Al-Marᒲadwasalsooneoftheplacesvisitedbythe peopleofWadiRammonsuchoccasions. 519ThesepracticesweredescribedbytheBedouinofWadiRammin2005.Musil(1908:329)noteshow ƒpersonbeingthreatenedbyhisenemiescouldseekprotectionfromSwµriandbecomeinvisibletothe enemyeyeaslongasheremainednearhistomb. 520Jennings-Bramley1906:134. 521Canaan1927:13-14.

150

bedividedintoseveralcategories.Theusualcauseforpunishmentisƒgeneralscorn towardsthewalÄandhispowers,expressedinwordsoractions.

TherewasƒsoldierhereinWadió•¢whosaidthatthepeoplewerevisitingan idol522whentheywenttoJabal ¢”ón.Oneyeartheymadethevisitandhecame withthemridingƒhorsetotheÛsamal-nabÄǤAccordingtothetradition,people donotentertheshrinebeforetheyhavetakenofftheirshoes,butheenteredwith hisshoesonsaying:“Thisisjustanidol.”Whenhegotoutandhadjustclimbed downthestairshesawthathishorsehaddied.Heaskedifsomebodycouldcarry his saddle back to the village on their donkeys or other animals, but they all refusedtocarryitbecausehehadactedirreverentlytowardstheprophet.Sohe hadtocarryhissaddleallthewaybacktoWadió•¢.523

 policeman was transferred to Wadi ó•¢ from some other place and started workinginthearea.AndtherewasƒholyvisittoJabal ¢”óandheparticipated with the local people. All the way up to Jabal ¢”ó he kept on joking and laughing.Whentheyaskedhimtogouptotheshrineinordertoprayhesaid: “Youareignorantandyoudon’tknowwhatyouaredoing.”Andtheykept warninghimsaying:“Please,stopit,orsomethingbadwillhappentoyou,”buthe didnotlisten.Theysaidthatwhenhecamebackridinghisbighorse,itsuddenly brokeitsbackwhenjumpingoverƒsmallwadi.Andwhenhereachedhishousehe foundhisoldestson,whohadbeenstrongandhealthy,dead.524

storytoldbyƒmanfromal-SaᦧĆěĐalsotalksaboutƒmanwhodecidednottogoon theannualvisittothetombofhisancestor.Theinformantcouldnotrecallthenameof thesite,buthewasprobablyreferringtothetombofFarajᖠMfarrej(Site10)in ᖠMraybet.Asƒresultofhisdecision,hisgoatsbegantogivebloodymilk.Onlywhenhe tookhiswholeflockwithhimtothetombtovisitdidthegoatsagainreturnto normal.525 These examples portray the stories related to neglect or irreverence towardsthewalÄ,wherethewrongdoerispunishedalmostimmediately.Itseemstobe verycommoninthiscasethatthepunishmentdoesnotstrikethetransgressorhimself directly,butisoftendirectedtohisfamilyandproperty. AnotherwayofoffendingthewalÄistotakeordamagethepropertybelonging to the holy site. Cutting branches from sacred trees is ƒ recurring element in the stories.CanaanincludesƒdescriptionofƒmanofLift¢whocutƒbranchfromthetree belongingtoShµkhᏡusµinµ–SurÄk.Whenhestruckhismulewiththestickmade fromthebranch,theanimalwashitbyƒdiseaseandwasonlycuredwhentheman returnedthesticktotheholysiteandaskedforgivenessfromthewalÄ.526Buᒷmatal-

.anamǢidolorimageڍ522 5231M1,Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002. 5246M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002(Hanial-Falahat). 52523M1SaᦧĆěÄn,AmmSayᒒó2011. 526Canaan1927:14.

151

Minye(Site32)nearWadió•¢isalsoknownasƒtreefromwhichnobranchesor leavesshouldbetaken.Suchanactwouldbepunishedeitherbydeathorinfertility.527 ThethirdkindofpunishableoffenceisenteringƒholyplaceinƒstateȂphysical ormentalǦthatisnotapprovedbythewalÄǤwomanwhotriestovisitƒshrineinan impure state, e.g., menstruating or having given birth recently, will not be able to approachƒholysite.528Thievesmaynotbeabletostepinsideatall,asisthecasewith theshrineof ¢”ón.Theymaycomeascloseasthedoorway,butassoonastheytryto stepin,theywillfeelasiftheyarebeingstrangled.Theywillnotbeabletobreatheas longastheyareinsidesotheyareforcedtoleaveimmediately.Thefeelingpassesas soonastheyexittheroom.529 nonbelieverenteringƒshrinehasalsobeenƒgraveoffence,andthefearof drawingthesaint’swrathuponthemanorwomanwhoallowedsuchpersontovisit theholysitewasalreadydocumentedbythe19thcenturytravelers.Hornsteinwanted toseethetombof ¢”óin1898,butwhenhetriedtofindƒguidetotakehimupto themountain,allrefused.Theysaidiftheytookusupsomeevilwouldassuredlybefall them before the year was out.530Ǥ Libbey and Hoskins faced ƒ very similar situation when they planned to visit the shrine. …the people firmly believe that evil will surely befall,beforetheyearisout,thewretchedmanwhocommitsthesacrilegeofaidingor guidinganystrangertothesacredspotatthetopofthemount531ǤIncontrasttotheir experience,Burckhardt,whowastravelingdisguisedasƒMuslim,wasabletoexploit thisfearofpunishmentwhenhetriedtoenterandseetheancientruinsofPetra.He toldthelocalsthathehadvowedtosacrificeƒgoatfor ¢”ón,whichmadehisguideto leadhimintothevalley,asthedreadofdrawinguponhimself,byresistance,thewrath ofAaroncompletelysilencedhim.532Theseexamplesattestthatbothallowingƒperson whowasnotworthytoentertheholysite,andrestrainingƒworthypersonfrom reachingtheholysitewerebothseenaspunishableacts.Hornsteinwastryingtofindƒ guidefromamongtheBedól,anditisverylikelythatsuchbeliefshavebeencommon throughout the region. For example, the Liy¢thne have had other practices that are related to this fear of punishment, especially in connection to visiting Aaron’s mountain.Whensomeoneasksforƒrideorwantstoborrowananimalinordertoget toJabal ¢”ón,hisrequestcannotberefused,assuchƒrefusalcouldresultinlosing theanimalthathadbeenrequested. ¢”ón’snamecanbeappliedonotheroccasions aswellanditisnotrestrictedonlytothevisitsortothetransportationtotheshrine. ¢”ónǡ ٠٠al-nabă٭-Whentheprophet’snameisusedindifferentformulas,suchasbi ஞandak al-nabÄ ¢”ónǡ or kh¢smak b-al-nabÄ ¢”ónǡ the invitation, request or service

527AlSalameenƬFalahat2009:191.In2011,anotherplacecalled“Dᒒ¢ᒒa”nearthevillagewas mentioned.Italsocontainedƒtreefromwhichnobrancheswerecut.(28M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2011) 528Canaan1925:171.Punishmentsforsuchanact,listedbyCanaanincludebeingbittenbyƒsnake,the colorofƒdometurningbloody,orthesandsoiledbythewoman’sfootprintsmixedwithwaterand giventoherdeadrelativestodrinkintheafterlife. 5291M1,Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002. 530Hornstein1898:101. 531LibbeyandHoskins1905:235. 532Burckhardt1983[1822]:419.

152

becomesimpossibletorefuse.Bydoingso,theoffencewouldbeturnedtowardsthe prophet ¢”óhimself.533 Invoking the wrath of the walÄhasalsobeenƒwaytoseekjusticewhen someonehassufferedfromtheactsofanotherperson.Thepracticesencounteredin this region that involve two parties and the saint who dispenses justice include: stealingorharmingpropertyplacedundertheprotectionofthewalÄǡswearinganoath inhisnameinordertofindtheliarortraitorandaskingforhelpagainstoppression. Thepracticeofbringingproperty,suchasgoodsoranimals,intothesacred territory and placing them under the protection of the saint was discussed in the earlier section. Stories warn the thieves about the consequences of stealing these goods.AmmᖠDfóˆ(Site20)inWadiRammhasbeenseenasƒveryactiveprotector. famousstorytoldbothinWadiRammandMudawwaratalksaboutƒBedouinwho broughtcamelmilkasƒgifttoAmmᖠDfóˆdailyasƒsignofhisrespect.Onedayhis camelwasstolenbyƒthief.ThemanwenttothewalÄtoaskforhelp.Asƒresponse,the walÄraisedtwostrongstorms:onewasgentleandbroughtthecamelbacktotheman. Theotherstormtormentedthethiefwithƒwindthatstunglikenails.534 falseoathisnottakenlightly,andƒcommonwayoffindingoutifƒpersonhas committedƒcrimeistomakehimswearanoathinthenameofthewalÄǤSimilarly,if twopartiesarearguingoverƒcrime,andthejudgeisnotabletodeterminewhois guilty,bothmaybe askedtotaketheoathso thatthetransgressorwillberevealed. MusilnotesthatthetombofSwµri(Site34)wasƒplacetoswearoathsinthecaseofƒ dispute. The people went to his grave and placed the right hand on the tombstone, saying:“BythelifeofSwµri,itissoandso.”535Musildoesnotmentionwhatwastobe expectedifƒfalseoathwassworn,butitisveryprobablethatthepeopleinvolved wouldexpecttheguiltytobepunishedbySwµri.InMaᦧ¢n,accordingtoJaussen,itwas ShµkhᦧAbdallahwhosenamewascalleduponwhenmakinganoath.Iftheonewho swearsisgivingƒfalseoath,hewilldie.536CanaannotesthatthepeopleofWadió•¢ usethemag¢mofal-ᖠᏡ•µÄinthesecases.falseoathinhisnameispunishedwithin threedays.personaccusedofƒcrimemayalsoprovehisinnocencebyplacinghis righthandontheheadstoneofhistombandswearinganoath.537However,themost powerfuloathwouldbetheonesworninthenameofAaron.Givingƒfalsestatement inhisnamewouldbepunishedbyillnessorevendeath.538 Thispowerwassometimesrelatedtotheleadersofthetribesaswell.Thetwo disagreeingpartiesgatheredatthehouseoftheshµkhandtheyweremadetoswearan oath.Thepersonwhohadbeenlying,andthushadgivenƒfalseoath,wasboundto receive an immediate punishment.539AmongtheLiy¢thne,thiskindofpowerwas relatedtotheleaderofal-Sham¢•Än,whowasalsoresponsiblefordeclaringtheannual

5336M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002(HaniAl-Falahat). 53411M1Zel¢biye,Rammvillage2005.ThesamelegendwasrelatedinMudawwara. 535Musil1908:329. 536Jaussen1948:311. 537Canaan1929:207. 538Canaan1929:211. 5396M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002(HaniAl-Falahat).

153

visits to Aaron’s shrine. This connection is seen more directly in ƒ story where the ziy¢rawasdeclaredbysomeonewhodidnothavetheauthoritytodoit.

ZoghranwasƒmaninWadió•¢ǤOncehedeclaredthevisittoJabal ¢”óby himself. When the shµkh heard this, he declared that when someone does the declarationwhilenothavingtheauthority,hewillbepunishedforhisbehavior. Nowhewasridingƒdonkeywhenhesaidthesewordsandatthesamemoment whenhestoppedhisdonkey,Zoghranslippedandbrokehisarm540

Finally,ƒprivatepleaaddressingthesaintdirectly,begginghimtopunishƒbaddeed wasthefinalmeansofanoppressedpersonhopingforhelpiftheearthlyjudgeswould not take the case under consideration. In Maᦧ¢n, Amm ᖠJdÄᦧ (Site 16) was in special favorbythelocalwomen.womanmistreatedbyherhusbandwouldtakeƒbrushand gotovisitthewalÄyaǤAsshecleanedthewallwiththebrush,shebeggedforthesaint totakeawayherhusband.541 The punitive acts described above are by no means arbitrary, but there is ƒ strongsenseofjusticeandrightfulness.Afterall,thelivingsaintswereknownaspious, wiseandrighteouspeoplewhousedtheirskillsforthegoodoftheircommunity.These characteristicswouldthenremainevenafterdeath.Theawliy¢஝arethelasthopefor peoplewhofeelthattheyhavebeentreatedunjustly.TrustinginthejusticeofthewalÄǡ orknowingthatthewalÄwillrevealliesandtreacheries,reinforcesorderandprovides comfort.IncaseswherethewalÄistheoffendedparty,thestoriesemphasizerespect towardstraditionsandmaintainingtheoldpractices.Thestorieswherethepunished targethasbeenƒhorseorgoatsoreventhesoninsteadofthetransgressormaybear tracesoftheoldSemiticjurisprudence.Thethoughtofthewholehouseholdoreven thetribebeingheldequallyresponsiblefortheevildeedsofonememberandthusalso subject to punishment is clearly present in ancient texts, including the laws of HammurabiandMosaiclaw.Perhapsthestorywheretheirreverentauthorityfigure losthisoldestsonalsocarriesƒmemoryofthestoryofPharaohlosinghisfirstborn son.Infact,manyofthepeoplereceivingpunishmentinthestoriesareoutsiders.542

7.4. Leaders,dreamersandhealersȂthepeoplewithpower

Themainattemptofthissectionisto“reconstruct”thepossiblecharacteristicsofthe ancestors and saints, comparing the old stories to people with special powersliving nowadays. The ancestors that were venerated after their death had also been extraordinary individuals when they were alive. In the past, some of these extraordinarycharacteristicsmighthaveresultedinthepersonbecomingƒwalÄafter hisorherdeath.Themostcommonwordusedtodescribethepeopleburiedinholy

5401M1Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002. 54116MG2Maᦧ¢2007. 542Asƒsidenote,saintshavenotalwaysbeenseenasuntouchable,either.Abu-Zahra(1988:524) recordedƒcasefromTunisiawherethepeopleturnedthesaint’scoffinupsidedownandhungthe coveringclothoutsideintheair.Ifthesaintdidnotanswertheprayers,theclothwastorntopieces. Thus,thesaintwasexpectedtodohisshareofthedealorbepunishedaswell.

154

ǡpious.Suchdevotedpietygavethemspecialpowerswhichtheyused٭li¢ڍsiteswas forthegoodoftheirpeople.ᦧAww¢d,theancestorofᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢d,wassaidtohave been ƒ judge who had telepathic abilities to bring news from faraway places, telling abouttheothermembersofthetribe.Hewasalsosaidtohavebeenabletolight almondbranchwithnomatches.543Storiesarealsorelatedtohisson.largestone “plate,”carveddirectlyontheupperfaceofƒlargeboulderliesneartheroadthatleads Äyet Ibn ஞAwwad, ashewastoldtoڒ¢ northeast from Bayᒅ¢ᦦǤ The plate is known as havebeenthepersontocarveit.544ThedescendantsofᦧAww¢†havealsobeenknown as people who possess supernatural abilities. Ꮱ™µmil,ᑃShtey¢andKhadra,two brothersandtheirsisterfromtheᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢†branchweresaidtohavebeenthelast ofthepeoplewithspecialpowersintheregion.545 Al-Fugar¢buriedinal-Baww¢–werealsosaidtohavebeenpiousmenwiththe abilitytoseethefutureintheirdreams.similarpersonwasaliveamongtheBedól.At thetimeofmyvisitin2002,helivedneartheSnakeMonumentinPetra.Hisstatusis related to the prophetic dreams he receives. In his dreams, ƒ man appears to him, tellinghimwhoshouldvisitAaron’sshrineandwhen.Hetheninformsthepeoplein question,givingthemthemessagetoperformthevisit.Anotherofhisresponsibilities istodeclarethevisittotheshrineifthereisnorain.Thetimehealsoseesinhis dreams,declaringittotheBedól,althoughthepeoplelivinginBayᒅ¢ǯalsooftenalso attendedthevisit.Notallhisdreamsarerelatedtothevisits,though,buthealso receives other kinds of information concerning the future. For example, ƒ clothed womansignifiesƒgoodyear,whileƒnakedwomanisƒsignofƒbadyear.Sometimes thedreamsarealsorelatedtothefutureofindividuals.546 Thepeople’sattitudestowardshimseemtovary. broughtupthetopicinan informal discussion with ƒ man and woman of the BedóŽ in 2011. The man had ƒ somewhatskepticalattitude.Hebelievedthatnomortalmancanseethefuture,butit isonlyGodwhoknowswhatistocome.Thewoman,ontheotherhand,commented that the dreams come from God, as the man receiving these dreams is pious. When talking with the dreamer himself in 2002, he brought up an example where he declaredthevisitforrain,buttheBedóŽinsteadpreferredtowatchƒmoviethatwas showninthevillageonthesamenight.Hewentalone,butapparentlyhisvisitwas enough,astherainsbeganwhenhewasreturninghomefromthepilgrimage. AmongtheLiy¢thne,thereisalsoƒpersonwhomadetheofficialdeclarations for the annual visits to Aaron.547Thisrightpassedtohimfromhisfatherandhis grandfatherwhoweretheleadersoftheᦧUbµdiyeandᦧAl¢ya.TheleaderoftheShró”

543ThestorywaswrittendownonƒplaqueinthesmallethnographicmuseuminBayᒅ¢ᦦǤ(Photographed 2005). 544Theplatewasshowntomebyƒmanandwomanfromal-BedóŽin2011.Theexactcoordinatesofthis placeare30.39362,35.487601518masl. 545TheirstoryhasalsobeenrecordedintheethnographicmuseumofBayᒅ¢ᦦandbySajdi(2011).The siblingsdiedaround1999-2000,and neverhadtheopportunitytomeetthemmyself.Seealsothe descriptionofthehealingmethodsoftheᦧAm¢”Đhealer.(Bille2008:145-148) 5464M1Bedól,Petra2002. 547 mettheperson,thesheikhoftheSham¢•ÄfamilyinWadió•¢in2002.

155

and Bani ᦧᒷ¢made thedeclarationof visits to his tribes. His decision to visit is not basedondreams,buthedoesitaccordingtohisownperception.Asdiscussedabove, theseleadersweretheonlyoneswhohadtherighttodeclarethevisits,andothers doingitwouldfacepunishment.Thesettlingofdisputesandhandingoutjusticewas alsoanotherresponsibilityoftheseleaders,andtheoathsswornintheirhouseshadan effectȂgoodorbad,dependingontheveracityofthewordssworn. In addition to dreams, there are also other ways to see into the future. Throwing stones was ƒmethod of divinationamong the Bedouinof Petra.  person wanting to find an answer to his or her question would address someone with the ǤThequestioncouldberelatedtoanymatterڒ¢ڒڒknowledgeofreadingthestones,kha ofinsecurity,forexample,eventstakingplaceinthefutureoraskingthewhereabouts of another person or ƒ lost item. The stones could apparently be of any number, although for me, the process was carried out with seven stones.548 The stones are throwninairandastheylandonground,theanswerisinterpretedfromthefinal formationofthefallenstones.Thesituationwherethepracticewasintroducedtome wasveryinformalandwasshownalmostinƒjokingmanner.549Yet,therewerealso ar¢mǤAswithallknowledgeand٭peoplepresentwhoresentedtheact,callingit wisdom,Godisthesourceofallandtheonlyonewhocanseethefuture.Attemptingto use divination or magic to see things unknown would involve other sources of knowledge,suchasjinnsordemons,thusmakingtheactforbidden. AnolderwomanoftheBedóŽwhoknewtheartofdivinationwas alsoskilledin methods of healing and midwifery Ȃ including putting back the womb. Rami Sajdi interviewedƒBedouinhealerinWadiRamm,describingthemethodsofhiswork which include both medical and magical elements.550 Sajdi uses the word “shaman” whenreferringtothesevariouspeoplewithspecialpowers.Musildescribesanecstatic ritualoftheRwalaseers,whichincludesclappingofhands,drumming,andthe performer’s entering into ƒ state of trance where he meets an angel or an ancestor from whom he receives information.551 As the similarities in the practice in comparison to the shamans elsewhere are quite clear, it seems justified to use this term.TheBedouinthemselvesusevariousnames.InsouthJordan,ƒcommonterm seemstobefugar¢ǡ “poor.”MusilstatesthattheRwalausethetermal-sirrÄye.552In informaldiscussionswiththepeopleinAmmSayᒒón, wasassuredthattherearealso peoplepossessingtheEvilEye,andotherswhousemagicȂeitherharmfulor benevolent Ȃ in attempt to control other people. Either way, such practices were deemedun-Islamic,buttheyhaveprobablybeencommoninthepast.Allthepeople withspecialabilitieswerealreadyoldandtheyoungpeoplehadlittleinterestinsuch

548Musil(1928:404)mentionsthesoothsayersoftheRwalatribewhoalsousesevenpebblesintheir readings.Theirfullequipment,however,consistedofaltogether23items,includingglass,stone,brick, seashellsandsilver.Thereadingitselfwassimilar:theitemswerethrownonthecarpetandtheanswer aǤڒ¢ڒڒtothequestionwasreadfromtheirrelativepositions.Healsomentionsthename,kha 549ThistookplaceinAmmSayᒒóinNovember2011. 550RamiSajdi2011:http://www.acacialand.com/Salem.html. 551Musil1928:401. 552Musil1928:400.

156

skillsandresponsibilities.Nevertheless,theknowledgehasbeenthereinthepast,and thepeoplewiththeseabilitieswererespected.Thetopicoftheuseofmagicitselfis intriguing,butbeyondthescopeofthiswork.

7.5. Discussion

 did not present an exhaustive list of all the rituals that appear in the lives of the community.ThemaindailyritualsintheIslamiccommunityareprayers,observedby different individuals with varying frequency. In addition, there are numerous small ritualactionsthatappearinseveralpointsofeverydaylife,suchaswhenƒchildis named, or when an animal is slaughtered. Slaughtering an animal can always be interpreted as ƒ ritual sacrifice in the name of God. The codes and etiquette of interacting in everyday life are also filled with ritual behavior. The purpose of this chapterwastoraiseandhighlightthespecialmomentsǦwhethertheyareprivateor communal,secularorsacredȂthatformƒcontrasttothemundane.Secondly, wanted toobservetheoccasionswhentheholyplacesandthesaintsplayanimportantrolein thelivesofthepeople,finallyputtingthesetwoimagestogethertoseewhen,howand inwhatsituationstheyoverlap. Someoftheholysitesappearmanytimesinthediscussionabove,whileothers aremissingtotally.This,ofcourse,islargely duetothesampleofinterviews  have been collecting. People would know about the sites closely related to them and situatedintheirarea,rememberingexamplesandevenpersonalexperiences.Theholy sitesthatarefoundinthelandsofanothertribetheymayhaveheardof,butinmany casestheydonotknowanythingelseaboutthemotherthanthename.As didnot havetheopportunitytovisitandinterviewpeopleinallareas,someoftheinformation isverylimitedandmustbetakenassuch.Nevertheless,theexamplespresentedinthis chapterdemonstratetheimportanceoftheancestorsandtheirtombsinthelivesof thetribes.Thetraditionsrelatedtotheother,lessdocumentedancestralsiteslistedin thepreviouschapterareprobablyverysimilar.Ontheotherhand,thereareƒnumber of sites that seem to have already lost their importance in the distant past, or have neverbeenparticularlyimportantforreasonswhichincludedemographicshiftsand the political situation. For example, the tomb of Swµri seems to have had great importance during the time of Musil, but is now situated near the Israeli border, making it impossible to visit. As the communities move to new territories and the tribes merge and separate forming different subtribes, the older ancestors may be forgottenwhilenewholysitesareformed.fewsitesstandapartintermsofage,the mountain of Aaron being the most notable one, with the greatest importance. Interestingly,theothermountainsanctuarieswithancientoriginsdonotseemtohave had ƒ similar importance. Legends are connected to them, but pilgrimages or other ritualsrelatedtothemarenotfoundinmymaterial. Despite the various shortcomings in the collected data, the material shows clearlythattheholysitesandsaintshavehadƒvisibleroleinthelifeofthecommunity. They have been addressed in all three types of rituals, communal, transitional and

157

situational. The annual festivals held at the holy sites have been major communal events,alsoattractingpeoplefromothertribesandfromgreatdistancestoattendȂif notthereligiousritualitself,atleastthemoresecularaspectssuchashorseandcamel racing, dinners, merrymaking, and probably also opportunities for business that followed.Foodhasalwaysbeenƒmainpartofanycelebrationorritual,andthegoator sheepsacrificedcouldbealsodedicatedtothesaint.Generosityandofferingfoodto the poor was an important aspect that created the communal atmosphere. The men interviewedinMaᦧ¢alsorememberedsweetsgiventochildrenwhenfamiliesvisited theholysites.Thus,thesecularmeetsandmergeswiththesacredinmanyrituals. The Bedouin form ƒ very tight-knit community where the ties within and betweenthefamiliesofthetribeorsubtribeformthebasisofthesociety.Manyofthe ritualsareconductedtoensuretheprosperityandsurvivalofthetribematerially,but theyalsocreateƒmeansofnourishing,reinforcingandverifyingthegroupties. Therefore, participating in the rituals is not only ƒ privilege and opportunity for ƒ memberofthecommunity,butalsohisobligation.Ancestorswerestillseenaspartof the community, and the ritual of visiting their graves was ƒ similar obligation, performedbythetribeannuallyastheygatheredtogetherintheirseasonalmigratory cycle.Ontheotherhand,itstrengthenedthetiesamongtheliving,butitalsoinvolved the ancestor, confirming his continuing role within the group. Failing or refusing to performthisdutyofparticipatinginthecommunalritualinvolvingtheancestorhas been ƒ personal offence Ȃ and the ancestor’s response would have been more than mereresentment.Bringingƒnewborntovisittheholyplacetoprayfortheprotection of the child likewise confirmed the connection between the members of the community,whetherlivingordead. EventhoughmanyofthesiteswerestronglyconnectedtocertaintribesȂafter all,itwasthefounderorsomeotherimportantindividualofthetribewhosetombwas inquestionǦtheholysitesingeneralseemtohavebeenviewedasmoreorless“no man’sland.”Ifitwastheobligationofthedescendantsoftheancestortovisittheplace, anyonefromanytribewasfreetovisitanytime.Thesaintsthemselveswerethoughtto bepiousandvirtuouspeopleandtheywouldhelpanyindividualwhoturnedtothem in faith and piety, asking for aid. An example is the tombs of al-Baww¢– whose descendantsliveinƒtotallydifferentregion,butwhosegraveshavebeen“adopted”by thelocalinhabitantsandhavebeenfrequentlyvisitedduetothevirtuouscharacterof thesaints. Theexamplesofthestoriesinvolvingpunishmentoftenhaveanoutsiderbeing punishedbythesaint,buttherearealsoreversecases.Canaanrecordsƒstoryfrom Palestine where the saint turns against his own people when they had treated ƒ stranger unjustly.553Thus,thesaintdoesnotalwaysautomaticallyhelpthoseofhis ownkin,butsomekindofmoraljustificationmustbepresent. Theoldstoriesaboutthesaintsandancestorscomemainlyfromelderlypeople. Thewomenwereespeciallythoughttobecarriersofthesetraditionsandinsomecase,

553Canaan1927:14-15.

158

suchasthe“MotherofRain–ritual,”alsothemainexecutorsoftherites.Youngpeople veryoftensaidtheyonlyhadvaguememories,ortheydidnotknowenoughaboutthe traditions like their parents or grandparents did. But even among the older people, there was ƒ growing tendency towards questioning the old traditions.  recorded storiesofmiraclesandvariousincidentsrelatedtothesites,butmyinformantswould oftenendtheirnarrationwithbemusedcomments,suchas“nobodyknowsifthatis trueornot,maybeit’sonlyƒstory…” The examples discussed in Chapter Ͷ show that the veneration of saints in the popularreligionisƒlivingtraditioninmanypartsoftheIslamicworld.Whyarethese placesbecominglessimportantinsouthJordan?Inordertofindpossibleanswersto thisquestion, nextturnmyattentionbacktotheidentityandmemory.Howdothe peopleoftheregiondefinetheiridentity?Howdotheychoosetheaspectsthatare importantforthepreservationofthisidentity,whatdotheyrememberandwhatand whydotheyforget?

 

159

8. TRANSFORMATIONOFTHECOMMUNALMEMORY

8.1. MemoryȂMeaning

Our ways were nice. We always made coffee…Every day there was coffee, tea, slaughteringanimalsandguestscomingandhavinglunch,dinner,breakfast.Any timesomeonelefthishouse,whereverhecame,heate.Therewasnonewhowould notletpeopleeat,drinkandsleepintheirhome…Imean,ouratmospherewas good,ourcustomsbeautiful.Werespecteachother,wehelpeachother.Ifone becomes tired, others will help him. Like that. If problems arose, we had old sheikhstowhomwewenttosolvetheproblems...554

It is not so surprising that food so often appears in the memories of the people. Whetherthequestionisaboutƒweddingcelebration,ƒpilgrimagetothesaint’stomb, anindividualholdingƒfeast,orthememoriesofƒchildaboutpeoplevisitingholy places, food is always mentioned. Gathering, finding and producing food, preparing foodȂandultimatelysharingfoodandeatingtogetherareallmattersofbasicsurvival andthuselementsofuniversalhumaninteraction.Thevastamountofexistingrituals ofaffirmationallaroundtheworld,allinvolvingcommunalmealsandhallowingthe foodisanexpectedresultofthisuniversalaspect. Taking in account Paden’s idea of the patterns of behavior composed of the universalelementsdictatedbybiologyandevolutionontheonehand,andofvarying elementsshapedbytheenvironmentandsurroundingsontheotherhand,itwouldbe expected to find that the Bedouin possess certain traits that their environment has created.555SuchtraitswouldincludeadaptationssuchastheBedouintent,nomadic pastoralism and the system of how the delicate ecology of the arid steppe is being maintained.Similarly,itisexpectedthatasthesurroundingsoftheBedouinchange, thesespecifictraitswouldalsochange.Duringthisprocess,thespecificelementsthat wouldhavehadhigh"survivalvalue"inthenomadiclifestyleȂmeaningthebehavior andknowledgethatwasneededinthatspecificenvironmentandeconomyǦwouldno longerbeasmemorablewhenotherbehavioralpatterns,moreoptimallysuitedforƒ newwayoflifewouldemerge. TheBedouincharacteristicofhospitalityandgenerosityisoftenrelatedtothe environment:intheharshanddryclimate,thehelpofotherswasessentialfor survival.Offeringfoodandsheltertoƒvisitorwasnotonlycharity,butalsothe “insuranceofthedesert.”Todayyouwerethegeneroushost,buttomorrowyoumight beinneedofhelpfromstrangersyourself.Thisactofhospitalitysurpassedeverything else,evenpovertyandtheseclusionofwomen.EventheyoungBedouinremembered thattheguesthadtherighttoenjoythehost’shospitalityforthreedaysbeforehe couldevenbeaskedabouthisbusiness.Ifthemasterofthehousewasnotathome,the

55417M1Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2007. 555SeeFootnote61.

160

wifecouldnotturntheguestawaybutinvitedhimtostayandofferedhimfoodand drinkherself.556 Nodoubt,theexpectationofeveryindividualofthetribetofulfillthedutyof hospitalitywasnotalwaysaneasytask.Forƒpoormanwithƒsmallflock, slaughteringoneofhisgoatsforthesakeofƒvisitorcouldmeanƒhardeconomicblow tohimandhisfamily.However,whiletheofficialhistoriestalkaboutpoverty, droughts, famine and epidemics, the living memories of people are very different. BasedontheimagisticmodelpresentedbyWhitehouse,memorableexperiencesoften tend to concern specific and extraordinary events.557Perhapsthatiswhyfoodisƒ recurring element in the narratives: if it indeed was scarce most of the time, the moments when food was abundant would remain in mind and become part of the happymemories. In memories concerning the holy sites and rituals, the less religious elements Ǧ sweetsandchocolate,newclothes,freshmeatbeingserved,songsandcamelracingȂ often tend to overcome the spiritual aspects. When the more supernatural elements are mentioned in the narrated memories, extraordinary events such as miraculous rains, the sick being cured, fertilityrestored and evil people punished appear in the stories.Thepresenceoftheseelementsinthematerialsupportthehypothesisofthe livedreligionasgoal-orientedandpracticalbutanunstructuredsystem,aspresented byBoyerandMcGuire.558Allinall,eventsthatwouldbestoredintheepisodicmemory aboundinthematerial.Asnarratives,itseemedtobethepresenceofrhythmic elementsinthepastepisodesthatwerealsovividlyremembered,eveniftherestofthe story had already been forgotten. An example of this is the “Rain Motherdz –song.559 Mostwomen,includingtheolderones,couldnotremembermanyofthelyricsandonly repeatedtherefrain“Omotherofrain,rainuponus,”butasthey sang,theirbodies weremovingtotherhythmasiftheywerewalkingintheprocession.

8.2. IdentityȂBeing

ConstructingtheBedouinidentityalsorequiresanunderstandingofthetribalthought, already discussed in Chapter 4. To make ƒ summary of the patterns of the tribal thought, havechosenthreeshortvignettesfrommynotestorepresenttheelements ofBedouinidentitythatseemtosurfacemostofteninmymaterial.

1) Girlsformsmallcirclesinfrontoftheaudience.Theywearƒblackveil,withƒ colorfulscarfwrappedaroundthetopoftheheadliketheirgrandmothersdo.The dress,however,isnotthetypical“fake-sleeve”mudragaoftheoldergenerations, butƒstraight-sleevedembroidereddress,commontoday.Oneoftheboys,dressed inlongwhitethۄalsositsnearby,pretendingtogrindcoffeebeansinthe traditionalcoffee-grinder.Thegirlsbegintosing؝hjµni,thestylecommonlysung

55621WG3Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2011. 557Whitehouse2000:10. 558Boyer1992,McGuire2008. 559SeeFootnote500.

161

byoldwomenatweddingsandothercelebrations.Thegirlssitinƒclosedcircle, hands covering the mouths like  have seen the older women perform in the weddings haveattended.Therhythmchanges,turningintoƒfasterbeatwhich leadsthegirlsintodancingdabkeinthechain.

Traditional arts, symbols and material elements all epitomizing “Bedouin-ness” all aboundinthisfirstvignette.Itisƒdescriptionofƒvideotakenatƒperformanceatthe local girls’ school in Amm Sayᒒón. The students were performing ƒ scene from ƒ Bedouin wedding.Atthesametime,thedescriptionshowshowsuchsymbolsare boundtochange.Dabke,forexample,wassaidtobe“Palestinian”inorigin,butithas also become part of the living tradition among the Bedouin, danced by men and women alike. The traditional singing can still be heard at Bedouin weddings, but already the younger girls have difficulties in even understanding what the older womenaresinging.Thecoffeeutensils,thegrinder,theroasterandthecoffeepotare presenteverywhere, eventhoughtheBedouintodaydrinkandservevisitorsmainly cafµdz [Nescafe], drunk in the ڍڍtea.Theself-madecoffeehasturnedintoinstant“nu morningswithskimmedmilk.Butdespitethechanges,thesymbolsarewaysinwhich identityisportrayedandmadevisible.

ThecarascendsslowlythewindingroadfromݻMraybetbacktowardstheplateau (2 whenthedriverȂmyguideȂnoticesƒyoungmaninmilitaryuniformsignalingto himandstopsthecar.Themanstepsintothecar,greetingthedriver.Heglances atmequickly,thenavertshisgazeanddoesnotlookatmeagainduringtherest ofthejourney.Myguide,theoldermanstartsquestioningtheyoungsoldier.What tribewashefrom?Whichsubtribe?HadheeverbeeninPetra?Didheknowany Bedól?Whomdidheknow?Myguidewantedtohearallthenames.Beforethe soldier parted in another direction the two men had talked through kin and connections.560

While the first vignette depicts the ways in which identity is portrayed and made visible,thesecondvignetteismoreaboutwhatidentityisbaseduponȂandisperhaps themostprominentelementofthethree.Itreflectstheimportanceofcommunity,kin andallthecontactswithinandbetweenthetribes.ThepeopleofsouthJordanarenot bound by one identity. They identify themselves in ƒ number of ways, including national, tribal and religious, as discussed in Chapter 5. At the same time, other categories,suchasgender,ageorsocialstatusalsoexist.Inthecaseofgroupidentities, animportantissueofcourseisthequestionofsharedelementsthatcreatethefeeling of unity and communality. In tribal societies, and especially related to the Bedouin, lineageandcommonancestrywaslistedasoneofthemaincategoriesthatidentifyan individualasƒmemberofthegroup.Thisideaofancestryandoriginisstrongamong theBedouinofsouthJordanaswell,andwiththechangesinrecentdecadesitseemsto

560FrommytouroftheholysiteswithƒBedóŽguideinNovember2011.

162

havebecomeevenmoredominateindefiningtheBedouinidentitywhichisnolonger basedonpastoralismandtranshumanceǤ Itistheideaof“reciprocalaltruism”thatformsanimportantpartofanysocial interaction. Individuals are concerned about the wellbeing of their kin. There is ƒ permanent relationship among the members of the community, based on mutual dependenceandinterrelation,andwherethereisdependence,thereisalwaysanactof giving and receiving. The reciprocity of the offering and accepting is one way of creating the internal cohesion. The same type of dependence exists between the ancestors,saintsandthelivinggenerationsaswell.561Allmembersofthecommunity participateinthisact,includingthedead:theygive,andtheyreceive.562 Such inclusive elements of the tribal society are very strong. Several social ritualshavebeendiscussedindetail,includingtheannualpilgrimagestotheholysites, takingƒnewborntovisitanancestor,aswellasmoremundaneritualsofofferedmeals and reciprocal visits. But the exclusive elements are equally present in the Bedouin culture and thought.Theway of contrasting"us" and "them" can be seen in various ways.Thisexclusionhasextendedeventotheafterlife,asillustratedbyanexampleof theolderviewsonHeavenandHell.IntheQurᦦ¢andinthelaterwritingsalike,there arevividdescriptionsoftheLastJudgment,ParadiseandHell,butinthelivedreligion, people have also been concerned about the fate of souls. The division between the “good”thatenterParadiseandthe“bad”whoaresenttoHellismadeaccordingtothe basic actions of the individual, whether he or she did good deeds and performed religious duties like prayers, pilgrimage, alms and fasting. There are not very many descriptions from the past describing the thoughtsof the Bedouin on these matters, buttheveryfewthatexistpresentƒveryintriguingimage.Thefollowingquotationis fromtheRwala,asdescribedbyAloisMusil.

Paradise is somewhere below ground. There it rains regularly, there is always spring,abundance,goodpasture,goodthings,andtherealsothemoonshinesall thetime.InparadisealltheRwalalivetogether,areyoungandnevergrowolder. Theycanmarrythereandhavegrownchildrenatonce.Everyonehasƒbigtent, bigherdsandmanychildren.Theyraidhostiletribeswhichhavebeencondemned tohell,wherealltheenemiesoftheRwalaaresent.Hellissituatedeitheronthe sunorinsomeotherplaceabovetheearth.Therethesunscorchesbythedayand night,rainsareveryrare,thebreedingofcamelsmeetswithnosuccess,thesoil hastobeirrigatedartificiallyȂandtheBedouintheremustworklongandhard. They serve the fellahin, have to obey the government, are conscripted, perform militaryduty,andAllahhimselfknowsalltheirtorments.563

Thetight-knitBedouinsocietywithitsintricatepatternsofkinshipandcodesofhonor and tribal justice does pay ƒ lot of attention to the relationship between “us” and “them,” an ally and ƒ foe, ƒ kinsman and ƒ stranger. For the Bedouin, the farmers

561Martin2001:301. 562Baal1976:177-78. 563Musil1928:673,quotedbyPalva1993:76-77.

163

representsomethingcompletelyoppositetonomadicsociety:boundtothelandand forced to toil and labor for ƒ living, whereas ƒ Bedouin can gather his herds and wanderfreely.Thegovernmentwasviewedwithequalsuspicion,havingtodealwith thegovernmentofficialsusuallyonlymeanttaxes,militaryduty,limitations,borders andbureaucracy.Thissuspiciontowardsoutsidersisalsooftenpresentinthestories told about the awliy¢஝ and their deeds as the punishers of wrongdoers. Curiously, almostall“villains”ofthesestorieswereusuallyoutsiderswhosteppedoverthelimit and showed disrespect either towards the saint, or towards the local people who reverethesaint.ExamplespresentedinChapter͹includeƒgovernmentofficerwhose horsebrokeitsbackashewasriding,aswellastheanonymouscamelthiefpunished byAmmᖠDfóˆwithƒharshwind.564 The division between the kinsman and stranger is also clearly visible in the quotefromtheRwala.WhatisnotableinthedescriptionofHeavenandHellisthe concreteness of all the details. There is little room for symbolism, eschatological imageryoreventheologyȂtheperson'simageisdrawndirectlyfromhissphereof experience, where “good” is represented by everything that is “good” for the Rwala, and “bad,” in turn, are things that the Rwala find unpleasant. Despite the seemingly ratherunorthodoxaspectsintheimagery,theRwalaviewisbasedonveryuniversal characteristicsintheformationofreligioussymbolicthought. The religious realities reflect the mundane realities, their symbolic representations drawn from the experience base of the individuals forming the religious community. The distinction made between “us” and “others,” where the wholetribeofRwalawillbeinParadiseandalltheothersinHellisequallyan adaptationofƒcommonwayofperceivingǦdefiningbothpositiveandnegativetraits ofƒpersonbasednotonhisindividualachievementsandabilitiesbutonƒnumberof othervariables,suchasethnicbackground,genderorsocialstatusobtainedatbirth. Thementallimitationsofthefemalegenderbecameƒtopicofseriousdiscussioninthe 19thcenturywhenallowingtheirentrytouniversitieswasunderconsiderationinthe West. Western nobility referred to their “blue blood” as the justification for their privileges.TotheRwala,itwasclearlyself-evidentthathistribewouldbethemost worthyofenteringParadise.565 Expressingidentityintheformofexclusioncanalsomanifestitselfinhidden taboos, invisible until the sacred boundary is crossed. The unwritten and often unspoken limits and values of the community are sometimes most visible when someoneexceedsthoselimits.Certainreligiousaspectsmightcometolightinsuchƒ manner.Inmyfieldwork, haveobservedsuchcasesƒfewtimes.Thefirstexampleis thesiteofal-Baww¢tnearthevillageofWadió•¢(Site7).When attemptedtovisit the site, local young boys objected very aggressively to my presence at the place, ar¢mǤOn٭prohibitingtheuseofthecameraanddenyingmeentry,claimingittobe anotheroccasion, wasnotallowedtoapproachthetombsofᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢d,the

564SeeChapter7.3. 565Palva1993:77.

164

ancestorsoftheᦧAm¢”Än,althoughthereasonforthiswasthat hadnotbroughtwith meanygiftforthesaint.Itappears,however,thatthepresenceofƒnon-Muslimwas the factor that brought forth ƒ reaction against an outsider and incited ƒ sense of respecttowardstheancientholysiteofone’sowncommunity. Inthelightoftheseexamples,itseemsthatthereligiousidentityoftheBedouin wascloselyinterrelatedwiththetribalidentityȂandreligiousdevotionexpressedin thevernacularwasoftenmoreconcernedaboutthemattersofthisworldthanwhat maywaitbeyond.Eventheancestorsandlocalsaints,thosewhohadalreadypassed away,werenotreallyabsentbutstillcontinuedtobepresentintheeverydaylifeas guardians,protectorsandproviders.Assupernaturalbeings,theywereconsideredto beawareofthemoralbehaviorofthepeople,bothsettinganexamplebytheirpiety and devotion, but alsoguarding the spiritof the tribe and punishingwrongdoers.566 Thereasonswhythepeopleaddressedthesaints,asdescribedearlier,werestrongly connectedtothedailylifeofthecommunity.Curiously,inthecaseoftheBedouin, many early travelers and Orientalists described them as not being particularly religious.This,however,mayhavemoretodowiththeobserver’sownperceptionof what is religion, as many who refer to the religious practices of the Bedouin rather seemtorefertotheirknowledgeofthedogmaofscholarlyIslam.Canaannotes:

…theybelieveintheunityofGodandhailMohammedasthegreatestprophet.But veryfewofthemknowmuchmoreabouttheteachingsoftheMohammedan religion.ThisisespeciallytrueoftheBdól. askedfivegrownuppersonstorecite ah,andnotoneofthemknewit.Onlyfewperformregularlyanyofthe٭theˆ¢ti fiveprescribeddailyprayers.567

Nielsengoesƒstepfurtherinstating:

…they [Bedól] are complete pagans. It is ƒ well known fact that many of the Bedouin are but little affected by Islam. Yet, in general they profess it, know somethingofitstenets,andobservesomeoftheMoslemrites.Thesefactshold goodinthecaseofthetribeoftheLi¢thneh…theBdól…donotpretendtobe Moslemsandknowpracticallynothingofthisreligion.568

MusilgeneralizesfromthelackofpracticesofdoctrinalIslamtocompriseallreligious behavior:“TheBedouindoesnotthinkdeeplyonreligiousmattersandfollowsnorulesin hisreligiousobservance.dzButdespitethisstatement,hethencontinuestowritehow theBedouin

…paysheedtointernalimpulsesanddreamswhichheholdstobesignsor warningssenttohimbyspiritualbeingswhowishhimeithergoodorill.Heisƒ

566SeealsoSørensen,2005:474. 567Canaan1929:213. 568Nielsen1928:207.

165

firmbelieverintheexistenceofspiritsandthinksitabsolutelynecessarytodoall thatisagreeableandavoidwhatisdisagreeabletothem.569

DonaldColenotesthesameideaabouttheBedouininhisstudyof#l-Murratribeof SaudiArabia.Hewritesthataccordingtovariousdescriptions,thepastoralnomadsare notconcernedaboutreligion.Yet,healsoseemstobelievethatsuchobservationsare morelikelybasedonƒnarrowdefinitionofreligion,notontheactualtraditionofthese people.Hedescribesthereligiousobservanceofthe#ŽMurratribeassimplebutall- embracing.Thetimesforprayergiveƒnaturalrhythmtotheirdailylife,andallinall, thereligiosityofthenomadsreflectsthelifeinthedesert:itispractical,down-to-earth anddevoidoftherefinementsofurbantheology.570 Similarly, the Western travelers who visited Petra in the 19th and early 20th centuries and considered the local inhabitantssavageswhohadnoknowledgeofIslamhadintheirmindtheconceptof the“civilized”Islamoftheirowntime. Inthisstudy, havedescribedthepracticesofthepeopleofsouthJordan concerningthetombsofthesaintsandancestorsandotherholyplacesthatarevisited intimesofneed,thusshowingtheBedouintraditionoftheregioninvolvingvarious religiouselements.Thequestionofwhatshouldbeincludedunderthedefinitionofthe religious identity of the Bedouin depends again on the definition of religion. In the Petraregion,theannualpilgrimage(ziy¢raȌtotheMountainofAaronincludedƒhorse racing competition in the village after returning from the mountain.  was told that somepeoplecameƒlongway,fromShawbakorMaᦧ¢n,toattendtherace,buttheydid not join the actual pilgrimage.571Thus,canthecompetitionbeseenaspartofthe religioustradition?Itwasonlyorganizedduringthepilgrimagefeast,butitisvery difficulttofindanything"religious"inƒhorserace.Perhapsthespiritualelementof the pilgrimage would have become more important when the competitions stopped aftertheracingfieldbecamepartofthenewhousingdevelopmentandthepeoplewho wereonlyinterestedinhorsesnolongercametothefestivities.Ofcourse,lookingat thesocialaspectofthereligiousritual,thehorseracingeasilyfitsintothecategoryof conflict prevention where members of different tribes gather together under the auspices of the pilgrimage season to participate in ƒfriendly competition.572Atthe sametime,thewinnerbroughthonortohiswholetribe,withsuchƒpositivememory beinginstrumentalinincreasingthegroup’scollectiveself-esteem. Visitstotheholysiteswerealsosocialactivities,creatingƒsenseofbelonging.In therituals,thetribaltieswerestrengthenedinmanysymbolicalways:thesubtribes travelingingroups,thehorseracingrepresentingthebenevolentcompetitionbetween groupsandthewholeideaofbringingthetribetogetheronsuchanoccasion,visitingƒ

569Musil1928:389.Wallin(2007:411)alsomakesƒcommentonthereligiousityofBedouininhis letters,statingthattheyarenotMuslim,Christian,pagan,oranythingelse.Infact,hethinks,theyhave noreligionatall.Hisexperienceinthedesertmayhavebeenverystrikingafterhavingspenttimein Cairo,visitingmosquesandattendingdhikr-ceremoniesonƒregularbasis. 570Cole1975:126-129. 5711M1,Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002. 572SeeFootnote84.

166

saintoranancestor.Equally,whenƒnewmemberwasborntothetribe,heorshewas shownattheshrineortomb,inƒsymbolicactionoflinkingthechainofgenerations together.

3) Doyouknow? TheBedouinarestronglikethedesert Softlikethesand Movinglikethewind Foreverfree

The last vignette is related to the mental imagery and values of the Bedouin. The sayinganditsvariationswerequotedtomeonnumerousoccasionsbyyoungBedouin men.Everytime,itwassaidwithgreatpride,whetherweweresittingonƒthinrug besideƒsmallfireandƒblacktentbehindourback,orleaningagainstsoftpillowsinƒ modern living room, watching ƒ Turkish soap opera from satellite-TV with ƒ can of Cokeinhand. Freedominvariousforms,suchasfreedomofmovementandfreedomfrom externalauthoritiesallprevailinthetribalrhetoric.Evenintheabove-quotedRwala conceptofHell,theworstkindofdestinyimaginableincludedservingthefarmersand obeyingthegovernment.TheideaoffreedomisstillstronginBedouinminds,even thoughtheynolongerhavethesamemobilityasbefore.Theconnectiontothedesert stillmakesthemwhattheyare.Thetouristsalsorepresentƒnewanddifferentkindof freedomtotheyoungmen:anopportunitytogainmorewealth,perhapsfindƒ Europeanwifeorgirlfriendandmoveabroad.Eveneducationisnotseenasofferingas manyopportunitiesasthetouristswhocometoPetra.

8.3. Change

8.3.1. Modernizationinaction ChangeinsouthJordanhasbeeninmanyaspectsexternallyinstigatedǦtheprojectof theregimetointegratethepeopleoftheSouthintothenewJordanianstatesystemby enhancingtheinfrastructure.Inthisprocess,purelysecularinnovationshavereached theregion,urbanlifestylehasbecomemoreandmorecommonintheareawhichin the past had been the periphery, an uncharted region feared because of its warring tribes.TheBedouininhabitedthisperipheryandthoughmanyregimesmayhavehad an interest in controlling them, very few had the means. In Transjordan, it was not until the end of the Ottoman period and especially the British Mandate when the Bedouinfoundthemselvesinthemiddleofƒstateformationprocess.Modernization wasmadepossiblebynegotiationswiththeBedouinsheikhsandallowingtheir participationinpolicy-makingandtaxcollection.Thisalsoincludedtheformationof theDesertPatrolforce,consistinglargelyofcamelridersfromthelocalBedouintribes andgivingtheSoutherntribestheresponsibilityandrighttoenforcethelawintheir ownregions.Today,theDesertPatrolhaveturnedintooneofthenationalsymbolsof Jordan,usedintheimagerypromotingthecountry.

167

WhenobservingtheprocessofmodernizationinsouthJordan,itispossibleto followeachofthevariablesdiscussedbyTamney.573Thefirstvariable,technological development, is perhaps the easiest to detect visually: cars, mobile phones, satellite televisionsandcomputershavebecomemoreandmorecommonevenduringthelast ten years and the people have been very quick to accept these innovations in their lives. Similarly, health care, education and transportation form part of the same development.Inthemodernsociety,thetechnologicalinnovationshavealsoovercome thesaints.Whenƒsufficientsupplyofwaterforpeople,animalsandfieldsisprovided bythegovernment,theneedtoaddressthesaintstopreventdroughtsnolongerexists. Governmentalhealthcareandplannedirrigationsystemshaveremovedproblemsthat usedtobesolvedwiththehelpofsaints.Television,internetandtravelinghave offeredpeoplenewwaysofspendingtheirleisuretime. Societalexpansionandincreasingpopulationdensityispromotedbythehealth caresystemandbetternutrition.Inthepast,theBedouinfamiliesmayhavebeenlarge, butinfantmortalitywasalsohigh.largenumberofchildrenisstillseenasrichness andƒblessingamongtheBedouinanditisverycommontofindfamilieswithmore thantenchildren.However,thefirsttracesofthetrendattestedinWesternsocieties arebecomingvisible:whentheeducationlevelincreases,theaverageageofmarriage and the average age for having children will rise as well, thus resulting in smaller families. The availability of contraceptives together with information received from healthcareworkershasopenedtheopportunityforfamilyplanning,anoptionusedby anincreasingnumberofyoungercouples.574Manyyoungmenalsohaveproblemsin gatheringenoughpropertytosupportƒfamilyoftheirown,thusincreasingtheiryears asbachelorsevenfurther.Knowledgegainedinschoolalsoseemstobechangingsome long traditions among the community. Some younger men, for example, expressed theirawarenessoftherisksofgeneticdisordersiftheparentsweretoocloselyrelated. Thus, they denounced the ancient tradition of marrying their paternal cousin (bint ஞamm),sayingitwasriskingthehealthoffutureoffspring. In the past, the Bedouin economy has been based on very scarce natural resourcesavailableinthe semiaridandaridclimate,resultinginƒveryfinebalance wherethenomadicyearlycyclemakesuseofdifferentregionsindifferentseasonsin order to prevent the total loss of resources. It has been ƒ government plan to sedentarizetheBedouintribes,andmanynewvillagesandtownshavebeenbuiltfor theformerlyseminomadicornomadiccommunities.Asƒresult,theeffectsofsocietal expansionandincreasingpopulationdensityhaveperhapsbeenevenmoredrasticin south Jordan than among the communities that were sedentary long before the modern era. Although southern Jordan is very sparsely populated, areas that are suitable for housing and permanent settlements are not so numerous. As the

573SeeFootnote98. 574Moneywasƒcommonissuediscussedbytheyoungermenandwomenwhentheywereaskedabout familyplans.Raisingchildreninthemodernworldisconsideredtobeexpensive,andinordertogive everychildanequalopportunityinthefuture,ƒsmallfamilyoftwoorthreechildrenwasseenasƒgood option. 

168

population increases, it is not always possible to expand the settlement beyond its currentborders.Instead,housesarebuiltintheareaavailablewithinthesettlement, whichinturnincreasesthepopulationdensity.Eventhoughthevillagesandtownsin southernJordanarestillverysmallevencomparedtothelargersettlementsinJordan, therearealreadymanynewquestionsthatdidnotarisemuchbefore.Waterresources are ƒ large issue in the area where water has always been scarce and the modern settlements utilize much more water than the old nomadic communities. There are alsoquestionsrelatedtolanduse,theutilizationofpublicspaceandtheaccumulation of wealth where the land is owned by ƒ few families, leaving less for others. UnemploymentandtheintegrationoftheyouthǦƒproblemthatmanyplacesinthe regionnowface,whenƒlargeproportionofthepopulationisunder25Ȃisanissue thatwaitstobesolvedaswell. The third variable, structural differentiation results in ƒ change in the social complexitywhereseparateinstitutionsreplacethefamilyandclan structuresasthe systemsofcontactandrelation.Thefourthvariable,individuationisalsorelatedto thischange.Itconcernstheprocesswheretheneedsandaspirationsofanindividual surpasstheneedsofthegrouporfamilyandwheretheidentityofanindividualisno longerdefinedbyhisroleintheclanorcommunity,butbyhisownchoicesand actions. Transjordanian society has been moving from the basic social formation of kinshiptowardsthesecondbasicformation,kingship.Martinhascomparedthebasic tenetsofthetwosystems,arguingthatthekinshipstructureȂwhichalsoinvolvesthe ancestorsaswellasthelivingrelativesǦisbasedonmutualdependenceandcommon welfare.Thekingshipstructure,ontheotherhand,isnegotiatedandrenewedthrough showsofrespect.575 TheBedouinarewellawarethattheirsupportandcooperationhasbeencrucial tothecreationofthenation,andthesystemhasbeenbuiltuponthesystemofkinship. Butjustasinthetraditionofleadershipamongƒtribalsociety,therelationshipwith thekinghasbeenthatofnegotiatinghisrule,ratherthanimposingit.Inreturnfor aǤ Withtheslowemergenceofڒ•¢allegiance,theBedouinhaveexpectedtheuseof™ theurbanmiddleclass,thesystemischanging.Itisalsothegoalofthepresentkingto changethepoliticalsystemofJordanandintroduceƒnewdivisionofpoliticalthought, withthepartiesbasedontheirstandingontheleftorrightratherthanontheirtribal andethnicallegiances.576 The fifth variable, cultural fragmentation, creates ƒ society where the community can no longer be defined by single, unifying cultural aspects, but the society rather becomes ƒ mosaic of ideas, values, worldviews and aspirations. In modernWesternsociety,pluralismappearstobetheleadingissuealsoinreligiosity, butthistrendmaynotnecessarilyfollowƒsimilarcourseinotherpartsoftheworld. On the practical level, there are numerous ways in which ƒ religious tradition may

575Martin2001:301. 576TheDailyShow:InterviewwithKingAbdullahII,25thSeptember2012. http://www.thedailyshow.com/watch/tue-september-25-2012/exclusive---king-abdullah-ii-of-jordan- extended-interview-pt--3.

169

change. The minor changes can replace ƒ donkey with ƒ car, or an oil lamp with ƒ candle,buttheritualstillcontinuesǦnothingfundamentalisaddedorleftout.Major materialchangesaffectthewaythetraditionismanifestedwithinthesociety,suchas whennewbuildingswereconstructedinWadió•¢ǡthepeoplelosttheirmain gatheringplaceandthesiteforhorseracestherebyalteringthecharacteroftheannual pilgrimage. InconnectiontothereligiousthinkingȂandespeciallytotheholysitesinthe area of southern Jordan, it is not yet so much about fragmentation than about the controversybetweentheoldlocalwaysoflivedreligionononehand,andthedogmatic teachingsofIslamaspropoundedinschoolsandmosques.InhisstudyoftheNegev Bedouin,AharonLayishhasattestedthatthesedentarizationprocesseventuallydraws theBedouinintoƒstricteradherencetoIslam.SharÄஞalaw,prayers,fastingandother elementsofnormativeIslambecomemoreimportantinthelivesoftheBedouin.Using the traditional system of arbitration as the means, it has been easier to integrate SharÄஞaǡwhentheoldnormswerenotdistortedtoomuch,butratherthetwo combined.577

8.3.2. Breakingthechainofmemory The Bedouin element has always been present in Middle Eastern culture. The interaction among the city dwellers, villagers and nomads has been tumultuous at times,resultinginwarsandinstability.Atthesametime,ithasalsobeendynamic, trade and contacts creating wealth and economic benefits. The attitudes towards Bedouinculturehavereflectedthisdichotomy.IbnKhaldódescribedtheBedouinas beingclosertothenaturalstateofbeing,andthuslesspronetoevilthanthesedentary peoplewholiveinthemidstofluxuryandtemptation.578Healsopraisedtheirloyalty tothegroup,theircourage,independenceandfortitude,yet,atthesametimehecalled them savages, the antithesis of civilized, and people who are liable to plunder and destroy the cultures that they conquer.579Accordingtohim,theluxuriesofthe sedentarylifearetheultimategoaloftheBedouin,andnomadismisonlythefirststage leadingtowardscivilization.ManyWesternorientalistsalsoadmiredandromanticized theBedouinculture,butatthesametimeacknowledgedtheshortcomingsdescribed byIbnKhaldón.T.E.Lawrencesumsuphisideainhismemoires:Theywereasunstable aswater,andlikewaterwouldperhapsfinallyprevail.580 Duringtheprocessofmodernization,addressingthetwo-foldattitudetowards Bedouinculturehasbecomebothsalientandacute.Manyfactionshaveinfluencedor tried to influence the formation of identities in south Jordan. But despite all the changes and influences, one of the most prominent factors in their identity still continuestobethetribalheritage,beingƒBedouin.

577Layish1991:449-50. 578IbnKhaldó1958[1377]2:4. 579IbnKhaldó1958[1377]2:25. 580Lawrence1997[1922]:26.

170

Thecustomsarethesame:theBedouinweregenerousinthepast,andtheyare generoustoday.Thathasnotchanged.Theyarebrave,theyarenotafraid.They can go to the steppe (al-barr) and sleep and stay there like before, without problem… Thewomanwasdressedinmudragainthepast.Bedouingirlsdon’twear mudragaanymore,butwestilldressinabaya,somethinglong… Lifehasbecomeeasier.Welikethegoat-hairtent,itislovely,weliketoreturnto thetent,butonlyfortwo-threedays…Wecan’tlivewithoutallthesenewthings: electricity,cars,runningwater,Facebook[laughter],Internet… Ifyouaskmygrandfatherwhatisbetter,noworbefore,hewillsaybefore.Hewas borninthepastandlivedinthepast.Butifyouaskus,wewillsaynow…They livedƒhardlife,ourlifeiseasy.581

Basedontheinterviewsandobservationsduringmyfieldwork,forthemenofthe oldergeneration,forthosewhohaveexperiencedthehardshipsofƒnomadiclife,the Bedouinidentityisstronglyconnectedtothetribalunityandfamilyties.Fortheolder women,too,thesupportoffemalemembersofthefamilyandthesecurityprovidedby thetribeisimportant.BothgendersrememberthepastwithƒsenseofnostalgiaǦlife wasbetterthen,whentheylivedinthecavesraisingtheirflocksofgoats.Theymay have been poor, but they did not chase after money and wealth like the people do nowadays.Theywerehappyastheywere.Theymadetheirownchoicesandtheirlives werenotdictatedbythegovernment.

ByGod,ourlifenowismiserable.ThelifeofBedouinwasbetterthantoday.582

Thislongingforpastseemstoalsoproducemodernmanifestations,asitispossibleto find satellite TV channels, mostly of Gulf origins, which show programs directed at Bedouinaudiences.583Therearecamelcompetitions,Bedouindance,musicandpoetry, aswellashistoricalsoapoperassetintribalsurroundings.Judgingfromtheirnumber, thesechannels seemtobeverypopularintheregion,includinginJordan.However, despitetheirlongingfor“goodoldtime”theoldergenerationsalsotendtoacceptthe changesintheirlivesandinthelivesoftheirchildren,acknowledgingtheinevitable. Still,eventheyoungergenerationhasƒstrongBedouinidentity.Itisbasedon lǤ Calling oneself something other than ƒ Bedouinڍƒ ,their heritage and their origin wouldbeƒshamefulactanddisrespectfultowardstheancestors.TheyoungBedouin aredeterminedtoteachtheirchildrentheircustomsastheyhadbeentaught,butthey arealsowellawarethattheydonotknowthelifeinthesteppeliketheirparentsand grandparentsdidȂnordotheyfeeltheyneedthatknowledgeanylonger.Thedesertis ƒplacewheretheycangowiththeirfamilyforshortperiodsoftimetoexperiencethe past,buttheywanttoreturntothemodernworldwheretheyfeeltheybelong.

58121WG3Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2011. 58219W1,Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2007. 583ϦϛΎϣϻ΍ wasthemostpopularchannelduringmystay.Thewebsitehasbeencloseddown,whichmeans thechannelmaynolongerbeavailableeither.

171

Intermsofculturalsymbols,thegirlswerewellawarethattheydidnotknow theoldskills,suchasbakingtheflatbread“shrakdz like their mothers’ generation. Similarly,forƒpersonworkinginanIT-department,vocabularyrelatedtothreshingor otheragriculturalactivitieshaslittleornomeaning.ForthemodernyoungBedouin, theterminologyofcamelherdingisofaslittlevalue.parallelexampleofthelimited natureoftheavailablesymbolscanbefoundinlinguistics.InSyria,closetothecapital cityDamascusliethreesmallvillages,MaᦧŽóla,BakhᦧƒandJubbᦧAdÄn,wheretheWest Aramaicdialecthassurviveduntilrecenttimes.Theyoungergenerationknowsonlyƒ fewwords,andthelanguagewillprobablynotsurvivelong.584 mettheteacherofthe languageduringmyvisitin2000,whenhealsoexpressedhisconcernonthefutureof thelanguage.Hetriestoteachthechildren,buttheyarenotinterested.Instead,they useArabicintheireverydaylife.Itistruethatpartofthecauseisthepolicyofthestate to“arabize”theinhabitants,butthereisalsoanotherreason:lackofexpression.The vocabularytaughttothechildrenisfromthepast.Therearenoneologiesforwords suchas“computer”or“mobilephone.”Insteadofcreatingthesewords,thepeopleuse theArabicnamesforthem. The“language”ofƒlivingculture,thesymbols,ritualsandpatternsofbehavior areconstantlyreformedtoreflectthecurrentstateoflife.Inthisprocess,thepatterns ofeverydaylife,includingthepractices,skillsandreligiousbeliefsnolongercarrying any meaning in the modern society are forgotten. As discussed earlier, the women haveoftenhadƒveryprominentroleinthepopularreligionandtheyȂespeciallythe olderwomenǦarealsoconsideredbymanytobetheactivekeepersofoldtraditions. Inƒsocietywheregenderrolesareoftenverystrictandthewomen’sroleisusually tiedtoprivatelife,whilethemenperformthepublicduties,thepopularreligionhas alsoofferedpublicvisibilitytowomen.Therainritualhasbeenperformedmostlyby women,butthepreparationsforvisitsandpilgrimagestotheholyplacesandshrines havealsoofferedthewomenƒbreakfromthedailyrhythm. When the more scholarly forms of Islamic teaching replace the old popular traditions, the religious role of women becomes more connected to the home and privatelife.585Ofcourse,olderpeopleregardlessofgenderarerespectedasthosewho know and remember the tradition, but the women clearly are seen in ƒ more prominentroleas“thememoryofthetribe.”ThisisalsosaidbyJosephHobbsǣThe womeninthedesertpreservetheBedouinidentity...whenmenmovetoworkintowns, theyarestillBedouin,butwhenthewomensettledown,theidentityislost.586 Nevertheless,thetraditionalrolescontinuetobetheaspirationsofthegirls: findingƒhusbandtosupportthefamilyandbecomingƒwifeandƒmotherarestill

584Worth2008. 585TherearealsomodernexamplesoftheindependentreligiosityoftheBedouinwomen.middle-aged BedóŽwomantoldmein2011howshehadperformedtheᦧUmrawithhermother.Theyhadtraveled togetherbybustoMeccaandback.Itwasherfirstvisitabroad,anditseemedtobeveryimportantto herthatshewenttoMeccaassoonasshecouldaffordit.Incomparison, havenotrecordedanyyoung BedouinmenmentioningMeccawhenaskedwheretheywouldliketotraveliftheyhadmoney.Their favoritechoicesincludeplaceslikeDhahab,DubaiorEurope. 586Hobbs1992:11.

172

importantconcernsinthelivesofyoungBedouinwomen.Educationisofferingnew opportunitiesandsomeBedóŽgirlsarestudyingatuniversitylevel,atthesametime alsobecomingawareofthegeneralopinionsabouttheBedouin.EspeciallytheBedóŽ girls spokewithseemedtobeveryconcernedwiththenegativenotionsothershave oftheBedouin.Theybelievethatbyeducatingthemselvestheywillsetƒnewexample thatwillchangetheoldopinions.TheywanttobeabletoshowthattheBedouinare notanignorantanduneducatedpeoplewithoutculture,whilestillmaintainingtheir Bedouinidentity.

PeoplehavewrongthoughtsaboutBedouin.Theythinkthattheyhavenoculture, butonthecontrary. longtimeagoBedouinhadpoetry,and theyhadpeople learningliterature,verycultured.587

Atthesametime,theBedouindonotseeallthenewelementscontradictingtheold traditions.Theinformantsoftenreferredtothe“customsandtraditionsdz(ΪϴϟΎϘΘϟ΍ ϭ Ε΍ΩΎόϟ΍Ȍ oftheBedouin.Aspectslistedamongthesetraditionsincludethegenerosity(karam), respecttowardsthefamily,helpingeachotherandhonesty,butalsomodestyindress andbehavior,aswellastheseparationofmenandwomenunlesstheywererelated.588 AlltheseelementswereequatedwithIslamicvalues.Asmyinformantsemphasized, theProphethimselfwasofBedouinorigin. There are also attempts to document the local histories, done by the local people themselves.589 Al Salameen Ƭ Falahat have been collecting ethnographic informationfromtheinhabitantsofWadió•¢aboutthepasttraditionsinthePetra region. Butwhile they findit important to preserve the memory of these traditions, they see such practices belonging to the past, not something to be continued in ƒ modern Islamic society. Rami Sajdi has ƒ different approach in his work: his ethnographicmaterialalsoincludesinterpretationsoftheoldtraditionsinnewlight, especially by using New Age ideas, such as Ley lines, or the Indian religions, incorporating, for example, the term kundalini.590 There is an approach using syncretistic mysticism in these interpretations, an attempt to introduce the oral traditionsoftheBedouintothewiderpublic.591 WhathasenabledtheBedouinofSouthJordantomaintaintheiridentityand senseofBedouin-ness,despitethemanychangestakingplaceintheirlives?Itseems thatanimportantchoicetheregimemadewasnottomarginalizetheBedouininterms ofgroupideologyorinpolitics,butinsteadactivelyinvolvethemfromthebeginningin thenation-buildingandpublicsector.TheBedouinethoswastakenoverbythestate, revamped into ƒ national narrative and then returned to the Bedouin as their own

58721WG3Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2011. 58821WG3Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2011. 589See,e.g.,Shryock1997. 590ThisisƒSanskrittermfromyogaandTantrictraditions.Itisdescribedas“thedivinefemaleenergy thatliesdormantwithineveryhumanbody.”Thisenergyisoftendepictedasƒcoiledsleepingserpent. ThoughoriginallyƒHinduconcept,ithasalsobecomeknownintheWesternworld.(Urban2005). 591SeeSajdi2007.Bille(2008:211-212)alsoaddressestheproblematicsbetweenthemodern interpretationsandthelocalpractice.

173

story.592ThisethoshasservedasƒmatterofprideanddignitytotheBedouin,notasƒ routetodisplacement.Intermsofeconomyandeducation,thesituationwasdifferent and is only slowly changing, but in order to change their economic or educational status,theBedouindonotfeelthattheymustlosetheiridentity.Onthecontrary,the young people are proud to show that they can be part of modern Jordan and still remainBedouin.Thus,lookingatthenationalimageryandthelocalperceptions,the Bedouin, though marginalized in terms of schooling and wealth, are still ƒ major element of identity in Jordan. The young people who are better aware of the more negative attitudes towards the Bedouin are also trying to change the perception of outsidersbytheirownexample,ratherthantryingtohidetheiridentity.

8.3.3. Reconstructionanddeconstructionofthesacred Consequently,thepossibilityofretainingthesenseofdignityandhonorinthisidentity mayalsohaveallowedtheBedouintobelessradicalintermsofreligion.Whilethe moreconservativeIslamicinterpretationsaregainingstrength,thebasesofJordanian radicalism, salafism and jihadism are concentrated in the North.  As the study of Wiktorowicz has attested, these movements are most popular in the Palestinian residentialareas.593ThePalestiniansasƒgrouphavebeenmoremarginalizedidentity- wise, although they have been able to contribute to the economic growth and the creationoftheprivatesector.WhiletheBedouinwereinvolvedinthepublicsector, servinginmilitary,andhavingtheleadersofthetribespresentinthecentersofpower, thePalestinians,thoughactiveintheprivatesector,weremoreonthemarginsofthe public sector. The Palestinian identity was also strongly connected to their place of origin and to their home villages, never being attached to the Jordanian state in the samewayastheTransjordanianswere. Thus,theBedouinarerenegotiatingtheiridentityinƒwaythatallowsthemto retaintheirBedouin-ness,whilegettingridofthingstheyfindoutdatedorshameful.In thesamemannerasignoranceandilliteracy,holysitesbelongtothesame,slightly uncomfortable reality of the memory, the past of being tribal whichhas no room in today’s nation-state. Saintsandancestorsarenolongerseenaspartofthemodern Bedouin identity and new elements of religious practice have replaced many of the olderones.Religiousidentityisthereforemovingfromthelocalgroupidentityofthe past towards ƒ sense of belonging to ƒ national and even international Islamic community Ȃ UmmaǤ There is no doubt that the Bedouin of the Petra region today knowmoreaboutthescholarlyteachingsofIslamthantheyeverdidbefore.Thisis due to the reasons already stated earlier: with schooling facilities, the people have becomeliterateandtheycanstudytheQurᦦ¢n;theeducationalsystemteachesreligion inƒsimilarmannerthroughoutthecountry.Moreoverasthereisƒmosque,thereare also imams and educated religious advisors teaching the people in the region. The

592Alon2009:156-157. 593Wiktorowicz(2000:233)mentionsespeciallyZarqa,butalsoSaltasimportantbasesoftheSalafi movement.BothareareaswithƒlargepercentageofinhabitantsofPalestinianorigin.

174

Islamictraditionlearnedinschoolsandmosquesismoredoctrinalthantheimagistic livedreligionofthepast. InsouthernJordan,thecondemnationofthevisitsandthetraditionofsaintsis transmitted in the teachings in themosques, but there are alsomore direct ways of halting the tradition. The cult of ¢”ó was greatly affected by an active teaching against the ziy¢raǡcarriedoutbythelocalreligiousauthoritiesfromthe1980’s onward.594Thismayreflecttheincreaseofmoreconservativevaluesinthelocal religiosity.Ontheotherhand,changestakingplaceintheviewstowardsoldplacesof importanceandidentitymayalsoattestshiftsinpowerrelationsandpoliticalcontrol. Morerecenteventswherepoliticsmayplayƒsignificantroleinthereligious culturecanbeseeninthetownofMaᦧƒljn.While waslookingforholysitesinand aroundthetown, was shownthetombofᦧAbdallahwhichinthepastwassituated insideƒsmallshrine,butthebuildinghadalreadybeendestroyedsomedecadesago. Todayonlytheenclosurewallwithoutanygatesurroundsthetomb.Justlikethetomb ofᦧAbdallah,SheikhᖠMhኇ ammad'sshrinehasalsobeendestroyed.Eventhegravewas goneandonlyƒfaintrowofstonesinthegroundmarkedthesitewhen firstvisited. When returnedtothesitesixyearslater, couldnolongerfindthestones.My informantstoldmethatthegovernmentwasbehindbothactivities,butthereasonfor such actions remained unexplained. 595 Perhaps they are related to the upsurges of resistance in the town and used as part of the government’s response. It is also possible that the growing conservative tendencies in religious thought, including influencesfromacrosstheSaudiborder,mayhaveresultedinthedestructionofsuch “pagan”sites. TheshrineonJabal ¢”ón,ontheotherhand,wasoneofthebuildingprojects initiatedbySultanBaibarsinthe13thcentury.Hereconstructedƒnumberofshrinesin additiontoestablishingmanymilitaryfortificationsinplaceslikeShawbakandKerak. Theseprojectswere ƒpoliticalresponsetothecrusaders,givingƒmessagetheland wasbeingregained.596ThesmallshrineofNabÄ ¢”ówasbuiltontopofanearlier structure,ƒChristianchurch.Thewhitewasheddomethatcoversthisshrineisclearly visiblefromafar,especiallywhenapproachingPetrafromthewestfromthedirection ofWadiAraba,butalsowhentravelingtheKing’sHighway.Itisquiteevidentthatthis visibilitywasnotintendedtobeonlyƒreligioussymbol,butalsoƒpoliticalsymbol. Today, Jabal ¢”ó is an example of the recent identity shift. The site was earlier under the auspices of the Ministry of Antiquities, as it was apparently seen moreasanarchaeologicalsite.However,themountainwastakenunderthecontrolof the Ministry of Awq¢f, Islamic Affairs and Holy Places Ȃ an indication of the growing importanceofthesiteasƒnationalreligiousmonument.Inthelate1990’s,theshrine and the stairs leading up to the peak were renovated and restored. The work was organizedandfundedbytheMinistryofAwq¢f,thoughtheDepartmentofAntiquities wasalsoinvolvedinsupervisingthework.Duringthisrestoration,ƒplatformwasbuilt

5941M1,Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002,6M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002(Hanial-Falahat). 59514G2Maᦧ¢2007. 596Petersen1996:112.

175

around the shrine, covering almost completely the visible remains of the Byzantine churchthathadstoodonthepeak.Aftertherestorationhadbeencompleted,non- Muslimvisitorswerenolongerallowedtoentertheshrinealthoughitwasstill possibletoclimbupandstayoutsideontheplatformorontheroofofthebuilding. Pilgrimsandtouristshavestillbeencomingfromallovertheworld.Allinall,it iscertainlytheseculartouristswhoformthelargestgroupofvisitorsthatclimbupthe mountain.Whilesomeofthetouristsmayhavereligiousinterestintheplace,mostof themareattractedbythescenery,history,exercise,orsimplyanadventure.Domestic pilgrimagestilltakesplaceaswell,includinggroupsfromAmmanwhohavevisitedthe shrine.In1997,theFinnishteamworkingonJabal ¢”ón notedƒgroupofHasidic JewswhocametocelebratethememorialofAharon,andonAugust28th,2003,again during our field season on the excavations, there was ƒ large group, apparently Samaritans,whoconductedƒceremonyontopofthemountain.Itseemsthoughthat theSamaritanshaveƒlongertraditionofthispilgrimage,asinthe1950’stheyvisited theshrineforthefirsttimein500years.597 TheMinistryofAwq¢ˆhastakenƒmoreprominentroleinsupervisingthesite, andithasevenbeenaddedintothelistofnationalreligioussites.Atthesametime,the importanceofthereligiousauthoritieshasincreased,andtheirteachingofIslaminthe mosquesandschoolshasaffectedtheviewsofthepeopleofthePetraregion.Thus,the annual pilgrimage tradition has also been deemed un-Islamic. Curiously, the importanceofJabal ¢”óinthelocaltraditionhaswanedwhileithasbecomeƒmore importantsiteinthenationalreligiousideology.While80yearsagothepeoplecould call NabÄ ¢”ó Father of high planets, both the Liy¢thne and BedóŽ today are well awareoftheprohibitionagainstvisitingtombs.Thehadith of the three permitted locations of pilgrimage, al-Aqs¢ᦦǡ al-Masjid al-Ꮱar¢m, and the Prophet’s tomb was mentionedtomeonseveraloccasions.Basedonthis,thelocalsstatedthatnoother shrine or tombs should be venerated or treated as an object of pilgrimage. Increasingly, such practices are viewed as “paganism,” and they belong to the past whentheancestorsofthenow-livingpeoplewereignorantandunawareofwhatwas “true”Islam.Thesepractices,theyclaim,arenowhistoryandarenolongerdone. Thisparticularpointofviewwasverywellattestedduringmyconversation withtheRuw¢jfe–workersfromthevillageof¢jefduringourfieldseasononJabal ¢”ón in2005.Whenaskediftherewereanyothergravesofawliy¢஝thanNabÄ ¢”ón in the region, they denied that such places were in the region. Only when  asked directly,usingnamesofsomeoftheholysitesintheregion,didtheyadmitthatsuch placesexisted,butthattheywereonlyremainsofoldbeliefs,nolongerƒliving connection.Buteventhough wastoldthatnobodyvisitstheplacesanymore,several oftheseplacesattestedevidenceoftherecentpresenceofpeople.Naturally,ƒcharred areaintheground,orƒbrokenshoeleftintheplacedonotproveƒreligiousvisitȂƒ localgoatherdcouldhavestoppedthereandbuiltƒsmallfire.Still,manyofthesites aresituatedinƒveryremoteareas,awayfromroads,sotheywouldnotbeplacesto

597Pummer1987:10. 

176

simply “pass by,” especially when there are large bones scattered around the fire, attestinglargermeals,orespeciallywhenƒvisitorhasleftƒwhitepieceofclothatthe placeorburnedincenseinfrontofthetomb. Thisferventdenialoftheseplacesisnotalwaysconnectedtotheconservative opinions of the informant. Many local people probably also wanted to protect these places, as several sites showed signs of attempted grave robbing. Some tombs had beendugopen,leavinglargeholesintheground.Thus,manyinformantsweresimply trying to keep their holy places safe from violation Ȃ ƒ foreigner asking about and beingawareoftheseplaceswasalreadyquitesuspicious.Finally,therewereƒlotof sites that were only mentioned by the older people, and even the oldest generation sometimesrememberedtheirexistenceveryvaguely.Itisnotsurprisingthenthatthe youngerpeoplewouldnothavebeenevenawareoftheseplaces. Asƒwhole,mostofthosewhocondemnedthetraditionofvisitingthegravesof saints and other holy places were men who attended the Friday sermons at the mosqueregularly.Ontheotherhand,notallmenwhohadƒpiousreputationspoke against the tradition. The women did not usually express very strong opposition towardsthetraditionitself,buttendedtobemoresuspiciousandalsoveryprotective about the holy sites instead.598ThepeopleofWadió•¢introducedmetoƒlocal ஞஞ¢da,“Beginƒtradition,butdon’tcutƒtradition.”Withƒڒsaying:Inshiஞ¢dawa-l¢tig this they show their acceptance and approval of new traditions that are being introducedtotheirsociety,butatthesametimetheydemandtherightandfreedomto continuetheirownoldtraditions.599 Thestatepolicyisnotallaboutcondemningvisitstoholysites,either. contemporary Jordanian Shafi’i scholar of ᏡadÄth and Fiqh, Ꮱasan ibn ᦧAlÄ al-Saqq¢f, hasgivenƒfatwawhichwasalsoincludedinthepublicationofJordan’sofficialholy sites. The fatwa, dated 11/1/1416 A.H., or 9/6/1995 states that the ziy¢ra is acceptablefor͵reasons:

1.GodpraisedthepeoplewhoerectedƒmosqueontheCaveofSleepers(18:22). 2.AccordingtoƒHadith,theProphethassaid:Gardenofheavenseparatesbetweenmy graveandmypulpit.Thiscanbeunderstoodinsuchƒway,thatasthepulpitissituated inƒmosque,ƒprayerbyƒgraveinsidethemosqueisalsoaccepted. 3.  long and respectable tradition connected to visits on tombs already exists. These includethetombsoftheProphet,AbóBakr,andಃUmarinal-Medina.

Thefatwaalsostatesthat“thetombsandmosquesoftheProphetsandtheCompanions, theRighteousandtheScholarsaresacredandblessedplaces,whereGodanswers prayers.”600Thiscommonideacanbefoundreflectedintheideasofthelocalpeople

598HilmaGranqvist(1965:53)writesaboutsimilarissueswhenshedescribesthetraditionsrelatedto burialandmourninginthePalestinianvillageofArᒷ¢•inthe1920’s.Themenspentthetimeatthegrave verysolemnly,readingtheQurᦦ¢n,whilethewomenwouldexpresstheirmourningveryloudlyand violently.Thepiousmenobjectedstronglytosuchpublicdisplays,butthewomenthemselveswere proudoftheirexpression. 599Hanial-Falahat2002. 600Muhammad1999a:22-23.

177

supporting the tradition in southern Jordan: the saint himself is not capable of performinganymiracles,butonlyactsasƒmediator,whileGodistheultimatesource for everything. This view represents the middle-road between the strict denial of anythingrelatedtosaintsandholyplacesononeend,andthevernacularthoughtof saints as active perpetrators and sources ofmiracles and blessings as well as direct objects of visit, prayer and reverence at the other end. For the people of the older generations,thetraditionalviewisoftenclosertotheirviewanddeeplyembeddedin theirreligiousthoughtȂtherelationtothesaintstartingsoonafterbirth,whenthe newbornwastakentotheholyplacetobepresentedfirsttothesaintortheancestor. Ofcourse,thefatwaonlyreferstoprophets,companionsandotherrenownedreligious figures. The local ancestors and small sanctuaries are not part of them, nor do they appearonthenationallistofholysites. Could the local holy sites be nowadays defined as “lieux des memoires,dz as presented by Nora?601 This definition would require the places to be elevated as symbolsofemotionalvalueafterthelivingconnectiontothemhasbeenlost.They would be monuments representing the fragments of the past still remembered and thusofferingƒnewsenseofbelongingandcoherence.Thatisnotwhatthesitesare. ForsomeofthepeopleȂespeciallytheoldergenerationsȂtheholysitesarestillpart ofthelivingtradition.Theyaffirmthewebofkinshipbyincludingtheancestorsand saintsinthecommunallife.Fortheyoungergenerations,thesiteshavelostthisroleas ƒlivingpast.Theyhavenosymbolicvalue,either,buttheyaresimplytombsofsome person in history, no longer present in their memory. For them it is the ideal, the conceptoforiginandancestryitselfthathasmoreimportancethanthematerialsites. Thus,whiletheystillrespectthetraditionsandtheirancestors,theyhavenoneedto showitinpractice.

Whenpeoplepassthetombstheysay“al-sal¢muஞalaykum”,buttheydon’tthink thattheplacehasimportanceforthem.Iftheywantreligiontheygotomosque instead.602

FortheoldergenerationǦaswellasforthedecreasingnumberoftheyoungerBedouin whostillcontinuethetraditionallifestyle,thelifeinthesteppeisstillƒ"livingpast." They possess ƒ good understanding of their environment, knowing it in detail. In comparison, the young urban people have become more detached from this environment. For them, the living past has turned into history, ƒ nostalgic memory from the stories of their grandparents. Thus, when trying to find possible lieux de memoireinthemodernurbanizedBedouinculture,thefirsttobenamedcouldbethe steppe,„¢diyaitself.Itiswhereboththeyoungandoldgoinordertoexperiencethe lifeofthepast.Havingƒsmallhomeinƒcaveorƒtentintheopenoffersthepeopleƒ glimpse of the freedom and the simple life their ancestors lived. It is filled with

601 SeeFootnote119. 60212M2Zel¢biye,WadiRamm2005.

178

nostalgiaandemotion,butitisnotƒplacetostay,onlytovisitforƒnightortwoatƒ time. Thenarrativesoftenworkinƒwaytochangethememorytoƒdesiredend,aswas the case with the etiological myths of the Petra region, replacing one origin with ƒ different,morehistoricallyaccurateone.603Butdespitethesource,themeansorthe end, remembering is ƒ matter of relevance. Tribal communities are societies of memory,andalthoughthebasicknowledge,essentialforsurvivalcanbetracedtothe distantpast,thememorycannotstorehistory.Newnarrativesarebeingcreatedand oldonesdiscardedconstantly,asistheprocessinƒlivingculturewhereinnovations replace traditions and become traditions in turn. Education has turned the Bedouin communitiesintoliteratesocietieswheretheoraltraditionhaslessimportance.The youngBedouinalreadyliveinƒverydifferentrealitythantheirparents,andtheyin turnalsomakechoicesofwhattheyfindimportanttorememberandwhattheywill forget. 

603Seefootnote248.

179

9. “OURANCESTORSWEREBEDOUIN”  TheeventsoftheArabspringhavebroughtespeciallytheurbanyouthintothefocusof academicdiscourse.Whathashappenedinthecitiesandthevirtualplatformofsocial mediahasbeenbothsuddenandwidespread,butwhat havewishedtodo,istoalso bringintodiscussionthetopicofsmallcommunitieswherethechangesinthepastfew decadeshavealsobeenrelativelyrapidandthenewwayoflifehasbroughtforthmany changesintheoldtraditionsandlifestyle.Inthiswork, haveattemptedtotracethe elementsofchangebyusingthetraditionalholysitesandthevenerationofsaintsand ancestorsinsouthernJordanasanexample.Thisledmetotakeƒlongtouroverthe topics of identity, memory and religious traditions in an attempt to understand the formationofidentitiesinthemodernizingworld.Inordertocreateƒwiderimageof thephenomenon, havesoughtvariousmethodsandtheoriesthatattempttoexplain theseprocesses,crossingbetweendifferentdisciplinesalongtheway. startedwiththetheoriesofsocialsciencesandstudyofreligions,includingthe recentdiscourseonthecognitiveapproachtothereligiousbehaviorandremembering asbasedonuniversalelementsmodifiedbythelocalenvironment,aswellasƒmore traditional social and communal approach. Both discuss the role of memory in the formationofcertainbehavior. continuedtodiscusstheroleofsaintsandholyplaces in the lived religion of the Islamic world. After these two general introductions,  movedintoJordan,outliningthepastandpresentofthetribalsocietyaswellasthe process of the formation of various identities: tribal, national and religious. The religious tradition was then looked at even deeper in the context of holy sites and variouspracticesandbeliefsrelatedtothem.Finally, combinedallthesetopicsand studiedtheminthecontextofsouthJordan,concentratingontheconceptofmemory in the formation of ƒ communal identity. Individual experiences and emotions are given interpretation and meaning from the basis of the individual's own sphere of knowledge,learnedfromtheoldergenerationsofthecommunitythroughteachingor observing. The Jordanian state has created ƒ national narrative where the Bedouin past andtribalismareseen asthepromotedsymbolsofthestate.Thisimaginedidentity doesnotalwayscoincidewiththematerialreality:statisticsrevealthattheBedouin havehadȂandstillinmanycaseshaveȂƒloweraveragewage,lesseducation,more childrenandmorecasesofmalnutritionthanJordaniansontheaverage.Asƒresult, thegovernmenthasworkedonbringingtheBedouinuptothesamestandardofliving as the rest of the population: the nomads are being sedentarized, given secular and religiouseducation,moderntechnologyandhealthcareareofferedevenintheareas thatusedtobethemostdangerousperipheriesinthepast.Theseprocesseshavealso influencedtheidentityoftheinhabitantsofsouthJordaninthelastfewdecades. discussedtheholysitesandthevenerationofancestorsandsaintsinsouthern Jordanaspartofthelocalreligiousidentity,butalsoasexamplesofthechangethatis takingplaceintheformationofidentities.Thesitesthemselves,asphysicalentities, giveƒpictureofthesacredlandscapeoftheregion.Thetransformationisleadinginto

180

twodirections,asthelocations arelosingimportanceinthelocalreligioustradition andbeingforgottenandevenforbidden.Yet,atthesametime,certainplaces,suchas Jabal ¢”ó have become more important in the national religious identity, having beentransformedfromanancient siteintoƒ sacredlocationcontrolledbythestate MinistryofAwq¢f. Religiousandtribalidentitieshavebeenintertwined,theholysitesplayingan important role in rituals that enhance and promote the communal aspects of the Bedouin society. In these rituals, the people did not only celebrate the saints and ancestors, but they also celebrated themselves Ȃ the past, present and future of the tribe,thecontinuityoflifeandmemory.Theannualvisitstothetombsofancestorsor important saints, performed in tribal groups, as well as rituals related to birth and fertilityallconnectedthelivingandthedeadintocommunity.Thenewbornwerefirst shown to the ancestors, the saints granted their protection to the members of the tribes, and oversaw the wellbeingof people living in the region. While ancestry and genealogycontinuetoplayanimportantroleintheBedouinidentity,theviewpointis changing. The national discourse promotes the Bedouin-ness, but discards elements thatareseenasbackwardandpagan.Theyounggenerationisparticipatinginitsown wayinthisdiscourse.WhilebeingBedouinisstillƒmatterofprideandhonor,thereis ƒneedtoprovethattheBedouintoocanbepartofthemodernnation.Atthesame time,thewiderIslamicidentityisoverthrowingtheoldreligiousidentity.Thetombs areseenasaspectsofbackwardnessandpaganismandthusdiscarded. Howmuchcanƒcommunity“lose”fromwhatitisdefinedtobebeforeitceases topossessitsidentity?Isthereƒdifferencebetweentheidentitythatisbasedonliving realityandidentitythatisbasedonwritten,“official”history?Modernsocietiestendto placemorevalueonhistoryasbeingmorerationalandlogical.But,ifweacceptthe claimthatallidentitiesare“invented”inoneformoranother,wealsoneedtoaccept thatthecultureshavenominimumstandards,either.Identityisthemeaning-making ofthelivingcommunities.Nostaticcommunityexists.Theidentitiespossessnolistof qualities other than what the people give to themselves Ǧ and even those qualities changeovertime.604 ThetribesofsouthJordanarenotƒlivingmuseumofethnographicmaterial. Theyaredynamicpeoplewhohavebeenabletocombinevariousformsoflivelihood, shifting from nomadism to semisedentary or even sedentary farming, and back to nomadismaccordingtotheavailablenaturalresources.Today,theyhavefoundnew waysoflivingwiththegrowingtourism,utilizingtheirinnateknowledgeoftheharsh aridregionsaswellastheiroldtraditionsfromcuisinetotraditionalsongsanddances. Buttheyalsochange.Andalthoughsomeofthechangescomefromoutside,itisthe peoplewhochoosetoembracethesechangesȂwithmoreorlesssuccess.Skills necessaryinthetraditionallifearenolongerneeded.Theyounggenerationismore skilledinsocialmediathanmilkingandshearinggoats,buttheiridentityisbuiltupon theirpastwhichtheyrespectandfollow.

604Anttonen2003:59.

181

The old Liy¢thne saying about “creating ƒ tradition and not breaking ƒ tradition”carriesthemeaningofidentitybuilding.Acceptingthenewiseasierwhenit isbuiltupontheold,notreplacingittotally.Thecommunalmemoryofthepastisthe foundation of belonging and self-esteem, looked at from within the community, but alsoreflectedagainsttheviewsoftheoutsiders.Itwouldbeexpectedthatwhenthe identityisbuiltuponmemoriesofnegativevalueȂsuchasfeelingsofmarginalization, resistance and defeat Ȃ the result is different from the case where positive aspects prevail. This takes us back to the universals of cognitiveprocesses and the differing outcomes created by differing environments. Doing ƒ comparative study of Bedouin andthewaysinwhichtheyhave beenincludedorexcludedfromnation-buildingin variouscountriesmightprovidenewinformationabouttheroleoftheenvironmentin thecognitiveprocessesrelatedtoidentityformation.InthecaseofsouthJordan,the peoplearewitnessingthereshapingoftheidentitybythenationalideology.Onthe other hand, they see the Bedouin values placed on ƒ pedestal, yet at the same time elementsarebeingremovedfromthisideal.ThisdichotomyiswellattestedbyGh¢zi binMuᒒammad:

Tribeswithouttheirtribalism;theArabsinthedesert,ratherthanthedesertin theArabsȂwillpersonifyandmanifesttheveryessenceofIslamicvirtue[…]605

wouldliketoconcludethisworkbygivingthelastwordtoanotherwoman.The speakerisanelderlywomanoftheLiy¢thnetribefromWadió•¢ǤHershortstory represents very well the various forms of change that are taking place both in the societyandinthereligioustradition.Thisiswherethechainofmemorybreaks.

Mymothergavebirthtomeandthenmaybe18yearspassedwhenshedidnot conceiveȂitfinished:shedidnotgetmorechildren,therewasonlyஞAbb¢s.But finallyafter18yearsshebecamepregnant.Shewasalreadyanoldwomanand ,ǡandshewasverydelighted٭le¢יherheadwastotallywhite.Soshegavebirthto ›¢ wijh-All¢h. But since her breasts did not produce milk anymore the wife of ஞAbb¢•nursedhim.Andshe[themother]declared:“ByGod,todayGodhasgiven methisboy.Tomorrow die,andtheyreadtheQur஝¢bymyhead.And bindyou to prophet ¢”ón.” Anyway, she gave birth to ¢leh and they visited prophet Ȃshame٭le¢יóuntilshedied,Godhavemercyuponher,andafterherdeath”¢ onhimȂprobablydidnotvisitprophet ¢”óanymore.606 

605Muhammad1999b:29. 6063WG1(Twowomen)Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢2002.

182

10. BIBLIOGRAPHY  Personalarchives(Inpossessionoftheauthor)

Fielddiaries:2002,2005,2007,2009and2011.

RecordedInterviews:607

1M1,Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢9.9.2002(T) 2M3,Bedól,Petra9.9.2002 3WG1(Twowomen)Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢9.9.2002(T) 4M1Bedól,Petra10.9.2002(T) 5M2Bedól,AmmSayᒒó10.9.2002 6M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢10.9.2002(HaniAl-Falahat) 7W1Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢10.9.2002(T) 8M1ᦧAm¢”Än,Bayᒅ¢ᦦ5.9.2005 9MG1(Fourmen)Zel¢biye,Rammvillage10.9.2005(T) 10W1SaᦧĆěÄn,WadiAraba(AmmMithle)14.9.2005 11M1Zel¢biye,Rammvillage1.10.2005 12M2Zel¢biye,WadiRamm2.10.2005 13W1Bedól,Bayᒅ¢ᦦ18.8.2007 14G1/2(Amixedgroupofpeople),Bedól,AmmSayᒒó18.8.2007 15MG2(Threemen)Bedól,Jabal ¢”ó19.8.2007 16MG2(Fourmen),Maᦧ¢1.9.2007 17M1Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2.9.2007 18W1Bedól,Bayᒅ¢ᦦ2.9.2007 19W1,Bedól,AmmSayᒒó2.9.2007 20M1Bedól,AmmSayᒒó7.10.2009 21WG3(Fourgirls)Bedól,AmmSayᒒó18.11.2011 22G1/2(Twowomen,oneman)Bedól,AmmSayᒒó18.11.2011 23M1SaᦧĆěÄn,AmmSayᒒó19.11.2011(T) 24WG1/2(Threewomen)Bedól,AmmSayᒒó19.11.2011 25W1Bedól,Petra21.11.2011 26M3Bedól,Petra21.11.2011 27M3SaᦧĆěÄn,Petra21.11.2011 28M2Liy¢thne,Wadió•¢21.11.2011 29M1Bedól,AmmSayᒒó23.11.2011

  Unpublishedsources

Angel,Christopher 2008 UmmSayhoon:ƒuniquepermanentBedouinsettlementinSouthernJordanǤ UnpublishedMAThesis.UniversityofArkansas.

607 Alldatesareinorderofday.month.year.

183

 Bahna,Vladimir 2012 Beliefs,narrativesandexperiences:Socialcontagionofmemories. presentationinEndsandbeginningsȂAnnualconferenceoftheEuropeanAssociation fortheStudyofReligions24.8.Stockholm. Bille,Mikkel 2008 NegotiatingProtection.BedouinMaterialCultureandHeritageinJordan.PhD Thesis.UniversityCollegeLondon. Boltanski,Emma 2003 LemawsimdeNabÄó•¢ǣProcessions,espaceenmiettesetmémoireblessée. TerritoiresPalestiniens(1998-2000).presentationintheseminarLesPélerinages danslemondearabe:espacespublics,espacesdupublic?InstitutFrancaisduProche- Orient25.-27.9.Damascus,Syria.

Cavanagh,KimberlyK. 2006 Sewinguptheimagined:animage-basedexaminationoftheBedouinizationof Jordan’sNationalIdentityǤUnpublishedMAthesis,UniversityofSouthCarolina. Miettunen,Päivi 2004 DarbAl-NabÄ ¢”ón.TheVenerationoftheProphet ¢”óinthePetraRegionȂ TraditionandChange1812Ǧ2003.UnpublishedMAThesis,UniversityofHelsinki.

Perho,Irmeli 2011 MagiaislamilaisessaperinteessäǤTextualcourseheldattheUniversityof Helsinki.

Shoup,JohnAustin 1980 TheBedouinsofJordan:HistoryandSedentarization.UnpublishedMAThesis, UniversityofUtah. Simms,StevenƬKennethRussell 1996 EthnoarchaeologyoftheBedulBedouininPetra,JordanǤImplicationsforthe foodproducingtransition,sitestructureandpastoralistarchaeologyǤReportofthePetra Ethnoarchaeologicalproject(Unpublishedmanuscript).

Sjöblom,Tom 2010 Kognitiivinenuskonnontutkimusjamuisti.presentationintheseminar “UskontojaMuistidz(Religionandmemory)oftheFinnishSocietyfortheStudyof Religion,5.2.Helsinki.

  Internetsources

Al-Bukhari,Muhammad SahihBukhari(Transl.MuhsinKhan).http://sunnah.com/bukhari.

ASAM(AkademickáSpole«nostAloiseMusila) 2011 Prof.ThDr.AloisMusil,dr.h.c.http://www.aloismusil.cz/alois-musil. 

184

ASFA As-SunnahFoundationofAmericaǤhttp://www.sunnah.org. Bocco,RiccardoandGéraldineChatelard 2001 Commentpeut-onêtrebédouin?Loindesmythes,uneentréesdeplain-pieddans lamodernitéǤhttp://www.academia.edu/182783/Comment_peut-on_etre_bedouin_.608 Chatelard,Géraldine 2005 Tourismandrepresentations:OfsocialchangeandpowerrelationsinWadi Ramm,SouthernJordan. http://www.academia.edu/182778/Tourism_and_representations_Of_social_change_a nd_power_relations_in_Wadi_Ramm_Southern_Jordan.609 DAAHL DigitalArchaeologicalAtlasoftheHolyLandǤhttp://gaialab.asu.edu/DAAHL/. DoS 2012 DepartmentofStatisticsǤTheHashemiteKingdomofJordan. http://www.dos.gov.jo/.

Egeria ItinerariumEgeriae.Englishtranslation(ThepilgrimageofEtheria)byM.McClureand C.L.Feltoe1919.London:Macmillan. http://www.ccel.org/m/mcclure/etheria/etheria.htm.

HadithQudsi http://www.guidedways.com/qudsihadith.php.

Hunayti,Hadeel 2008 ஞArabJahalin:fromtheNakbatotheWall.Ramallah. http://www.stopthewall.org/downloads/pdf/Jahalin-EN1.pdf. Ibnal-NadÇljm,Muhኇ ammadibnIshኇ ƒlj“ c.1970[987] TheFihristofal-NadÄm:ƒtenth-centurysurveyofMuslimcultureǤ(Dodge, Bayard,Transl.)NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress. http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=acls;idno=heb06002.0002.001. IbnKathĔ TafsĔal-Qur஝¢al-KarÄm.(Transl.)http://abdurrahman.org/qurantafseer/ibnkathir/. JADIS TheJordanArchaeologicalDatabaseƬInformationSystem http://archaeology.asu.edu/jordan/JADISGIS.htm.

Josephus,Flavius 2009[93/94] AntiquitiesoftheJews(Transl.WilliamWhiston).ProjectGutenberg. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2848/2848-h/2848-h.htm.

608ThearticlehasbeenpublishedinR.BoccoandG.Chatelard(Eds.):Jordanie:leroyaumefrontièreǣ60- 77.Paris:Autrement.Thepagenumbersinthefootnotesrefertotheonlineversion. 609ThearticlehasbeenpublishedinS.LatteAbdallah(ed.):Imagesauxfrontières.Représentationset constructionssocialesetpolitiques.Palestine,Jordanie1948-2000ǣ194-251.Beirut:Institutfrançaisdu Proche-Orient.Thepagenumbersinthefootnotesrefertotheonlineversion.

185

MEGA MiddleEasternGeodatabaseforAntiquities.http://www.megajordan.org/. Nashef,Khaled 2002 TawfikCanaan:HisLifeandWorks. http://www.jqf-jerusalem.org/2002/jqf16/qanaan.html. TheRoyalHashemiteCourt 1998-2001 OfficeofKingHusseinIǤhttp://www.kinghussein.gov.jo/. Pierard,Patrick Whenonearchaeologistmeetsanotherarchaeologistin1917…Whatdotheyspeak about? http://emmanuel.guyetand.free.fr/Oeil_du_marin/HEGRA/MEDIATHEQUE_LIVRES_PI ERARD_JAUSS_LAWRENCE.htm. PPOC(PrintsƬPhotographsOnlineCatalog) c.1920-1933 Petra(WadiMusa).AinMus.SpringofMoses,nearEldjionroadfrom Ma’an.Photograph,LibraryofCongressPrintsandPhotographsDivisionWashington D.C.http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/mpc2004004999/PP/. Qurᦦ¢ http://tanzil.net/(SahihInternationaltranslation). Sajdi,Rami 2011[1996] DesertLand.http://www.acacialand.com/.

Tamney,JosephB. 2007 ModernizationandMalaysianIslam.PaperpresentedattheAnnualMeetingof theAmericanSociologicalAssociation,TBA,NewYork. http://citation.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/1/8/2/5/5/page s182552/p182552-1.php.

UniversityofNewcastle 1982-1988 TheGertrudeBellProjectǤhttp://www.gerty.ncl.ac.uk/. WAARP 2007(Lastupdate)WadiArabaArchaeologicalResearchProject. http://home.gwu.edu/~amsii/wadiarabaproject/index.htm. WadiArabahProject 2009(lastupdate) http://www.wadiarabahproject.man.ac.uk/index.htm.

WorldGazetteer 2012(Lastupdate) http://world-gazetteer.com.

Worth,Robert  2008 InSyrianVillages,theLanguageofJesusLivesǤNewYorkTimes,April22. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/22/world/middleeast/22aramaic.html?_r=0.   



186

Publishedliterature

AbuHanieh,Hassan 2011 SufismandSufiOrders:God’sSpiritualPaths.AdaptationandRenewalinthe ContextofModernization.Amman:FES.

Abu-Lughod,Lila 1989 ZonesofTheoryintheAnthropologyoftheArabWorld.AnnualReviewof Anthropology18:267-306. 1988 VeiledSentiments.HonorandpoetryinƒBedouinsocietyǤBerkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.

Abu-Zahra,Nadia 1988 TheRainRitualsasRitesofSpiritualPassage.InternationalJournalofMiddle EastStudies20(4):507-529. Adely,Fida 2004 ThemixedeffectsofschoolingforhighschoolgirlsinJordan:ThecaseofTel Yahya.ComparativeEducationReview48(4):353-373.

Al-Masᦧó†ÄǡAbual-ᏡasanᦧAlÄibnal-Ꮱusayn 1964[c.947]MuróŒal-dhahabwa-maஞ¢dinal-jawahirǤMuᒒammadMuᒒyiddĐ ᦧAbdulᒒamĆ(Ed.).Cairo:Al-Maktabaal-Tij¢”Äyaal-Kubr¢.

Alon,Yoav 2009 TheMakingofJordan.Tribes,ColonialismandtheModernState. London/NewYork:I.B.Tauris. 2005 TheTribalSystemintheFaceoftheState-FormationProcess:Mandatory Transjordan,1921-46.InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies37(2):213-240. AlSalameen,ZeyadƬHaniFalahat 2009 ReligiousPracticesandBeliefsinWadiMousabetweentheLate19thandEarly 20thCenturies.JordanJournalforHistoryandArchaeology3(3):175-204.

Anderson,Benedict 1996 ImaginedCommunities.ReflectionsontheOriginandSpreadofNationalism.New York:Verso. Anttonen,Marjut  2003 ThePolitizationoftheConceptsofCultureandEthnicity:anExamplefrom NorthernNorway.ProEthnologia15:49-66. Assmann,Jan 2006 ReligionandCulturalMemoryǤ(Transl.RodneyLivingstone)Stanford: UniversityPress. Assmann,JanƬJohnCzaplicka 1995 CollectiveMemoryandCulturalIdentity.NewGermanCritique65:125-133. Augé,Marc 1982 Football.Del’histoiresocialel’anthropologiereligieuse.LeDébat19:59-67.

187

Baal,Janvan 1976 Offering,SacrificeandGift.Numen23(3):161-178. 1971 Symbols for communication. An introduction to the anthropological study of religionǤAssen:VanGorcum Bailey,Clinton 1974 BedouinStar-LoreinSinaiandtheNegev.BulletinoftheSchoolofOrientaland AfricanStudies37(3):580-596.

Bailey,Michael 2006 TheMeaningsofMagic.Magic,RitualandWitchcraft1(1):1-23. BaniYasin,RaslanƬJonathanOwens  1984 TheBduuldialectofJordan.AnthropologicalLinguistics26(2):202-231. Baçgöz,Ilhan 1967 Rain-MakingCeremoniesinTurkeyandSeasonalFestivals.Journalofthe AmericanOrientalSociety87(3):304-306.

Baster,James 1955 TheEconomicProblemsofJordanǤInternationalAffairs31(1):26-35.

Bellehumeur,Christian,MartineLagacé,JoelleLaplanteƬVicki-AnneRodrigue 2011 IngroupContact,CollectiveMemoryandSocialIdentityofCatholicYouth Ministers:TheImportanceofRememberingPastEvents.JournalofPsychologyand Christianity30(3):196-212.

Ben-Arieh,Yehoshua 1983 TheRediscoveryoftheHolylandintheNineteenthCentury.Jerusalem:Magnus Press. Benvenisti,Meron 2000 SacredLandscape.TheBuriedHistoryoftheHolyLandsince1948.(Transl. MaxineKaufman-Lacusta).Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

Bienkowski,Piotr 1985 NewCavesforOld:BeduinArchitectureinPetra.WorldArchaeology17(2):149- 160. Boyer,Pascal 1992 ExplainingReligiousIdeas:ElementsofƒCognitiveApproach.Numen39(1): 27-57.

Brand,LaurieA. 1995 PalestiniansandJordanians:CrisisofIdentity.JournalofPalestineStudies 24(4):46-61. Briggs,Charles 1986 LearningHowtoAsk:SociolinguisticAppraisaloftheRoleoftheInterviewin SocialScienceResearch.Cambridge:UniversityPress. 

188

Briggs,Jean 1986 Kapluna daughter. In Peggy Golde (Ed.): Women in the Field. Anthropological Experiences:17-44ǤBerkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

Brünnow,RudolfƬAlfredDomaszewski 1904 DieProvinciaArabiaǤLeipzig:KarlS.Trübner. Burckhardt,JohannLudwig 1983[1822] TravelsinSyriaandtheHolyLand(Transl.)London:JohnMurray. Canaan,Tawfiq 1930 AdditionstoStudiesintheTopographyandFolkloreofPetra.Journalofthe PalestineOrientalSociety10:178-180. 1929 StudiesintheTopographyandFolkloreofPetra.JournalofthePalestine OrientalSociety9:136-218. 1927 MohammedanSaintsandSanctuariesinPalestine.JournalofthePalestine OrientalSociety7:1-88. 1926 MohammedanSaintsandSanctuariesinPalestine.JournalofthePalestine OrientalSociety6:1-69,117-158. 1925 MohammedanSaintsandSanctuariesinPalestine.JournalofthePalestine OrientalSociety5:163-203. 1924 MohammedanSaintsandSanctuariesinPalestine.JournalofthePalestine OrientalSociety4:1-84.

Casto,E.RayƬOscarW.Dotson. 1938 EconomicGeographyofTrans-Jordan.EconomicGeography14(2):121-130. Cerulo,Karen 1997 IdentityConstruction:NewIssues,NewDirections.AnnualReviewofSociology 23:385-409. Chapple,EliotƬCarletonCoon 1942 PrinciplesofAnthropologyǤNewYork,HenryHolt.

Chatelard,Géraldine 2006 DesertTourismasƒSubstituteforPastoralism?TuareginAlgeriaandBedouin inJordan.InDawnChatty(Ed.):NomadicSocietiesintheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica: Enteringthe21stCenturyǣ710-736.Leiden:Brill. 2003 ConflictsofInterestovertheWadiRammreserve:weretheyavoidable? socio-politicalcritique.NomadicPeoples7(1):138-158. Cohn,Robert 1987 Sainthood.InMirceaEliade(Ed.):EncyclopediaofReligion13:1-6.NewYork: Macmillan. Cole,Donald. 1975 NomadsoftheNomadsǣTheAlMurrahBedouinoftheEmptyQuarter.Chicago: Aldine. 2003 WhereHavetheBedouinGone?AnthropologicalQuarterly76(2):236-267. Coleman,SimonandJohnEade(Eds.) 2004 ReframingPilgrimageǤLondonandNewYork:Routledge.

189

Cornell,Vincent 1998 RealmoftheSaint.PowerandAuthorityinMoroccanSufism.Austin:University ofTexasPress.

Crawford,Stewart 1930 TheAttitudeofthePresentDayArabtotheShrineof“Mt.Hor.”InGeorge LivingstonRobinson(Ed.):TheSarcophagusofanAncientCivilizationǣ285-300.New York:Macmillan.

Crosby,Howard 1851 LandsoftheMoslem:NarrativeofOrientalTravel.NewYork:RobertCarter.

Deringil,Selim 2003 "TheyLiveinƒStateofNomadismandSavagery":TheLateOttomanEmpire andthePost-ColonialDebate.ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory45(2):311- 342.

Doughty,Charles 1955[1921] TravelsinArabiaDeserta.NewYork:RandomHouse.

Durkheim,Émile 2001[1912] TheElementaryFormsofReligiousLife.(Transl.CarolCosman)Oxford: UniversityPress. 1984[1893] TheDivisionofLabourinSocietyǤ(Transl.W.D.Halls).Basingstoke: Macmillan. Eakins,Kenneth,JohnR.SpencerƬKevinG.O´Connell 1993 TellEl-Hesi:TheMuslimCemeteryinFieldsandVi/IXǤWinonaLake: Eisenbrauns.

EickelmanDale 2002 TheMiddleEastandCentralAsia.AnAnthropologicalApproachǤNewJersey: PrenticeHall.

Eliade,Mircea 1959 TheSacredandtheProfane:TheNatureofReligionǤLondon:HarcourtPress.

Emerson,Robert 1981 ObservationalFieldWork.AnnualReviewofSociology7:351-378.

EusebiusofCaesarea 2005 Eusebius, Onomasticon. The Place Names of Divine Script. Including the Latin EditionofJerome.(Transl.andComm.R.S.NotleyandZ.Safrai).JewishandChristian PerspectivesSeries9.Leiden:Brill.

Fernea,Elizabeth 1989 Guests of the Sheikh: An Ethnography of an Iraqi villageǤ New York: Anchor books. Fiema,Zbigniew 2008 TheFJHPSite.InZbigniewT.FiemaandJaakkoFrösén(Eds.):PetraȂThe MountainofAaronI.TheChurchandtheChapelǣ86-97.Helsinki:SocietasScientiarum

190

Fennica. Francis,Doris,LeonieKellaherƬGeorginaNeophytou 2002 TheCemetery.SitefortheConstructionofMemory,IdentityandEthnicity.In JacobClimoƬMariaCattell(Eds.):SocialMemoryandHistory.Anthropological Perspectives.WalnutCreekCA:AltaMira. Frazer,SirJames 1993[1890] TheGoldenBough.studyinmagicandreligion.Kent:Wordsworth. Friedland,RogerƬRichardHecht 1996 TheNebiMusaPilgrimageandtheOriginsofPalestinianNationalism.InBryan F.LeBeauandMenachemMor(Eds.):PilgrimsandTravelerstotheHolyLandǣ89-118. Omaha:CreightonUniversityPress.

Frösén,JaakkoƬPäiviMiettunen 2008 AaroninReligiousLiterature,MythandLegend.InZbigniewT.Fiemaand JaakkoFrösén(Eds.):PetraȂTheMountainofAaronI.TheChurchandtheChapelǣ5-26. Helsinki:SocietasScientiarumFennica.

Frösén,Jaakko,ErkkiSironenƬZbigniewT.Fiema 2008 GreekInscriptionsfromtheChurchandtheChapel.InZbigniewT.Fiemaand JaakkoFrösén(Eds.):PetraȂTheMountainofAaronI.TheChurchandtheChapelǣ273- 285.Helsinki:SocietasScientiarumFennica.

FulcherofChartres 1969 HistoryoftheExpeditiontoJerusalem,1095-1127Ǥ(Transl.F.R.Ryan,Ed. H.S.Fink)Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress.

Geldermalsen,Margueritevan 2010 MarriedtoBedouinǤLondon:Virago.

Gennep,Arnoldvan 1960[1909] TheRitesofPassageǤChigaco:UniversityPress.

Glassé,Cyril 1989 Saints.InTheConciseEncyclopediaofIslam:342-343ǤLondon:Stacey International.  Golde,Peggy(Ed.) 1986 Women in the Field. Anthropological experiencesǤ Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress.

Goslinga,GillianandGelyaFrank 2008 IntheShadows:AnthropologicalEncounterswithModernity.InA.McLean,ƬA. Leibing (Eds.) The shadow side of fieldwork. Exploring the blurred borders between ethnographyandlife:xi-xviiiǤMalden,MA:BlackwellPublishing. Graf,David 2005 AntoninJaussenandRaphaëlSavignac,MissionarchéologiqueenArabieII:El- Ela,d’HégraTiema,HarrahdeTebouk:AtlasbyAntoninJaussen(Review).Journalof NearEasternStudies64(2):128-130.

191

Granqvist,Hilma 1965 MuslimdeathandburialǤHelsinki:SocietasScientiarumFennica (CommentationesHumanarumLitterarumXXXIV). 1947 BirthandChildhoodamongtheArabs.StudiesinƒMuhammadanVillagein Palestine.Helsinki:SöderströmƬCo.

Gurney,JoanNeff 1985 Notoneoftheguys:Thefemaleresearcherinƒmale-dominatedsetting. QualitativeSociology8:42-62. Haddad,Hassan 1969 ”Georgic”CultsandSaintsoftheLevant.Numen16(1):21-39.  Halabi,Awad 2009 SymbolsofHegemonyandResistance:BannersandFlagsinBritish-ruled Palestine.JerusalemQuarterly36:66-78.

Hallenberg,Helena 2005[1997] Ibr¢ŠÄal-Dasó“ÄȂƒSaintInvented.Helsinki:TheFinnishAcademyof ScienceandLetters,Humaniora333. Hanegraaff,Wouter 2000 NewAgeReligionandSecularization.Numen47(3):288-312. Harvey,Graham 2003 GuesthoodasEthicalDecolonisingResearchMethod.Numen50(2):125-146. Henry,Donald 1982 ThePrehistoryofSouthernJordanandRelationshipswiththeLevant.Journal ofFieldArchaeology9(4):417-444.

HermanowiczJosephƬHarrietMorgan 1999 RitualizingtheRoutine:CollectiveIdentityAffirmation.SociologicalForum 14(2):197-214. Hervieu-Léger,Danièle 2000 ReligionasƒChainofMemoryǤNewJersey:Rutgers. Hillelson,Sigmar 1938 NotesonBedouinTribesofBeershebaDistrict.PalestineExplorationFund QuarterlyStatement69:117Ȃ126. Hobbs,Joseph 1992 BedouinlifeintheEgyptianwildernessǤTexas:Austin.

HoelscherStevenƬDerekAlderman 2004 Memoryandplace:geographiesofƒcriticalrelationship.SocialƬCultural Geography5(3):347-355. Holes,Clive  1995 Community, Dialect and Urbanization in the Arabic-Speaking Middle East. BulletinoftheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies58(2):270-287.

192

Hornstein,CharlesAlexander 1898 VisittoKerakandPetra.PalestineExplorationFundQuarterlyStatement30: 94-103.

IbnKhaldun 1958[1377] TheMuqaddimah.(Transl.byFranzRosenthal).London:Routledge. Janes,RobertW. 1961 NoteonPhasesoftheCommunityRoleoftheParticipant-Observer.American SociologicalReview26(3):446-450. Jaussen,Antonin 1948 CoutumesdesArabesaupaysdeMoab.Paris:Adrien-Maisonneuve.

Jennings-Bramley,William 1906 The Bedouin of the Sinaitic Peninsula. Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement37:23-33.

Jetsu,Laura 2001 Kahden mailman välillä. Etnografinen tutkimus venäjänkarjalaisista hautausrituaaleista1990-luvullaǤSuomalaisenKirjallisuudenSeuranToimituksia853. Helsinki:Hakapaino. Juntunen,Marko 2002 BetweenMoroccoandSpain.Men,migrantsmugglingandƒdispersedMoroccan community.AcademicDissertation.Helsinki:UniversityPrintingHouse. Kahle,Paul 1911 DieMoslemischenHeiligtümerinundbeiJerusalem.Palästina-JahrbuchVII:62- 177. Keinänen,Marja-Liisa(Ed.) 2010 PerspectivesonWomen’sEverydayReligionǤStockholm:ActaUniversitatis Stockholmiensis. Kippenberg,Hans 2000 ReligiousHistory,DisplacedbyModernity.Numen47(3)(Religionsinthe DisenchantedWorld):221-243. Kouki,Paula 2012 TheHinterlandofƒCity.RuralsettlementandlanduseinthePetraregionfrom theNabataean-RomantotheEarlyIslamicperiodǤAcademicDissertation.Helsinki: UniversityPrintingHouse. Kressel,GideonM. 1996 BeingTribalandBeingPastoralist.InUgoFabiettiƬPhilipCarlSalzman(Eds.): TheAnthropologyofTribalandPeasantPastoralSocieties.TheDialecticsofSocial CohesionandFragmentation:129-138.Ibis:Pavia. Lahelma,AnttiƬZbigniewFiema 2009 Fromgoddesstoprophet:2000yearsofcontinuityontheMountainofAaron nearPetra,Jordan.Temenos44(2):191-222.

193

Lancaster,William. 1981 TheRwalaBedouinTodayǤLondon:CambridgeUniversityPress. Lancaster,WilliamƬFidelityLancaster 1996 SomeCommentsonPeasantandTribalPastoralSocietiesoftheArabian Peninsula(withParticularReferencetotheKerakPlateauofJordan).InUgoFabiettiƬ PhilipCarlSalzman(Eds.):TheAnthropologyofTribalandPeasantPastoralSocieties. TheDialecticsofSocialCohesionandFragmentation:389-401.Pavia:Ibis.

Lawrence,ThomasEdward 1997[1922] SevenPillarsofWisdom.Kent:MackaysofChatham.

Lawson,Thomas 2000 TowardsƒCognitiveScienceofReligion.Numen47(3)(Religionsinthe DisenchantedWorld):338-349. Layish,Aharon 1991 The"fatw¢̶asanInstrumentoftheIslamizationofƒTribalSocietyinProcess ofSedentarization.BulletinoftheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies54(3):449-459.

Layne,LindaL. 1989 TheDialogicsofTribalSelf-RepresentationinJordan.AmericanEthnologist 16(1):24-39. Lazarus-Yafeh,Hava 1978 MuslimFestivals.Numen25(1):52-64. Leibing,AnnetteƬAthenaMcLean(Eds.) 2008 Theshadowsideoffieldwork.Exploringtheblurredbordersbetweenethnography andlife.Malden:BlackwellPublishing.

Libbey,W.ƬF.E.Hoskins 1905 TheJordanValleyandPetraǤLondon:G.P.Putnam’ssons. Lindner,Manfred 2003 ÜberPetrahinaus.ArchäologischeErkundungenimsüdlichenJordanien.Rahden: MarieLeidorf. 1987 ArchaeologicalExplorationsinthePetraRegion1980-1984.InAdnanHadidi (Ed.)StudiesintheHistoryandArchaeologyofJordan:291-294.London:Routledge.

Makdisi,George 1973 IbnTaimiya:SufioftheQadiriyaOrder.AmericanJournalofArabicStudiesIǣ 118-129.

Malinowski,Bronislaw 1969 Scientifictheoryofcultureandotheressays.Oxford:UniversityPress. Marshall,Douglas 2002 Behavior,Belonging,andBelief:TheoryofRitualPractice.SociologicalTheory 20(3):360-380. Martin,Luther 2001 ComparativismandSociobiologicalTheory.Numen48(3):290-308.

194

Martineau,Harriet 1848 Easternlife:PresentandpastǤLondon:EdwardMoxon. Martinelli,Alberto 2005 GlobalModernization.RethinkingtheProjectofModernityǤTrowbridge:Sage Publications. McCorriston,Joy 2011 PilgrimageandHouseholdintheAncientNearEastǤCambridgeUniversityPress. McDonald,Burton,RussellAdamsƬPiotrBienkowski.(Eds.) 2001 TheArchaeologyofJordanǤSheffield:AcademicPress.

McGuire,MeredithB. 2008 LivedReligion:FaithandPracticeinEverydayLife.NewYork:OxfordUniversity Press.

McKeganey,NeilandMichaelBloor 1991 SpottingtheInvisibleMan:TheInfluenceofMaleGenderonFieldwork Relations.TheBritishJournalofSociology42(2):195-210. McKenzie,Judith 1991 TheBeduinatPetra:Thehistoricalsources.Levant23:139-145. Miettunen,Päivi 2008 Jabal ¢”ón:History,pastexplorations,monumentsandpilgrimages.In ZbigniewT.FiemaandJaakkoFrösén(Eds.):PetraȂTheMountainofAaronI.The ChurchandtheChapelǣ27-50.Helsinki:SocietasScientiarumFennica. Muhammad,Ghazibin 1999aTheHolySitesofJordan.(Ed.)Jordan:Turab. 1999bTheTribesofJordanattheBeginningoftheTwenty-FirstCenturyǤJordan:Turab.

Muir,Diana 2008 LandwithoutƒPeopleforƒPeoplewithoutƒLand.MiddleEastQuarterly 15(2):55-62. Musil,Alois 1928 TheMannersandCustomsoftheRwalaBedouin.Prague:TheAmerican GeographicalSociety. 1908 ArabiaPetraeavol.III,Ethnologischerreisebericht.Vienna:Kaiserliche AkademiederWissenschaften.

Natvig,Richard 1988 LiminalRitesandFemaleSymbolismintheEgyptianZarPossessionCult. Numen35(1):57-68.  Nielsen,Ditlef 1933 TheMountainSanctuariesinPetraanditsEnvirons.JournalofPalestine OrientalSociety13:185-208. 

195

Nora,Pierre 1989 BetweenMemoryandHistory:LesLieuxdeMémoire.Representations26:7-24. Olick,JeffreyƬJoyceRobbins 1998 SocialMemoryStudies:From"CollectiveMemory"totheHistoricalSociologyof MnemonicPractices.AnnualReviewofSociology24:105-140.

Oppenheim,MaxFreiherrvon 1943 DieBeduinenȂDieBeduinenstämmeinPalästinaǡTransjordanien,Sinai, HedjazǡBandII.Leipzig:Harrassowitz.

Oren,MichaelB. 1990 WinterofDiscontent:Britain'sCrisisinJordan,December1955ǦMarch1956. InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies22(2):171-184. Paden,William 2001 UniversalsRevisited:HumanBehaviorsandCulturalVariations.Numen48(3): 276-289. 1992 InterpretingtheSacred.WaysofViewingReligionǤBoston:Beaconpress.

Palmer,EdwardHenry 1871 TheDesertofTihandtheCountryofMoab.PalestineExplorationFundQuarterly Statement4:50-60. Palva,Heikki 2008 NorthwestArabianArabic.EncyclopediaofArabicLanguageandLinguisticVol. III:400-408.Brill:LeidenȂBoston. 1993 NorthArabianBedouin'sconceptionofthebeyond.StudiaOrientalia70:75-87. Palva,HeikkiƬIrmeliPerho(Eds.) 1998 IslamilainenkulttuuriǤHelsinki:Otava.

Peake,Frederick  1968 HistoryofJordananditsTribesǤFlorida:UniversityofMiamiPress. Penner,Hans 1985 Language,RitualandMeaning.Numen32(1):1-16. Peterman,GlenƬRobertSchick 1996 TheMonasteryofSaintAaron.AnnualoftheDepartmentofAntiquitiesofJordan 40:473-480. Petersen,Andrew 2008 TheOttomanHajjrouteinJordan:MotivationandIdeology.Bulletind’études orientalesLVII:31-50. 1999 TheArchaeologyofMuslimPilgrimageandShrinesinPalestine.InTimothy Insoll(Ed.)CaseStudiesinArchaeologyandWorldReligion.TheProceedingsofthe CambridgeConference.BARInternationalSeries755:116-127. 1996 PreliminaryReportonthreeMuslimshrinesinPalestine.LevantXXVIII;97- 113.



196

Pipping,Knut 1982 TheFirstFinnishSociologist:ReappraisalofEdwardWestermarck’sWork. ActaSociologica25(4):347-357.

Platt,Katherine 2010 TheSpiritualityofWorkandtheWorkofSpirituality:WomenAgriculturalistsin Tunisia.InMarja-LiisaKeinänen(Ed.)PerspectivesonWomen’sEverydayReligionǣ189- 201.Stockholm:ActaUniversitatisStockholmiensis.

Pormann,Peter 2009 FemalepatientsandpractitionersinmedievalIslam.TheLancet373:1598- 1599. Powdermaker,Hortense 1966 StrangerandFriend:TheWayoftheAnthropologist.NewYork:W.W.Norton. Pummer,Reinhard 1987 TheSamaritansǤLeiden:Brill.

Quinn,George 2004 LocalPilgrimageinJavaandMadura:whyisitbooming?InternationalInstitute forAsianStudiesNewsletter35:16. Reimer,Michael 2005 BecomingUrban:TownAdministrationsinTransjordan.InternationalJournal ofMiddleEastStudies37(2):189-211.

Reynolds,Dwight 2007 ArabFolklore.Handbook.London:Greenwood.

Riesebrodt,Martin 2000 FundamentalismandtheResurgenceofReligion.Numen47(3)(Religionsinthe DisenchantedWorld):266-287. Robinson,Edward 1848 BiblicalResearchesinPalestine,MountSinaiandArabiaPetraeaIIǤLondon. Robinson,GeorgeL. 1930 TheTrueMt.HorȂJabalMaderah.InGeorgeRobinson(Ed.):TheSarcophagus ofanAncientCivilization.Petra,EdomandtheEdomites:263-284.NewYork: Macmillan. Rogan,EugeneL. 1999 FrontiersoftheStateintheLateOttomanEmpire.Transjordan,1850-1921. CambridgeUniversityPress.

Rüsen,Jörn 2004 TraditionandIdentity:TheoreticalReflectionsandtheEuropeanExample, TaiwanJournalofEastAsianStudies1(2):135-158. Russell,Kenneth 1993 EthnohistoryoftheBedulBedouinofPetra.AnnualoftheDepartmentof AntiquitiesofJordanXXVII:15-33.

197

Sajdi,Rami 2007 LandoftheNobleShepherdsǤAmman:NationalPress. Schick,Robert 2010 ThechurchandchapelonJabalHarounnearPetra(review).InJournal of RomanArchaeology23:785-787. Schilt,KristenandChristineL.Williams 2008 AccessDenied.MenandMasculinities11(2):219-226. Schneider,David 1969 Kinship, nationality and religion in American culture. In R.F. Spencer (Ed.): FormsofSymbolicActionǣ116-25.Seattle:UniversityofWashingtonPress. Seger,Karen(Ed.) 1987 Portrait of ƒ Palestinian Village. The Photographs of Hilma GranqvistǤ London: ThirdWorldCentre. Serjeant,Robert 1971 The“WhiteDune”atAbyan:AnAncientPlaceofPilgrimageinSouthernArabia. JournalofSemiticStudies16:74-83. Shimizu,Yoshimi 1989 TheSaintCultinJordanȂOneaspectofJordanianIslam.AnnalsofJapan AssociationforMiddleEastStudies4(2):47-79. Shryock,Andrew 2004 TheNewJordanianHospitality:House,Host,andGuestintheCultureofPublic Display.ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory46(1):35-62. 1997 Nationalism and the Genealogical Imagination: Oral History and Textual AuthorityinTribalJordanǤBerkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress. 1996 TribesandthePrintTrade:NotesfromtheMarginsofLiterateCulturein Jordan.AmericanAnthropologist,NewSeries98(1):26-40. 1995 PopularGenealogicalNationalism:HistoryWritingandIdentityamongthe BalqaTribesofJordan.ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory37(2):325-357.

Simms,StevenƬDeborahKooring 1996 TheBedulBedouininPetra,Jordan.Traditions,TourismandanUncertain Future.CulturalSurvivalQuarterly19:22-26. Smith,AndrewII 2005 BirMadhkurProject:APreliminaryReportonRecentFieldwork.Bulletinofthe AmericanSchoolsofOrientalResearch340:57-75.

Stanley,A.P. 1877 SinaiandPalestineinConnectionwiththeirHistory.London:JohnMurray.

Stephens,JohnL. 1837 IncidentsofTravelinEgypt,ArabiaPetraeaandtheHolyLandII.NewYork: Harper.



198

Sørensen,Jesper 2007 CognitiveTheoryofMagicǤLanham:AltaMiraPress. 2005 ReligioninMind:ReviewArticleoftheCognitiveScienceofReligion.Numen 52(4):465-494. Sullivan,WinnifredFallers 1996 Religion,LawandtheConstructionofIdentities.Introduction.Numen43(2): 128-138.

Tapper,Nancy 1990 Ziyaret:Gender,Movement,andExchangeinƒTurkishCommunityǡinD.F. EickelmanandJ.Piscatori(eds)MuslimTravellers:Pilgrimage,Migration,andthe ReligiousImagination:236-55ǤLondonǣRoutledge.

Taylor,Christopher 1998 IntheVicinityoftheRighteous.ZiyaraandtheVenerationofMuslimSaintsin LateMedievalEgypt.Leiden:Brill.

Thetmar 1851 Mag.ThetmariIteradTerramSanctamanno1217Ǥ(TitusTobler,Ed.)St.Galliet Bernae:Apud-Huberetsoc.Bibliop. Thomas,Martin 2003 BedouinTribesandtheImperialIntelligenceServicesinSyria,Iraqand Transjordaninthe1920s.JournalofContemporaryHistory38(4):539-561.

Thorbjørnsrud,Berit 2001 AcademicNomadism:TheRelationshipbetweenSocialAnthropologyand HistoryofReligion.Numen48(2):204-223. Tiffany,Sharon 1978 Models and the Social Anthropology of Women:  Preliminary Assessment. Man13(1):34-51.

Todd,Jennifer 2005 SocialTransformation,CollectiveCategories,andIdentityChange.Theoryand Society34(4):429-463. Turner,Victor 1977 SymbolsinAfricanritual.InJ.L.Dolgin,D.S.KemnitzerandD.M.Schneider (Eds.):Symbolicanthropology:readerinthestudyofsymbolsandmeaningsǣ183-194. NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress. Urban,Hugh 2005 KuᒤᒅalinÄǤInLindsayJones(Ed.)EncyclopediaofReligion2nded.Vol.8:5266- 5267.Detroit:Macmillan. Versnel,Henk 1991 SomeReflectionsontheRelationsMagic-Religion.Numen38(2):177-197.  

199

Walker,Bethany 2008 RuralSufismaschannelsofcharityinnineteenth-centuryJordan.InNefissa NaguibƬIngerMarieOkkenhaug(Eds.):InterpretingWelfareandReliefintheMiddle East:217-234.Leiden:Brill. Wallin,GeorgAugust 2007 Aavikon vaeltajaǤ Elämä ja päiväkirjat. Kaj Öhrnberg (Ed.), (Transl. Jaakko Anhava).Keuruu:Otava.

Wax,Rosalie 1979 GenderandAgeinFieldworkandFieldworkEducation:Nogoodthingisdone byanymanalone.SocialProblems26(5):509-522. Wehr,Hans 1994 DictionaryofModernWrittenArabic.Ithaca,NY:Harrassowitz.

Weir,Shelagh 1990 TheBedouinǤLondon:BritishMuseumPublications.

Westermarck,Edward 1926 RitualandBeliefinMoroccoǤLondon:Macmillan. 1916 TheMoorishConceptionofHoliness(Baraka).ÖfversigtafFinskaVetenskaps- SocietetensFörhandlingarLVIII:1. Whitehouse,Harvey 2000 ArgumentsandIcons.DivergentmodesofreligiosityǤOxford:UniversityPress.

Whitehouse,HarveyƬRobertMcCauley(eds) 2005 MindandReligion.PsychologicalandCognitiveFoundationsofReligiosityǤ WalnutCreek:AltamiraPress. Whitehouse,HarveyƬJamesLaidlaw(eds) 2004 RitualandMemory:TowardƒComparativeAnthropologyofReligionǤWalnut Creek:AltaMira.

Wiktorowicz,Quintan 2000 TheSalafiMovementinJordan.InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies 32(2):219-240. 1999 StatePowerandtheRegulationofIslaminJordan.JournalofChurchand State41:677-696. Wilson,J. 1847 LandsoftheBibleVisitedandDescribed.Edinburgh:WilliamWhyte.

Wynbrandt,James 2004 BriefhistoryofSaudiArabiaǤNewYork:FactsOnFile.  Young,WilliamC. 1993 TheKaba,Gender,andtheRitesofPilgrimage.InternationalJournalofMiddle EastStudies25(2):285-300. 

200

Zayadine,Fawzi 1985 CaravanRoutesbetweenEgyptandNabataeaandtheVoyageofSultanBaibars toPetrain1276.InA.Hadidi(Ed.),StudiesintheHistoryandArchaeologyofJordanII 159-174.Amman:DepartmentofAntiquitiesofJordan. Zeitlin,Solomon(Ed.) 1954 ThesecondbookofMaccabees(Transl.SidneyTedesche).NewYork:Harper.

201

11. APPENDICES

I:Maps 



  Map1:Jordan

202

 Map2:Distributionofsites

 

203

II:Imagesofsites.610 





Figure1:Jabal ¢”ó(Site1)      

  Figure2:Jabal ¢”ó(Site2) 

610AllphotosbyP.Miettunen.

204

  Figure3:Jabal ¢”ó(ViewlookingSouth,Jabal ¢”óontheright)



Figure4:ᒒwar(Site3)



Figure5:Jiddal-Raf¢ᦧya(Site4)

205



Figure6:Gubó”ᦧIy¢ŽᦧAww¢†(Site5)



Figure7:FarajᏡasane(Site6)



Figure8:al-Baww¢–(Al-Fugar¢Ȍ(Site7)

206









Figure9:Khabb¢al-NabÄ(Site8)









Figure10:ĔᏡamadȋ᐀abb¢ᒒǡᒒmadƬGhann¢m,Site9)







207



Figure11:FarajᖠMfarrej(Site10) 











Figure12:Sajaratᦧᒷ¢ya(Site12) 







208





Figure13:ᦧ6ó•¢(Site14)    

  Figure14:Jabalal-TaᒒÄ(Site15)        

209



  Figure15:AmmᖠJdÄᦧ(Site16)         

  Figure16:ShµkhᦧAbdallah(Site17)         

210

 

  Figure17:Ban¢–al-ᦧµn?(Site18)       

  Figure18:Shµkhᖠᒒammad(Site19) 

211



Figure19:AmmᖠDfóˆ(Site20)

  Figure20:ᖠRjó†al-Maᒷ¢lga(Site21) 

  Figure21:Shrµˆal-Marᒲad(Site22)

212



Figure22:Shrµˆal-Shyókh(Site23) 

  Figure23:Abó᐀uww¢(Site25) 

  Figure24:Rijmal-ᦧᒷawÄ(Site26)

213



Figure25:GalᦧatMudawwara(Site27) 



Figure26:Shrµˆ¢baᒷ(Site28) 



Figure27:al-Hajfe(Site29)

214

 

  Figure28:ShrµˆIshhab?(Site30)           

  Figure29:al-Marmad(Site31)      

215



 Figure30:al-Judh¢Ä(Site41)        



Figure31:al-AzadÄ(Site42)







216





Figure32:Gubó”al-Wiᒒayd¢–(Site44)











Figure33:ᖠMraybet(Site45)









217

III:Vocabulary   r έΎμϧϷ΍ “Helpers.”PeopleofMedinawhohelpedtheProphetand¢څal-An hisfollowersaftertheyecapedfromMecca. abÄya ΔϴΒμϋ Senseofsolidarityandunity.Oftenreferredinƒtribalڅ஖ context. .l Ϟλ΍ Originordescent,especiallyinreferencetonoblelineageڅA ¢diya ΔϳΪΑ Semi-desert,steppe.ThetraditionalareaoftheBedouin. Baraka ΔϛήΑ ”Blessing.dz Bid஖a ΔϋΪΑ ”Innovation,novelty.”Fortraditionalists alsothe hereticalelementsofmodernization. Da஖wa ΓϮϋΩ "Summon,invitation.dzSpreading themessageofIslam, bothtoMuslimsandnon-Muslims. Ikhw¢n ϥ΍ϮΧ· ”Brothers.” Thereligious(fundamentalist)militiaofibn Saᦧód,composedofmembersoftheBedouin tribesin SaudiArabia. ¢hilÄya ΔϴϠϫΎΟ "Ignorance."Refersprimarilytothepre-IslamicArabia, butcanbeusedofanyperiodwhenpeoplearenot followingthetenetsofIslamand/orareunawareofthem. Judód ΩϭΪΟ “Grandfathers,ancestors.” Karam ϡήϛ “Generosity.”Hospitalityandmutualgenerosityasthe basisofthesystemofhonorandrespect. Kar¢¢t ΕΎϣ΍ήϛ ”Favors,graciousdeeds.”TheactsofGodthroughhis saints,”miracles.” Maq¢m ϡΎϘϣ “Mag¢m”inBedouindialect."Place,location."Tombofa saint,orotherholysite. Mawlid ΪϟϮϣ ”Birth.”carnivalandcelebration,especiallyforthe birthdayofProphetMuᒒammad,butalsoforother notableIslamicfiguresandSufisaints. Mawsim ϢγϮϣ ”Season.”Holiday,festivalseason. al-Muh¢jirón ϥϭήΟΎϬϤϟ΍ "Emigrants.̶ThefirstMuslimswhofollowedProphet MuᒒammadfromMeccatoMedina. NabÄ ϲΒϧ Pl.al-Anbiy¢ᦦǤProphetintheIslamictradition. Qabr ήΒϗ ”Gaber”inBedouindialect.”tomb,grave.” Rujód ΩϮΟέ "Graves." Rasól ϝϮγέ Pl.“rusul,”Ϟγέ.MessengerofGod,ƒprophet. ,ba ΔΑΎΤμϟ΍ "Companions.̶ThosewhosawProphetMuᒒammad¢٥ƒב-al believedinhimanddiedƒMuslim.Mostimportant groupswereal-Muh¢jiróandal-Anᒲ¢r. .΢ϟΎλ "Pious,virtuous."ThedefinitivecharacteristicofawalÄ li٥¢ב Tabarruk ϙ˷ήΒΗ Seekingblessing(baraka). TajdÄd ΪϳΪΠΗ "Renewal."Islamicrevival,purificationofthesocietyand religiousthought. .arÄqa ΔϘϳήσ "Method,way,path."SchoolsofSufismז

218

.awwuf ϑ˷ϮμΗ SufismڅTa Tawassul Ϟ˷γϮΗ "Petition"(seep.43). WalÄ ϲϟϭ Pl.Awliy¢஝"Friend,benefactor.̶IslamicSaint. a Δτ˸γ΍ϭ "Intercessor,intermediary"Usingconnectionsforڊs¢ personalbenefit. ¢wiya Δϳϭ΍ί sufilodge. Ziy¢ra ΓέΎϳί “Visit”.Visitingholysites,suchastombsofsaints. 





219