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SEUN SANGGA: IN 1.2 KM

BY KIMBERLY MARIE RAMRIEZ

A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE THE FACULTY OF THE GERALD D. HINES COLLEGE OF ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

BACHELOR OF ARCHITECTURE

UNIVERSITY OF HOUSTON MAY 2020

1 2 4 Acknowledgments

First, I would like to thank Paul Kweton and William Truitt for their help and patience this last year as I worked on this thesis. I am grateful for the opportunity to be able to work with and learn from two very talented educators.

To my family, I am eternally grateful for your support throughout my five years in school. To my dad, I thank you for all the mornings you checked on me as I kept working into the next day. To my brothers, Mike and Pablo, know that you both inspire me everyday to work hard towards the things I wish to achieve and accomplish. Raquel, I hope you know I look up to you and you inspire me to set higher goals. Kelly, I know it was frustrating waiting for me to finish studio so we could go home, now you can get home before 8 pm! Finally to my mother, I will work hard everyday to attempt and pay you back for all the sacrifices you have ever made for me.

5 6 Abstract

Traditional Korean siting strategies place heavy emphasis on nature and specifically take advantage of topographic changes within the site. Further, studying the hybridization of Seoul’s public spaces within helps understand the balance between site, landscape, and community. The Seun Sangga, Korea’s first mixed- use residential and commercial complex, consists of eight buildings along half a mile. When constructed, the complex lost a lot of the traditional values tying the site back to nature. Studying the effects of rapid modernization and the hybridization of public spaces within the , this thesis proposes to re-imagine the Seun Sangga buildings while studying their connection to nature and the Jongno community.

7 8 Thesis

Studying the effects of rapid modernization and the hybridization of public spaces within the Jongno district, this thesis proposes to re-imagine the Seun Sangga buildings while studying their connection to nature and the Jongno community.

9 Contents

SITING STRATEGIES WITH RELATIONSHIP TO NATURE 17

“They first destroyed and changed the existing urban structure and later protected it by postponing the gentrification of their surrounding areas in the fast changing city of Seoul” (Kim, Sungwoon).

SEOUL IN SECTION WITH RELATIONSHIP TO NATURE AND VIEWS 27

“When individual structures are regarded as merely parts of the whole, collective building, the open spaces between these structures—such as courtyards, gardens or ponds—can even be considered interior space, in that they form an inseparable part of the building as a whole” (Jackson, Ben).

RAPID URBANIZATION AND PUBLIC SPACE 35

“For Korea, the 1950s and 1960s were a period of postwar recovery and rapid industrialization, an industrialization that also prompted modernization in Korean society. Whereas modernization during the Japanese colonial period was led mostly by the Japanese and Korean elites and capitalists, modernization in the 1960s was a more general movement that influenced the lives of the general public” (Lee, Jae-young).

HYBRIDIZATION OF PUBLIC SPACE WITHIN THE JONGNO DISTRICT 47

“‘Cultural hybridization’ is related to the relatively flexible formations of cultures in which subjects can move their positions around a cultural field” (Jeh-Hong, Ryu pg. 13). Contents

SEUN SANGGA - KOREA’S FIRST MIXED-USE PROGRAM 57

“Wandering through the narrow lines of the Seunsangga area, one marvels at the intricacy of its dense urban space, and at the animation deep inside the tiny workshops, family restaurants, and small stores; all forming the bustling life that lies in the shadow of the modern architectural icon” (Malterre-Barthes 78).

THE DISCONNECT BETWEEN SECTION, VIEWS, AND NATURE - SEUN SANGGA 67

“New developments characterized by their hard and fast execution, some pushed by the government, some on private initiatives, threaten to overwhelm this cultural richness” (Kim, Suengwoo).

PRECEDENT STUDIES 77

Kowloon Walled City, Hong Kong Sou Fujimoto’s Serpentine Pavilion

PROPOSED PROGRAM AND DESIGN STRATEGY 89

WORKS CITED AND BIBLIOGRAPHY 121 12 Prospectus

This thesis will outline what Pungsu-Jiri means to the Korean people and how it has been used at various scales of planning and building space. Continuing, it will layout the way the city of Seoul was designed and how over time various factors have contributed to the shift towards modern city we know today. Following, this thesis will pose the question of how the Seun Sangga complex sits within such a complex city and neighborhood, and how the relationship between a person, building, and neighborhood can begin to work better to connect program to other program and also out to the city and surrounding landscape.

13 14 For purposes of continuity, this thesis will use the common romanization of the Korean word: 세운상가 as “Seun Sangga.”

15 16 Siting Strategies With Relationship to Nature

“They first destroyed and changed the existing urban structure and later protected it by postponing the gentrification of their surrounding areas in the fast changing city of Seoul” (Kim, Sungwoon).

17 18 Siting Strategies With Relationship to Nature

Introduced to the Korean people by the Chinese, Pungsu-jiri (풍수지리) derives from the Chinese-term Feng-shui (風水), meaning wind and water, and remains an integral part of the Korean culture. Further, pungsu-jiri for the Korean people

“Geomancy is not a clear cut superstition, religion or science, but an ancient Chinese system of site selection comprised of all three. Geomancy is defined as “a unique and highly systemised ancient Chinese art of selecting auspicious sites and arranging harmonious structures such as graves, houses and cities on them by evaluating the surrounding landscape and cosmological directions” (Yoon 7).

Figure 01:

65% of the Korean Peninsula is mountainous area. The orange color to the left represents the mountainous areas within the peninsula, where the pink represents areas with little to no significant elevation changes.

Park, Jinhee, and John Hong. Convergent Flux: Contemporary Architecture and Urbanism in Korea. Birkhäuser Verlag GmbH, 2012.

19 plays an important role when designing cities within their somewhat complicated environment. With almost 63% of the Korean peninsula containing mountainous areas, a system for managing and developing cities is required, one which takes into consideration the value the Korean people place on nature and their community.

Through pungsu-jiri, a site requires a harmonious balance between natural counterparts, including heaven and earth, fire and water, North and South, East and West. When locating a balanced site, a site must be considered myeongdang (명당), translating literally to “best side.” Ensuring that the site is perfectly balanced and ideal for either settling or building on.

Figure 02:

The royal tombs at Gyeongju designed along North and South and arranged in relationship the mountains in the distance.

Ladner, Mimsie. “9 Things to See and Do in Gyeongju, Korea’s ‘Museum Without Walls’.” Culture Trip, The Culture Trip, 26 May 2018, https://theculturetrip.com/asia/south-korea/ articles/9-things-to-see-and-do-in-gyeongju- koreas-museum-without-walls/.

20 “Pungsu ‘wind-water’ or alternatively pungsu-jiri, ‘wind-water-earth principles theory’ is a system that involves either using compasses to calculate elaborate esoteric, astrological and numerical information, or deep spiritual intuition from a master of pungsu-jiri, to identify and appraise topographic features of the land. The purpose of this system of divination is to identify geographical features, especially mountains and the flow of water, that promote auspicious and harmonious energies” (Horank, Kevin).

Essential aspects of pungsu-jiri include the selection of a site that embraces balance, referred to as Hyeol (혈) (Kim, Olivia). Hyeol directly translates to “blood,” but within siting strategies, it is representative of the point where positive and negative energies are balanced. While the top of a mountain is not entirely ideal

“Key principles include settling with water to the front of your settlement and settling in valleys surrounded by mountain ranges that resemble specific creatures. The most noble of the creatures are the cardinal celestial animals and their mountainous forms are described as; the Black Tortoise to the North, Winding Blue Dragon to the East, Red Phoenix to the South, and the Rocky White Tiger to the West. Valleys that lie with mountains are ideal for setting and will further your connection to the heavens. This location also serves as a practical site for a settlement as it provides running water and a defensive position” (Kim, Olivia 16). for designing on, a valley would be considered to be hyeol, as it is considered to be where the connection between heaven and earth is strongest.

21 Figure 03:

This diagram represents an ideal settling site according to the principles of punsu-jiri.

Kim, Olivia Angeline. Cultural Expression; A Korean Embassy in the US. Diss. Virginia Tech, 2018.

Korean sensibilities to site through pungsu-jiri are evident in the planning of Seoul. At the beginning of the Dynasty in 1394, the capital relocated to present-day Seoul. Korean siting strategies relative to landscape, building, and city are evident in Seoul. An ideal site conforming to pungsu-jiri establishes a

“First and perhaps the most important condition is a landform of horseshoe shaped surrounding hills. The second is that there should be a watercourse in front of the site, although the site itself should not be wet. Thirdly, such a site should face a desirable direction which normally is southward including Southeast and Southwest” (Yoon, Hong-Key 7).

22 This diagram represents the city of Seoul and its relationship to the mountains Figure 04: to the North and South of the original plan. Each mountain is represented as a divine animal, said to protect the city from unwanted energy and potential threats.

Kim, Olivia Angeline. Cultural Expression; A Korean Embassy in the US. Diss. Virginia Tech, 2018.

23 strong connection to a mountain sitting to the rear and a reliable water source sitting to the front of the site. Figure 3 depicts various ideal mountain situations found within the Korean peninsula, each ideal for settling through the principles of pungsu-jiri.

“Ultimately, the most highly sought architectural sites were those known as baesan imsu, a term describing a setting with a high mountain at the rear to block the wind and a wide field in front with a river flowing through it. Such an area held promises of abundance” (Jackson 92).

Further, through pungsu-jiri, each mountain surrounding a city symbolizes a divine animal, each of which serves to protect the city from unwanted energy as well as potential threats. Shown in figure four is each of the divine animals surrounding Seoul, along with the stream and river system. This water system, while it provides the city with a necessary resource, also adheres to the principles of pungsu-jiri.This relationship the Koran people hold with nature is one that is directly rooted in the idea of pungsu-jiri. A book titled: T’aengniji (擇里誌), a title which translates to “Book of Choosing Settlements,” was written by Yi Chung- hwan during the Joseon period and was widely popular because it described all the strategies one could use to ensure an auspicious settling site.

“Compared with Feng-shui, it places greater emphasis on the spiritual and material energies of mountains and their ranges, and their effect on the destinies of families, communities and the nation as a whole, than on personal fortunes and interior furniture-placement” (Horank, Kevin).

24 Where Chinese feng-shui principles focus on the way a site or structure affects and serves the individual, their livelihood, and their energy. Through pungsu-jiri, there is an emphasis within Korean culture on the role the individual plays within their community; its principles take into consideration the individual concerning their family, their society, and the way their actions and decisions affect their whole community.

“Koreans’ fanatic interest in obtaining an auspicious [burial] site for the well being of living decedents may be due to their strong family identity that blurred the boundary between oneself and one’s family. Often, traditionally minded Koreans thought their duty to their family was greater than their duty to anything else, including themselves” (Yoon, Hong-Key).

25 26 Seoul in Section With Relationship to Nature and Views

“When individual structures are regarded as merely parts of the whole, collective building, the open spaces between these structures—such as courtyards, gardens or ponds—can even be considered interior space, in that they form an inseparable part of the building as a whole” (Jackson, Ben).

27 28 Seoul in Section With Relationship to Nature and Views

Where sensitivity to their community affects the individual in their actions and decisions, it also translates into Korean architecture as well. A building holds an essential relationship in the way it interacts with its natural environment. The Byeongsan Seowon complex located in Pungcheon-myeon is a traditional Korean site that takes the idea of community and nature into consideration. Buildings within the complex act as a more significant collection, working together to ensure each inhabited space has views to mountains or a river, and therefore a relationship to the surrounding nature.

n mo tain b ukhansa u n palace

shrine m rea st on he ec palace gy ng eo ch

sa m unta in nam n o

This diagram depicts the connection between city and the surrounding Figure 05: landscape, such as mountains to the North and South of the Jongno district, as well as the stream which bisects the neighborhood.

29 “Byeongsan Seowon as a demonstration of the fact that Korean architecture is an architecture of gathering, characterized by the collection of buildings and the relationships between them … When individual structures are regarded as merely parts of the whole, collective building, the open spaces between these structures—such as courtyards, gardens or ponds—can even be considered interior space, in that they form an inseparable part of the building as a whole. Even the collective “building” is often considered incomplete in isolation from its natural surroundings—a phenomenon that certainly applies in the case of Byeongsan Seowon” (Jackson, Ben 922).

Attention to a site’s surrounding nature is evident in the Buseoksa Temple, located in Buseok-myeon. In this temple complex, elevation and section serve as tools to ensure views to nature from each building. While each building of the

Figure 06:

View south from the Buseoksa temple showing the way each buildling steps down along the hillside to still provide views out to nature for the buildings above and below.

Jackson, Ben. Korean Architecture: Breathing with Nature (Korea Essentials Book 12) . Seoul Selection.

30 temple complex is only one-story tall, this works to ensure that each building, whether above or below another building, still has views out to nature. Each space connects back to its surrounding natural environment and in turn, works with it to connect the user to their community.

“Buseoksa is renowned for … its sublime selection of a site and use of natural features, in conjunction with architectural design, to create such a striking atmosphere. In terms of architectural composition, perhaps its three most noteworthy aspects are the fact that it is built on several stone stages of different levels” (Jackson, Ben 592).

Through their section and elevation, each space works as part of a broader community within the complex, serving as an essential part of the more intricate complex system. Each structure considers its location on the site, how much space it occupies, its height, and the specific views it frames. Views are carefully

Figure 07:

Views from a surrounding bridge to the Cheonggyecheon stream below.

Photograph by In-choul Zho, January 2005.

31 “Boundary walls also serve to frame the outside view. Walls of a specific height were installed in a specific direction not only to block out the portions of view that one did not wish to see, but also worked as a device

of ch’agyŏng 借景 ( jiejing in Chinese; meaning “borrowing the scenery”) to bring the good view closer” (Yoon, Hong-key).

Figure 08:

Boundary walls surrounding Nag’anŭpsŏng, North Chŏlla Province.

Photograph by In-choul Zho, January 2005. curated to ensure that interiors connect out to nature. In this sense, every aspect of traditional Korean architecture and even the architectural elements which support these spaces play a role in trying to embrace the natural environment. Architectural elements such as the walls which surround a complex or community serve to connect spaces to their natural environment. Shown in figure three, the walls surrounding this home in the Nag’anŭpsŏng village serve to connect the interior space to its exterior.

“The idea of ‘human and nature as one’ is emphasized; though architecture is a product of humanity, its technologies should respect the

laws of nature, and views of the natural surroundings should be brought inside to make the house a part of nature” (Jackson, Ben 234).

32 While architecture is expected to play a significant role within its environment, how these spaces interact with nature is of value within traditional Korean communities because each space serves as a part of nature. Thus, through pungsu-jiri, the interaction between individuals and interior space should feel like they are interacting with their natural environment.

“Generally, the geomorphological features of the vicinity, the location of scenic features, and the structure of the view are determinative factors of the site. In Korean gardens, these conditions are best observed in the

location of a chŏngja 亭子 (Korean-style pavilion). Commonly, a chŏngja is located at a protruding meridian point—the dominant peak with the most outstanding view” (Yoon, Hong-key).

With a complex mountainous environment, it is beneficial to Korean architecture to utilize such complexity, as opposed to allowing it to become an obstacle. Rather, such complexity is perceived, therefore, as an advantage, used in turn to maximize the relationship between space and nature.

Figure 09:

The Bugakhan mountains located to the North of Seoul.

Watkins, Melissa. “Hiking in Seoul: The Fortress Wall and Bugaksan Mountain.” Moments and Memoirs, 29 Sept. 2015, http:// momentsandmemoirs.com/seoul-fortress-wall.

33 34 Rapid Urbanization and Public Space

“For Korea, the 1950s and 1960s were a period of postwar recovery and rapid industrialization, an industrialization that also prompted modernization in Korean society. Whereas modernization during the Japanese colonial period was led mostly by the Japanese and Korean elites and capitalists, modernization in the 1960s was a more general movement that influenced the lives of the general public” (Lee, Jae-young).

35 36 Rapid Urbanization and Public Space

While nature is one aspect that is undeniably a foundation for traditional Korean architecture, the significance of community to the Korean people is something that ultimately connects architecture and nature. Directly following the , the emphasis of community is present through the type of structures built during this period. A need for development and new infrastructure led to various efforts to modernize the city of Seoul. Through that, a desire for new and innovative spaces that would serve the city and community were the most alluring to the Korean people.

“During this period, President Park would initiate the renowned “New Community Movement”, also known as the “New Village Movement” or “Saemaul Movement”, in an effort to modernize the rural South Korean economy. Officially launched on April 22, 1970, the movement would be based on traditional Korean communalism which pushed for a type of local government and communal cooperation for the greater good of the community” (Kim, Bryan 41-42).

There were various attempts to connect people to cities, jobs, and other people; a massive desire for urbanization spread across , and this period helped establish the nation as a driving force within East Asia.

37 During the Japanese occupation of Seoul, there were various efforts to modernize and build the city up as an essential Japanese colony; however, it was not until after the Korean War which ended in 1953 that the city of Seoul began to see a significant shift in the urbanization of the city. New and significant buildings were being proposed and later built, something that had been hard for Korean cities to see through before the end of the Korean war. The lack of construction led to a loss of architects, and now intending to establish the city within East Asia, the Korean people made an effort to ensure their city matched up to other models around the world through the architecture they were building.

“Due to rapid industrialization and urbanization and the demand for new construction in the 1950s and especially the 1960s, architects who were educated in Korea or abroad as well as small and medium-sized construction firms began to actively participate in the construction of modern buildings in Korea” (Lee, Jae-young).

Figure 10:

This figure depicts the vast amount of housing structures in modern day Seoul.

Choi, Hee-seok, and Hyo-jin Kim. “Govt to Reveal Locations for New Suburbs around Seoul This Week - Pulse by Maeil Business News Korea.” Govt to Reveal Locations for New Suburbs around Seoul This Week, PULSE, 12 Dec. 2018, https://pulsenews.co.kr/view. php?year=2018&no=787164.

38 Through this rush to urbanize and connect Korean cities, there were significant changes that allowed their people many opportunities but also brought about various consequences.

“Large scale concentration of investment and jobs made Seoul a magnet for rural migrants and further economic activities. This caused severely uneven development in Korea to the extent that the journalistic term ‘the Republic of Seoul’ instead of the Republic of Korea was created” (Kim, Hyung Min, and Sun Sheng Han).

While various jobs became available to the Korean people, the demand for land increased very rapidly. Through that demand, prices for housing were extremely high, and the shortage of land did not help the situation at all. While the opportunity for work existed, these factors held back many people from being able to take advantage of them. One district that saw significant development was the Jongno district, a prominent district within the city of Seoul since the Joseon Dynasty. The district’s centrality is what served as the main allure for people. This new mindset was allowing for redevelopment of a district which, during the Japanese occupation, had lost various traditional Korean structures.

“Politically, economically, and culturally, Jongno was the most important urban district of Korea’s Joseon dynasty (1392–1910). During Japanese colonial rule over Korea (1910–1945), Jongno continued to be a main district, influenced by the modern changes in nearby Myeong-dong being developed by the Japanese. During the 1950s and 1960s, in the wake of the Korean War (1950–1953), the district experienced reconstruction and development” (Lee, Jae-young).

39 Some of the most significant changes made to the city of Seoul specifically were the development of highway and roadway infrastructure. From 27,000 vehicles driving within the city of Seoul in 1967 to nearly 2.9 million in 2008, the demand for infrastructure to support this growth is something quite significant (Son, 2003c: p. 19, Seoul Statistical Yearbook, 2009).

Figure 11:

The city of Seoul did not have nearly as much vehicular traffic as it does today. Other means of transportation were more typical in 1967, as shown to the left.

Wile, Rob. “South Korea Looked Just Like North Korea 50 Years Ago [PHOTOS].” Business Insider, Business Insider, 4 Apr. 2013, https://www. businessinsider.com/old-1960s-photos-of-seoul- korea-2013-4.

One specific project was the construction of the Samil Elevated Expressway. This project proposed to cover the existing Cheonggyecheon stream and instead build an elevated highway serving the city along a major horizontal axis. While the promise of innovation and connectivity served as a primary allure for the Korean people, this project would cover a stream that perhaps at the time did not hold much value anymore, but for a time before Japanese occupation had been an essential part of Korean society. During the Joseon Dynasty, the stream had served as an essential source of water for the Jongno neighborhood and was a central point for most elite, as well as scholars who resided within Jongno.

40 Figure 12: Temporary houses lined the edges of the Cheonggyecheon stream in 1967. Kim, Hyung Min, and Sun Sheng Han. “Seoul.” Cities 29.2 (2012): 142-154.

41 Figure 13:

This picture was taken of the Cheonggyecheon stream in 1904.

“Korea Now and Then: Cheonggyecheon (청계천).” Koreabridge, 17 June 2011, http://koreabridge. net/post/korea-now-and-then-cheonggyecheon- 청계천-intraman.

“[Japanese] officials had also ensured that the city met the geomantic prescription that it be surrounded by four auspicious mountains, through which the proper amount of energy (ki) could pass. From these nearby mountains flowed a major source of the city’s water supply, the

Ch’ŏnggye Stream” (Henry, Todd A.).

Figure 14:

Considered the slums of Seoul for a period of time, the stream housed many refugees on its banks.

“Korea Now and Then: Cheonggyecheon (청계천).” Koreabridge, 17 June 2011, http://koreabridge. net/post/korea-now-and-then-cheonggyecheon- 청계천-intraman.

42 During the Japanese occupation, the stream was considered the “slums of Seoul,” serving as a divider between Japanese neighborhoods (South of the stream) and the Korean neighborhoods (North of the stream) (Henry p. 35). The stream seemed to retain its low-status post-occupation, so the proposal to build a large highway in its place was accepted and later realized. While this did aid

Figure 15: The diagram above shows the growth of Seoul’s roadways from 1936 to 2000. Kim, Hyung Min, and Sun Sheng Han. “Seoul.” Cities 29.2 (2012): 142-154.

Figure 16:

This figure depicts the construction of the Samil Expressway which completely covered the Cheonggyecheon stream below

Dunbar, Jon. “Rebirth of a Nation: the Korean War and Reconstruction.” Korea.net, 29 May 2012, http://www.korea.net/NewsFocus/Society/ view?articleId=100532.

43 Figure 17: The figure above depicts the Samil expressway during its construction. “Korea Now and Then: Cheonggyecheon (청계천).” Koreabridge, 17 June 2011, http://koreabridge.net/post/ korea-now-and-then-cheonggyecheon-청계천-intraman.

44 the urbanization of Seoul, a loss of traditional architectural values and further, the principles of pungsu-jiri began to occur. Values that prioritize the natural environment were soon lost in most of the Jongno district and were replaced by spaces that did not seem to hold traditional Korean values in mind. Most of these new spaces were designed by international architects who saw an opportunity to see their designs realized, especially in a city that was so willing to build and develop itself up.

The figure above depicts the Samil expressway well after its opening, Figure 18: transporting hundreds of cars every day throughout the city of Seoul. “Cheonggyecheon Stream Restoration Project.” Landscape Performance Series, 16 July 2018, https://www. landscapeperformance.org/case-study-briefs/cheonggyecheon-stream-restoration.

45 46 Hybridization of Public Space Within The Jongno District

“‘Cultural hybridization’ is related to the relatively flexible formations of cultures in which subjects can move their positions around a cultural field” (Jeh-Hong, Ryu pg. 13).

47 48 Hybridization of Public Space Within The Jongno District

Figure 19: This figure depicts the renovation of the Cheonggyecheon stream in 2005. “Before & After Green: Seoul’s Cheonggyecheon Stream.” Before & After Green: Seoul’s Cheonggyecheon Stream, 19 June 2013, https://www.localecologist.org/2013/06/before-after-green-seouls.html.

While the Samil highway helped in the broader transportation system, which connected smaller towns to the jobs and resources of the city, it aided in the loss of various traditional architectural values. In 2003, the then-, Lee Myung-bak, proposed the restoration of the Cheonggyecheon stream. While this project offered many concerns due to high construction and maintenance costs, it was still approved, and the project began construction that same year.

49 “The construction cost at the initial stage was estimated at 357 million dollars. The cost rose to 386 when the project was completed, up 29 million dollars. The reasons behind the hike of the cost are as follows: introducing measures to improve the water quality, setting up broadcasting devices and CCTV for maintenance and adjusting costs for inflation” (Lee, In-Keun. Pg. 13).

Through the first year, the new hybridized stream would pump out 120,000 gallons of water yearly from the to sustain it. While this amount of water is still significant, it was of more shock and concern for the people of Seoul, especially considering this stream used to run naturally. The consequences

The figure above depicts the Samil expressway well after its opening, Figure 20: transporting hundreds of cars every day throughout the city of Seoul. “Korea Now and Then: Cheonggyecheon (청계천).” Koreabridge, 17 June 2011, http://koreabridge.net/post/ korea-now-and-then-cheonggyecheon-청계천-intraman.

50 The figure above depicts the demolition of the Samil expressway, making way Figure 21: for the new hybridized stream. “Details into the Korean Peninsula’s ‘Crow’s Eye View’ Pavilion for the 2014 Venice Biennale.” Bustler, 27 May 2014, https://bustler.net/news/3703/details-into-the-korean-peninsula-s-crow-s-eye-view-pavilion- for-the-2014-venice-biennale.

51 of rapid urbanization affected the stream to the point of drying it up completely. The 2005 opening of the Cheonggyecheon stream sought to provide a hybridization of what once had existed naturally. While there is no longer a natural running stream passing through the Jongno district, this hybridized stream allows for the same opportunity for a connection to the community like the stream previously offered.

“The hybridization caused by modernization has two sub-categories: ‘structural hybridization’ and ‘cultural hybridization’ (Pieterse 1997, 49-57). While ‘structural hybridization’ is related to the relatively fixed formations of the political economy, ‘cultural hybridization’ is related to the relatively flexible formations of cultures in which subjects can move their positions around a cultural field” (Jeh-Hong, Ryu pg. 13).

While the stream saw restoration mostly for cultural reasons, and of course, there were economic benefits to providing a space that could be occupied by the public, as opposed to just used as a means of transportation. The hybridization of the stream is something that has since its completion served as a loved public space. Evenings find the edges of the stream lined with people enjoying a walk, street food, or sitting to watch street performers.

The Cheonggyecheon stream has seen a positive renovation, and its hybridization has worked to the benefit of the community, there are still various other spaces within the district of Jongno which lost their original intentions of serving their community.

52 Figure 22:

This figure depicts the construction of the Samil Expressway which completely covered the Cheonggyecheon stream below.

Kal, Hong. “Flowing Back to the Future: The Cheongye Stream Restoration and the Remaking of Seoul−−: The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus.” Flowing Back to the Future: The Cheongye Stream Restoration and the Remaking of Seoul−− | The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 11 July 2011, https://apjjf.org/2011/9/27/ Hong-KAL/3556/article.html.

The Cheonggyecheon Stream today, including various reminders of what once Figure 23: stood during an era of urbanization. “11 THINGS TO DO AT CHEONGGYECHEON STREAM.” SweetandtastyTV, 20 Jan. 2015, http://www. sweetandtastytv.com/blog/tag/stream.

53 This image shows a passing under a bridge along the Cheonggyecheon stream.

Figure 24: “11 THINGS TO DO AT CHEONGGYECHEON STREAM.” SweetandtastyTV, 20 Jan. 2015, http://www. sweetandtastytv.com/blog/tag/stream.

54 Figure 25:

The stream is now activated through its hybridized landscape and various events held throughout the year.

Krieger, Alex. At Water’s Edge: A Town Endures And Transforms. http://www.heritageparkway. org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Alex-Krieger- River-Talks-ppt-2015.pdf.

Recreation of the housing which had previously existed on the edges of the Figure 26: stream. “11 THINGS TO DO AT CHEONGGYECHEON STREAM.” SweetandtastyTV, 20 Jan. 2015, http://www. sweetandtastytv.com/blog/tag/stream.

55 56 Seunsangga - Korea’s First Mixed-Use Program

“Wandering through the narrow lines of the Seunsangga area, one marvels at the intricacy of its dense urban space, and at the animation deep inside the tiny workshops, family restaurants, and small stores; all forming the bustling life that lies in the shadow of the modern architectural icon” (Malterre-Barthes 78).

57 58 Seunsangga - Korea’s First Mixed-Use Program

The concept of a mega-structure is convenient, programmatically efficient, and for a people exiting the chaos of war a sort of hope in the establishment of their city and country.

In 1967, the since-titled, “architect of Seoul” Kim Swoo-Geun proposed a structure that would serve the people with and through anything they could imagine. Housing, retail, housing, a school, and even library all within the same structure had never existed within the Korean peninsula. Designed for a city that had just transitioned out of Japanese rule, with endless opportunities for their very fast- approaching future and modernization, this building, or so it would seem, would “[synthesize] the changing conditions of post-war Korea. Greatly supposed by the government and different social groups, with the aid of foreign urban planning philosophies and technologies.”

“The Imperial Japanese government hastily cleared a more than 160-foot- wide, nearly half-mile-long strip of inhabited land to prevent the spread of fires in the event of potential United States firebombing raids on Seoul. Then, with the Korean War, the evacuated lot turned into a shantytown for refugees and homeless people” (Jackson, Ben).

The complex sits on a site that runs about three-fourths of a mile long, space previously cleared by the Japanese toward the end of WWII to prevent fires in the case of air-raiding. Later during the Korean War, the space turned into a

59 Figure 27:

The Seun Sangga pictured after its opening in 1967. The scale of the mega structure was even more extreme in a city that was slowly starting to advance.

“Sewoon Sangga (Sewoon Plaza).” Atlas Obscura, Atlas Obscura, 9 July 2019, https:// www.atlasobscura.com/places/sewoon-sangga- sewoon-plaza. hub for refugees and homeless people. Connecting, in an unconventional way, the site with an informal form of community and, in turn, back to values of the community. With the end of the Korean War, the ’60s saw a decade of change for the city of Seoul. A desire to modernize and re-establish the city within East Asia only increased the anticipation for the complex and the promises it brought with it.

Proposed on a site that was prime real estate, the Seun Sangga was meant to serve as a very influential complex that would embody Korean values and connect the community it sat within. The promise of a structure that would work for the community, a value that the Korean people embrace wholeheartedly, was heavily anticipated. The promise of luxury apartments and a “city within a city” allowed people to have something to look forward to and leave behind war and displacement (Kim, Sungwoon). Upon its completion in 1967, the complex was a source of awe for the people of Seoul, many people beamed with hope for a new kind of space that could begin to represent them as a community but also established their city within East Asia.

60 The complex intended to connect the city through its various program types, allowing the users to engage their community under one roof. While a variety of the spaces were successful through the decade and further, very soon, the complex began to see a decline of that initial awe the people of Seoul held. While the complex promised a connection to its city, most promises did not translate. By the ’80s the intended program types continue to change and stray even further from their intended use,

“Seunsangga is an urban symbol of the modern growth machine. If the massive lining-up of apartment complexes along the Han River were a symbol of Seoul’s modernization under the compressed development model in the late 1960’s, another representation of modernity could be the urban mixed-use complex buildings such as the Seunsangga or Nakwonsangga built in downtown Seoul” (Kim, Sungwoon).

The apartments no longer serve as homes; they now serve as storage for the retail stores still in operation below. This disconnect from the initially intended program has led to the ultimate “mess that runs within the Seun Sangga” (Kim, Sungwoon). Every day, even with newfound storage upstairs, these retail shops pour their merchandise out onto the sidewalk/alley below the main deck in hopes of attracting customers into their small little nooks. With many shops selling the same items, the competition is very high, and the complex has become a hub for some of the most seasoned salesmen to encounter competition. Even so, neon signs and various other sign-age strategies litter the walkways on the exterior but even the interior of the complex.

61 Figure 28:

This drawing shows some of the surrounding program uses. Most of which are related to retail or jong-ro manufacturing.

Although the complex still houses other

Cheonggyecheon stream programmatic types such as a hotel, some scattered housing, restaurants, and various other re-purposed spaces, it remains primarily retail. While the retail shops are eulji-ro not larger than 15-feet by 15-feet, each of these retailers thrives in providing their customers with goods that are very hard to come by in Seoul. Many of these retailers mareynee-ro are some of the most specialized within their respective fields.

Of course, this “exclusivity” of craftsmanship allows for people to seek out other industries, those which might toegye-ro have been hard to come by before the Seun Sangga. Within the lifespan of the complex, various industries have been able to sneak

precision turning operation in and thrive among the more prominent lighting furniture metal processing construction materials “sidewalk vendors,” only emphasizing, printing and publishing accommodation

62 Narrow hallways of the Seun Sangga where products begin to spill out into Figure 29: walking spaces, in hopes of drawing people into buy. Also since storage space is limited, small shops use the sidewalks, but also the ceiling space as shown above.

“Artists Seek to Preserve Historic Highrise Complex.” Koreatimes, 28 Aug. 2016, http://www.koreatimes. co.kr/www/news/culture/2016/08/316_212890.html.

63 Figure 30: Aerial view of the Seunsangga in modern day. Shim, YoungKyu. “Reinventing a Superblock in Central Seoul - Without the Gentrification.” ArchDaily, ArchDaily, 13 Aug. 2018, https://www.archdaily.com/900110/reinventing-a-superblock-in-central-seoul- without-the-gentrification.

“Wandering through the narrow lines of the Seunsangga area, one marvels at the intricacy of its dense urban space, and at the animation deep inside the tiny workshops, family restaurants, and small stores; all forming

the bustling life that lies in the shadow of the modern architectural icon” (Malterre-Barthes).

“the humorous phrase, ‘One could even assemble a tank with parts produced within the Seun Sangga’” (Reigh 42). Of course, while “the exterior may look old fashioned and dilapidated… it still maintains a dynamic local economic ecosystem that has formed a multi-layer production network over several decades,” one that has been unprecedented within the city of Seoul to modern-day (Reigh 42).

64 Some shops are so small, some have resorted to using old uninhabited Figure 31: apartments as extra storage space. Wainwright, Oliver. “The ‘Spaces between Buildings’ – Seoul’s First Architecture Biennale.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 1 Nov. 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2017/nov/01/seoul- south-korea-architecture-biennale-sewoon-sangga-skygarden.

65 66 The Disconnect Between Section, Views, and Nature - Seun Sangga

“New developments characterized by their hard and fast execution, some pushed by the government, some on private initiatives, threaten to overwhelm this cultural richness” (Kim, Sungwoon).

67 68 The Disconnect Between Section, Views, and Nature - Seun Sangga

There is no doubt that at its opening, the Seun Sangga served as a new space for Seoul, allowing for a connection that before had never existed under the same roof. The convenience drew people in for a while, but when the complex began to lose its initial allure, it started to become a structure that could only serve the individual looking for a specific computer part, rather than connecting with everyone within the community. The complex lost the only thing establishing its connection with the Jongno district and the community it served to connect.

“New developments characterized by their hard and fast execution, some pushed by the government, some on private initiatives, threaten to overwhelm this cultural richness” (Kim, Sungwoon).

Figure 32:

The Seunsangga fails to connect views to the surrounding mountains.

“Seoul.” Seoul, 7 May 2018, https://www.magzter. com/articles/2567/289319/5b3f0c3633cf1.

69 Losing a connection to the people, it has now has lost connection to the surrounding neighborhood; it does not embrace any of the traditional Korean siting strategies a site located within one of the most prominent neighborhoods of Seoul should embody.

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The drawing above shows the significance of the complex in relationship Figure 33: to the temple, palace and mountain to the North, and mountain to the South.

70 “The most important part of the revitalization of Seun Sangga is the recuperation of the value of public spaces suggested by Seun Sangga’s very own site. The aforementioned urban ‘publicness’ can be associated with citizen participation during the revitalization process but also with a form of respect for the urban history and its public values. The recuperation of the severed flow of cities, which was caused by aggressive and gargantuan urban development, is about generating big value through small plans” (Kim, Sungwoon).

Figure 34:

This figure depicts the East and West elevations of one of the Seun Sangga buildings.

Li, Karry. “SEWOON SANGGA (1966-1976)/ Building Drawings.” ASIAN CITIES RESEARCH, 19 Dec. 2016, http://fac.arch.hku.hk/asian-cities- research/sewoon-sangga-1966-1976-building- drawings/.

The North to South axis of the building begins with the Changdeokgung Palace, followed by the Jongnyo Temple to the North and Namsan Park and mountain to the South. With failed opportunities in section, the Seun Sangga complex blocks views to nature and the two mountains which sit to the North and South.

71 The drawing above shows the Seun Sangga complex in section with Figure 35: relationship to the surrounding program types. Through this drawing, the disconnect between the program types through section is evident, especially when connecting those program types back out to the surrounding neighborhood.

72 “The Dongdaemun shopping complex was changed into a specialist market that would deal with fabric and subsidiary materials for apparel enterprises in Dongdaemun area, as a part of fabric dealers relocated from the old market, Kwangjang Sijang to the Dondaemun Shopping Complex.

Though it failed to attract retail customers due to the maze-like interior space. Logistical difficulties as a result of the complicated interior spaces without category or hierarchy and high number of floors were autonomously overcome by the introduction of burden carriers. Overcoming accessibility problem with small businesses and flexible logistics movement network, the modern and massive building became a new, innovative place”

(Kim, Sungwoon).

73 This diagram depicts an “ideal” site, aligning with the principles of Pungsu-jiri. Figure 36:

74 The Seun Sangga sits on a significant site, a site that has various opportunities to embrace the Korean principles of Punsu-jiri, and perhaps with learning from other hybridized spaces like the Cheonggyecheon stream, the Seun Sangga complex can embrace the nature that surrounds it and this time serves the community in a lasting and effective manner.

The surrounding program types include metal and tool manufacturing, jewelry manufacturing and retail, electronics and precise machinery, and the distribution of movies and other media. Due to the location of the Seun Sangga Complex within the Jongno district, there remains a strong connection to printing and printing-related program types. During the Jonsen Dynasty these were prominent program types in the neighborhood because most scholars lived within this area of Seoul (Kim, Sungwoon).

“In the Seun area, the healthiest economically and the most developed cluster is printing and its related businesses… Historically Jongno-gu and Jung-gu district — including the oldest parts of Seoul — have always enjoyed a strong connection to publishing and printing, as a home to scholars and writers since the foundation of the city” (Kim, Sungwoon).

75 76 Precedent Studies

Kowloon Walled City, Hong Kong Sou Fujimoto’s Serpentine Pavilion

77 78 Kowloon Walled City Hong Kong

Figure 37: Depicted above is the Kowloon walled city prior to its demolition in 1997. Hung, Matthew. “Kowloon Walled City Heterotopia in a Space of Disappearance.” MAS CONTEXT, 18 Nov. 2016, http://www.mascontext.com/issues/19-trace-fall-13/kowloon-walled-city-heterotopia-in-a-space- of-disappearance/

The Kowloon walled city is a space that over the course of its life, developed into an intricate system which is rarely, if ever replicated. The Kowloon walled city, although since, demolished, sat within a very small portion of land the mainland Chinese government had never formally agreed to hand over to the British in their colonization period of Hong Kong. While the space has no set beginning date for when the structure developed into, the vast amount of square footage grew to house at its peak over 30,000 people.

79 The image above is a visualization of how dense the Kowloon walled city Figure 38: grew to be. Scarcely populated before 1950, but reaching its peak of 50,000 inhabitants in 1990, making it the most dense place on the planet.

“Jiajing Yang: Remembering Kowloon Walled City.” Metamorphosis Art as Research Research as Art, 5 Oct. 2015, http://metamorphosisproject.org/remembering-kowloon-walled-city/.

While the size of this structure is unprecedented and almost unmatched to this day, there is the ability to study just why this community worked the way it did, and why most former-residents tend to remember the Kowloon city so fondly.

The structure is the most interesting because of the way it came to be, buildings began to grow slowly, each one being added on top of another. Spaces that only allowed for 40 square feet per person, this quickly became one of the most dense places on earth. Through this density, there is an opportunity to connect with neighbors and to form a community. While many people ran businesses within the walled city, most were small compact spaces that required these owners to create new innovative ways to store goods and advertise.

80 This image shows the intense amount of advertisement around the Kowloon Figure 39: walled City. Lam, Sharon. “Here’s What Western Accounts of the Kowloon Walled City Don’t Tell You.” ArchDaily, ArchDaily, 2 Dec. 2016, https://www.archdaily.com/800698/heres-what-western-accounts-of-the- kowloon-walled-city-dont-tell-you.

81 The surprising liveliness and community of the Walled City shows that when free from law and liability, things aren’t going to be that great, but they do not have to be an entire failure. When the Kowloon Walled City was torn down by outside forces, many of its residents were dissatisfied with their eviction and not even financial compensation restored the community they left behind. Many, years on, even when fully resettled into the rest of Hong Kong, look back to their days in the Walled City as a “happier time”

(Lam, Sharon).

82 The image above is a visual representation of the Kowloon walled city in Figure 40: section. Shown are the various different uses the building came to have through its lifetime.

Minner, Kelly. “Kowloon Walled City.” ArchDaily, ArchDaily, 13 Dec. 2010, https://www.archdaily.com/95757/ kowloon-walled-city.

83 84 Serpentine Pavillion Sou Fujimoto

The image above shows people walking through the structure and activating Figure 44: the space in section. Portilla, Daniel. “Serpentine Pavilion / Sou Fujimoto.” ArchDaily, ArchDaily, 7 June 2013, https://www. archdaily.com/384289/serpentine-pavilion-sou-fujimoto?ad_source=search&ad_medium=search_result_all.

Sou Fujimoto’s 2013 Serpentine Pavillion is interesting in that it utilizes a structural system that then allows the user throughout this thin grid, there fore activating the space in section, as opposed to just activating it in planes, like that of a typical building. This space, while small and unconditioned, embraces the section to allow for connectivity to other users and gives the space the ability to connect people visually, but also through the way they interact with the provided grid system.

85 The image above shows the structure, and the way it does not begin to Figure 45: compete with the nature it sits within, rather it allows for views to continue through the space.

Portilla, Daniel. “Serpentine Pavilion / Sou Fujimoto.” ArchDaily, ArchDaily, 7 June 2013, https://www. archdaily.com/384289/serpentine-pavilion-sou-fujimoto?ad_source=search&ad_medium=search_result_all.

86 Because of its gridded nature, there is opportunity for the structure to allow views back to its surrounding environment. Even through a dense grid, the user can still locate views to nature from any where within the structure, as shown in figures 44 and 45.

This diagram above shows the a general understanding of the pavilion in Figure 46: section, and how the space allows for interaction between users.

87 88 Proposed Program and Design Strategy

89 90 Proposed Program

This thesis re-purposes the existing Seun Sangga building structure to embed the structure within the Jongno community and distinct landscape beyond the Jongmyo Temple complex.

“In the Seun area, the healthiest economically and the most developed cluster is printing and its related businesses… Historically Jongno-gu and Jung-gu district — including the oldest parts of Seoul — have always enjoyed a strong connection to publishing and printing, as a home to scholars and writers since the foundation of the city” (Kim, Sungwoon).

While some surrounding program types include metal and tool manufacturing, jewelry manufacturing and retail, electronics and precise machinery, and the distribution of movies and other media, there remains a strong connection to printing and printing related program types. In attempt to embrace the surrounding culture, this thesis proposes a program type which will allow architecture to serve as an epicenter of the neighborhood’s creative culture, while also embracing the traditional values of nature and community. This thesis fills the generic structure with a hybrid program of: library, publishing space, writing center, cafe, retail / market space, exterior plaza space, and housing to create public access between the street level, mid-levels, and roof.

91 Library

STACK SPACE 5,000 sq. ft.

OPEN STUDY SPACE 5,000 sq. ft.

READING ROOMS 3,600 sq. ft.

CHILDREN’S READING SPACE 2,500 sq. ft.

PRIVATE STUDY ROOMS 1,000 sq. ft.

ADMINISTRATION SPACE 1,000 sq. ft.

COMPUTER LAB 700 sq. ft.

PRINTING ROOM/AREA 500 sq. ft.

LOBBY 500 sq. ft.

REST ROOMS 1,000 sq. ft.

TOTAL SQUARE FOOTAGE 20,800 sq. ft.

92 Publishing Space

PRINTING SPACE 15,000 sq. ft.

STORAGE SPACE 2,500 sq. ft.

ADMINISTRATION SPACE 2,000 sq. ft.

DESIGN OR PRE-PRODUCTION 1,000 sq. ft.

REST ROOMS 1,500 sq. ft.

LOBBY 500 sq. ft.

PUBLISHING LEARNING SPACE 1,000 sq. ft.

TOTAL SQUARE FOOTAGE 23,500 sq. ft.

93 Writing Center

CLASSROOMS 6,000 sq. ft.

CHILDREN’S SPACE 2,500 sq. ft.

ADMINISTRATION SPACE 1,000 sq. ft.

LOBBY 500 sq. ft.

PUBLIC READING ROOMS 3,000 sq. ft.

REST ROOMS 1,000 sq. f.t

TOTAL SQUARE FOOTAGE 14,000 sq. ft.

94 Cafe

DINING SPACE 2,000 sq. ft.

KITCHEN 1,500 sq. ft.

LOBBY 500 sq. ft.

REST ROOMS 800 sq. ft.

OUTDOOR DINING SPACE 800 sq. ft.

TOTAL SQUARE FOOTAGE 5,600 sq. ft.

95 Retail and Market Space

PERMANENT VENDOR SPACE 10,000 sq. ft.

VISITING VENDOR SPACE 6,000 sq. ft.

LOBBY 1,500 sq. ft.

REST ROOMS 2,000 sq. ft.

OUTDOOR PLAZA SPACE 2,000 sq. ft.

TOTAL SQUARE FOOTAGE 21,500 sq. ft.

96 Outdoor Space

PUBLIC REST ROOMS 2,000 sq. ft.

PARK AREA / WALKING AREA 30,000 sq. ft.

TOTAL SQUARE FOOTAGE 32,000 sq. ft.

97 Total Program

TOTAL PROPOSED PROGRAM 117,400 sq. ft. SQUARE FOOTAGE

98 In addition to this proposed program, this project will take into consideration the existing program types existing within the Seun Sangga complex and incorporate one of the most significant program types, housing.

As opposed to square footage, the project will access the program and re-insert only 70% of the existing housing back into the space, allowing for the housing to interact with the new program. All of these program types are intended to connect the surrounding community in section while connecting back to the principles of pungsu-jiri and a space’s connection to nature.

99 The diagram above depicts an example of how the program might arranged. In Figure 47: attempt to establish a language set or “set of rules” that can be applied along the 1.2 km of the Seun sangga complex, this is only one iteration of how the program can be arranged.

100 This design strategy strives to establish a language set or a “set of rules” that can allow for any point of the Seun Sangga to be edited to fit the needs of its existing program or immediate surrounding community. While each building along the 1.2 km is unique, this strategy would allow for program to truly serve three different kinds of users, the first being a resident who lives within the Seun Sangga, interacting with the space everyday, the second does not live within the Seun Sangga but does live in Seoul and might interact with the building on an occasional basis, the last is a tourist who only interacts with the space once in every few months, years, or even a lifetime.

101 To better understand the intricate design strategy, focusing on the first Figure 48: building of the complex (furthest North), will help to give a sense of scale.

102 To begin, the first step of the process requires the removal of “unnecessary” Figure 49: program, or program which inhibits either a connection to other program, or which inhibits views to the surrounding landscape, inhibiting Pungsu-jiri.

103 In the first stage of implementing the design strategy begins with removing unnecessary program within the building. Depending on the desired outcome, a percentage of the program is set aside to be added back in at a later time. It is essential that the program is taken out to allow for views to the surrounding mountains

view view

v i e w

The two diagrams above provide an overview of how the design can begin Figure 50: to provide views to the surrounding landscape and begin to embrace the principles of Pungsu-Jiri.

104 The diagram above depicts the second step taken in the design process. Figure 51: Removing the existing roof is critical to allowing for views to the surrounding landscape.

105 e m r a o r g m o r p

The diagram above shows the re-insertion of old and new program back into Figure 52: the space.

The next step takes the program which was removed and new program and inserts it back into the structure. This allows for the program to work with the openings to create a space that would optimize the connection of people to the surrounding mountains, river, and community.

The diagram above also introduces circulation as an important tool in Figure 53: connecting people to the surrounding program and to their exterior.

106 The diagram above depicts a completed iteration of what the space might look Figure 54: like after each of these steps has been completed.

The location of the building would play an essential part in determining the program that would serve as an essential determining factor in deciding which program must be set aside or ultimately removed. The desired program and specific desired connections would also dictate which old program was re- inserted and what new program becomes necessary. On the larger scale, the complex would become a porous linear structure that would allow for views to nature and connect the surrounding community both in the plan but more specifically in section.

107 These two diagrams explain a “scenario” of the most significant spaces in Figure 55: relationship to a person who is a resident within the Seun Sangga. These users are interacting with the space on a daily basis.

108 Figure 56

109 These two diagrams explain a “scenario” of the most significant spaces in Figure 57: relationship to a person who might live in Seoul but does not live within the Seun Sangga, their interactions would occur occasionally.

110 Figure 58

111 These two diagrams explain a “scenario” of the most significant spaces in Figure 59: relationship to a person who is a “tourist” to the city of Seoul and the Seun Sangga. Their interactions are limited to once a month, year, or even lifetime.

112 Figure 60

113 The section above serves as and “ideal” Seun Sangga. Figure 61:

After taking into consideration who is using the space and how the balance between private and public programmatic spaces, there is now the opportunity to establish the final connection to the surrounding landscape. Through this deisng strategy, the Seun Sangga becomes a space where people of all types, ages, needs, and connections to the building interact with various program types, landscapes, and finally people.

114 The floor plan above depicts an inviting ground level, that promotes discovery Figure 62: of what is within the building. The floor plan below depicts the third above level of the building, showing the connection of program to each other, but also the levels below and to the ground level as well.

115 The rendering above is looking up from the ground level of the building, the Figure 63: space now allowing for views and connections to other program types, and all the way up to the upper levels of the building.

116 The rendering above depicts a view from the roof level of the building, Figure 64: allowing for the viewer to see all the way down to the ground level, getting to be a part of or at least see the activity happening in various program below.

117 The perspective above shows what it would be like to be able to inhabit the Figure 65: building from within the center of the building, seeing and interacting with various program at one time. Importantly, also establishing a connection to the landscape of the city, establishing a strong connection to the principles of pungsu-jiri.

118 119 120 Works Cited

121 122 Works Cited

Primary Sources Kim, Sungwoon E. A., et al. Beyond Seun-Sangga - 16 Ideas to Go beyond Big Plans. Edited by Vitnarage Kang and Hyeri Park, Damdi Publishing Company, 2016.

Park, Jinhee, and John Hong. Convergent Flux: Contemporary Architecture and Urbanism in Korea. Birkhäuser Verlag GmbH, 2012.

Park, Sam Y. An Introduction to Korean Architecture. Jungwoo Sa Pub. Co., 1991.

Yoon, Hong-key. The culture of fengshui in Korea: An exploration of East Asian geomancy. Vol. 45. Lexington Books, 2006.

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Girot, Christophe, and Dora Imhof. Thinking the Contemporary Landscape. Princeton Architectural Press, 2017.

Hwang, Kee Yeon. “Restoring Cheonggyecheon stream in the downtown Seoul.” Seoul: Seoul Development Institute 3 (2004).

123 Jackson, Ben. Korean Architecture: Breathing with Nature (Korea Essentials Book 12) . Seoul Selection. Kindle Edition.

Jeh-Hong, Ryu. “Naturalizing landscapes and the politics of hybridity: to Cheonggyecheon.” Korea Journal 44.3 (2004): 8-33. Kenney, Stephen F. Cultural influences on architecture. Diss. Texas Tech University, 1994.

Kim, Brian. “Superficial Seoul: Cultivating the Episodic, Exotic, & Erotic in a Culture of Erasure.” Electronic Thesis or Dissertation. University of Cincinnati, 2016. OhioLINK Electronic Theses and Dissertations Center. 14 Nov 2019.

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Kim, Joonwoo, et Bruno De Meulder. « A modernist utopia taken over by the ordinary. The consecutive lives of the Seun complex in Seoul, South Korea », CLARA, vol. 4, no. 1, 2017, pp. 85-102.

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Koolhaas, Rem. Delirious New York: a Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan. Monacelli Press, 1994.

124 Lam, Sharon. “Here’s What Western Accounts of the Kowloon Walled City Don’t Tell You.” ArchDaily, ArchDaily, 2 Dec. 2016, https://www.archdaily.com/800698/ heres-what-western-accounts-of-the-kowloon-walled-city-dont-tell-you.

Lee, Jae-Young. “Modern Forms of Ordinary Architecture in Seoul’s Jongno District in the 1950-60s and Their Significance.” Korea Journal 57.1 (2017): 90-127. Lee, Peter H., et al., eds. Sources of Korean Tradition: From the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries. Vol. 2. Columbia University Press, 1997.

Rutt, Richard, and Keith Pratt. Korea: A historical and cultural dictionary. Routledge, 2013.

Schmidt, Marieke. “Shaping Seoul: Employing Heritage in the Urban Regeneration Projects Seoullo 7017 and Again Sewoon.” (2018).

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125 Mason, David A. “Pungsu-Jiri 풍수지리 Korea’s System of Geomancy or Feng Shui.” Pungsu-Jiri, Korea’s Geomancy or Feng Shui, http://www.san-shin.net/Pungsu-jiri. html.

Pai, Hyungmin. “Architecture as Perpetual Crisis: the Constantly Evolving Architecture of South Korea.” Architectural Review, 19 Jan. 2018, https://www. architectural-review.com/essays/architecture-as-perpetual-…-the-constantly- evolving-architecture-of-south-korea/10027126.article.

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