Tourism Planning in Sumbawa Preliminary Research Report workroom B Ltd Liability Co. January 2020 Tourism Planning in Sumbawa Preliminary Research Report
I. Major Themes: Summary 3 A. Tailings & Tourism 3 B. Townsite After the Mine 3 C. Building Seismic Code 3 D. Inclusion / Exclusion 3 E. Growth vs Development 3 F. Social Jealousy 3
II. Project Description 4 A. Preliminary Research Introduction 4 B. Project Background 4 C. Tourism Planning 4
III. Site Context: Western Sumbawa 6 A. A Short History of the Batu Hijau Mine 6 B. History 7 C. Geography 8 D. Culture 10 E. Socioeconomics 11 F. Botanical Life 12
IV. Transforming Sumbawa: Territorial Context 2000s-today 15 A. The Mine as an Actor of Transformation 15 B. Employment 16 C. Environment 17
V. Major Themes: Expanded 19 A. Tailings & Tourism 19 B. Townsite After the Mine 21 C. Inclusion / Exclusion 21 D. Growth vs Development 22
VI. Questions 24
References 25
Credits: This report was written by Benjamin Leclair-Paquet, with the exception of the ‘Botanical Life’ section, written by Lahiru S. Wijedasa. All research by workroom B. Commissioned by Amman Mineral.
Los Angeles, 2020
2 I. Major Themes: Summary
A. Tailings & Tourism The tailing pipeline coming from Batu Hijau Mine’s Concentrator follows a path that cuts through an area that the Consultant Team has identified as a Priority Tourism Zone. The presence of this pipeline, irrespectively of the substances it carries, might make Swiss Beach an unlikely location for a beach resort. (see page 19 for more detail)
B. Townsite After the Mine Townsite appears to be a ‘company village’ existing for the sole use of mine employees. Located adjacent to prime tourism development zones, this area will require a comprehensive building re-use strategy to prepare it for its ‘second life’. (see page 21 for more detail)
C. Building Seismic Code Sumbawa is located at the junction of two tectonic plates. The preponderance of seismic activities in the region calls for a particular type of construction and the potential implementation of a seismic code1 that would have a monumental effect on the region’s resilience to natural hazard.2 (see page 9-10 for more detail)
D. Inclusion / Exclusion The Batu Hijau mine introduced a new industry, employment standards, benefit programs and income levels to Sumbawans. Its jobs, much like its installations, are in sharp contrast to those traditionally found in Sumbawa. The introduction of this ‘new world’, so to speak, has engendered feelings of exclusion that should be addressed. (see page 21 for more detail)
E. Growth vs Development “Growth means to get bigger, development means to get better.”3 Tourism planning in locations where basic infrastructures are missing requires both growth and development. Learning from Newmont’s past efforts, AMNT can benefit from deep, grounded historical analysis to avoid replicating the same mistakes. This constitutes in an unparalleled opportunity as the context for AMNT’s CSR work in Sumbawa is practically the same as Newmont’s. (see page 22 for more detail)
F. Social Jealousy The introduction of wealth for part of the population has made the poverty of the other part of the population evermore poignant. Some villagers, for example, “spoke nostalgically about a time when they were all equally poor (sama-sama miskin). (see page 11 for more detail)
1 Seismic codes, also known as earthquake codes, are building codes designed to protect property and life in buildings in case of earthquakes. While they often raise construction costs, they also create buildings that can save lives in earthquakes by absorbing seismic acceleration. 2 Disaster management specialists have demonstrated that ‘natural disaster’ only occur when a ‘natural hazard’ clashes with a built environment unprepared for it. Comparing the effects of the Chilean earthquake of 2010 (8.8 magnitude), the Haiti earthquake of 2010 (7.0 magnitude) and the San Francisco earthquake of 1989 (6.9 magnitude) takes this point home. 3 Jarkko Saarinen, Christian Rogerson, and Michael Hall, ‘Geographies of Tourism Development and Planning’, Tourism Geographies 19, no. 3 (2017): 308.
3 II. Project Description
A. The Preliminary Research Report: Introduction This report was developed as a preparatory document for upcoming fieldwork in southwestern Sumbawa. The primary purpose of this report is to serve as a primer on West Sumbawa and the Batu Hijau mine for anyone invited to work on its development as a tourism destination. Its goals are to (a) summarize desk-based research conducted to familiarize ourselves with the site, (b) develop a shared understanding of the site’s historic, economic, political and socio-spatial conditions; (c) highlight key observations that warrant further investigation; and (d) raise questions that our partners and client might already have answers in order to avoid duplicating work.
The report presents material gathered through a review of existing literature, maps and publicly available documents. The findings are constrained by a number of factors that mostly relate to the lack of scientifically valid literature and an abundance of disinformation campaigns presented as being scientifically researched. Another important limitation pertains to AMNT’s relatively short history in Sumbawa. This has made it particularly difficult to obtain information about their involvement within the community through its extensive Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programs. On the other hand, some important scholarly work has been conducted on AMNT’s predecessor’s efforts in community development. PT Newmont’s (Newmont) record can actually shed some valuable lessons about how local communities have responded to different types CSR programs. With these limitations in mind, the findings presented here should be understood as being preliminary and requiring validation through fieldwork.
B. Project Background This report was conducted as part of a larger project consisting of a tourism development plan in southwestern Sumbawa. The project was initiated by PT Amman Mineral Nusa Tenggara (AMNT) and developed under its CSR division.
AMNT began collaborating with a team of tourism consultants from PT Lombok Saka in 2019 to build out a tourism development plan in Sumbawa. This initiative was put in motion partly to diversify the economy and assure the long-term prosperity of local residents after the end of mining operation in the Western Sumbawa Regency.
In this context, workroom B Ltd. Liability Co. (workroom B) was invited to provide professional urban planning expertise. Our expected roles and contributions remain to be defined.
C. Tourism Planning ‘Tourism planning’ has emerged as a specialization of regional and urban planning.4 Much like urban planning, tourism planning requires a holistic approach that considers the social, political, territorial, economic and cultural aspects of a site. In addition, Tourism Planning must also take into account the goals and aspirations of non-local stakeholders (i.e. potential tourists, investors, etc.), which adds a level of complexity to its activities.
Tourism planning assumes a central stage in the future of the tourism sector. Working alongside tourism marketing experts, planners are developing projective strategies designed to align with the principles of sustainable development. Following best practice, successful tourism planning projects should be capable “of being built and expanded with clear links to grassroots and thus
4 Carlos Costa, ‘An Emerging Tourism Planning Paradigm? A Comparative Analysis Between Town and Tourism Planning’, International Journal of Tourism Research 3, no. 6 (2001): 425. 4 developed without losing their own personality.”5 The related fields of Tourism Planning and Tourism Marketing thereby work conjointly to develop socio-cultural infrastructures destined to support tourism activities and bring tourists in.
Acknowledging that ‘planning is political’, tourism planning projects propose physical transformations that are contextually informed.6 Departing from the rational urban planning movement popular until the 1960s, contemporary urban planning calls for intensive public participation. In this framework, planners act as mediators between all primary stakeholders, ideally turning goals defined by the different parties involved into territorial proposals rather than being the sole decider behind a masterplan’s goals.
The exact role of tourism planners can change with every project, and may include any of the following professional activities:
Research • Secondary research (Desk-Based) • Primary research (Fieldwork) • Visual Analysis • Community Participation Workshops
Action Research • Creating rapid, low-cost interventions and implementing them to assess their effects (how a project evolves, how the community adapts it, etc.) as a means to create new data in a local capacity assessment, and, if possible, affect change through the intervention itself.
Territorial Assessment • Holistic research conducted to develop a baseline understanding of a site (map analysis, map making, socio-cultural analysis, environmental analysis, economic analysis. Desk- based and field research required)
Site Planning • Development proposal for a site that locates and plans for key phases of development (defines what goes where on the territory). Site plans are suitable for privately owned development zones where the regulatory tools of a masterplan are not required.
Masterplanning • Document intended for the long-term development of a site. Like the site plan, the masterplan defines the future layout of a city by showing roads, pathways, public buildings, open spaces and zoning areas. In addition, it also details a set of rules and regulations for the development of each of these elements (i.e. roads, housing, open spaces, public buildings, etc.) in the built environment. Masterplans depart from site plans in two other important ways: they are intended for the long-term development of an area (5-10 years); and they are intended as public documents for both public and private sector projects.7 They do not prescribe what will go where on the territory, but rather indicate what can and cannot be built at particular locations through the development of regulatory tools such as zoning.
5 Costa, 435. 6 Clare Gunns, Tourism Planning: Basics, Concepts, Cases (London: Taylor and Francis, 1994). 7 In contrast, site plans are usually commissioned by a single developer who realizes the entire plan.
5 III. Site Context: Western Sumbawa
A. Short History of the Batu Hijau Mine Mine explorations in southwestern Sumbawa began in 1986, when then President Soeharto granted explorations rights across Lombok and Sumbawa to PT Newmonth Pacific Nusantara. Explorations began the following year across both islands, with field geologists discovering a green creek (indicating the presence of copper) in southwestern Sumbawa’s thick hillside forest in 1990. This early discovery led to multiple drilling explorations the following year, employing an average of 110 lokal-lokal8 workers between 1991-1996.9 This work ultimately led Newmont to identify the current site of the Batu Hijau Mine as an area suitable for a large-scale mining exploration. As tourism planning might lead to the creation of another large-scale development project, it is worth diving deeper into the history of the mine construction project to avoid replicating some of its mistakes. Following multiple years of negotiations with Indonesian governments at the national and provincial levels, Newmont began construction in 1997. Newmont, a Denver-based company, hired the Texas-based company Fluor Daniel (now called, Fluor) to construct the mine in only 3 years. The mine began operating later in late 1999. Following an aggressive construction schedule, Fluor hired between 18,000-20,000 Indonesian workers to construct this open pit copper-gold mine.10
This massive inflow of migrant workers temporarily transformed the character of neighboring villages during construction years. According to American anthropologist Marina Welker, “Maluk village became a key site of construction activity and was dubbed ‘Little Texas’ for its bars, brothels, and Wild West Atmosphere.”11 As quiet rugged villages became bustling hubs for economic activities, some local shops and landowners benefitted from the boom period. Others, however, complained about the speed at which their villages had changed. As one contractor from Taliwang expressed, Newmont “built the mine so fast, we didn’t know anyone anymore.”12
During construction, various public actors began to demand financial support from the mine to counteract the effects of the construction project. The head of one Islamic middle school, for example, suggested for Newmont to provide more religious support “to counteract the morally corrosive effects of the mine.”13 This example is symptomatic of a trend that only gain magnitude throughout Newmont’s tenure of the Batu Hijau mine, where the demands of antagonist stakeholders have often been met through donations that fail to address the root cause of a given problem. More than that, the funding of dissenting parties is likely to accentuate the river between opposing groups.
The presence of Newmont in the region also led to a frenzy of land sales, seizures, expropriations and competing claims, which remains a sensitive topic to this day. Following a local custom in Indonesia, land was previously passed down from generation to generation, with few, if any, legal documents demarcating property lines and ownerships. According to the legal literature, clear
8 This report adopts the Indonesian concept of ‘lokal-lokal’, which may be translated as ‘very local’. In this context, it refers to people or things from districts of Sekongkang and Jereweh. The term ‘lokal,’ on the other hand, refers to people or things from anywhere in the Province of West Nusa Tenggara except Sekongkang and Jereweh. 9 PT NNT (PT Newmonth Nusa Tenggara, ‘Multisector/Integrated Environmental Impact Assessment: Batu Hijau Copper-Gold Project, Jereweh Disrict, Sumbawa Regency, Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia’, Main Report (PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara, 1996). 10 Marina Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 77. 11 Welker, 77. 12 Pak Ramli quoted in, Welker, 76. 13 Welker, 23.
6 administrative guidelines could have limited the number of local conflicts on this matter.14
On a positive note, because of the mine’s hillside location, Newmont did not directly displace people for the construction of the pit.15 This important aspect of the construction project helps explain how a project of this magnitude was able to be built so quickly, and with relatively little resistance.
After over 16 years of operation, ownership of the mine was transferred to the Indonesia-based company, AMNT in 2016.
Figure 1. Timeline of the Batu Hijau Mine
B. History Sumbawa’s history is defined by successive colonial rules that have imbued the island with its current character, one infused by contrasting cultures amid strong Islamic influences. This amalgam of cultural influences partly defines current-day Sumbawa and helps us understand the root causes behind some societal tensions that appear to still exist today.
The region was converted to Islam by 1625 under Makassar. Sea-lords initiated an era of chronic devastation for coastal communities, stripping villagers of animals and crops, and enslaving locals to work the land. This lasted until 1668, when the Makassar Kingdom was put in check by the Dutch (VOC), who have had their eyes on Sumbawa since 1605. The Dutch introduced coffee plantation, particularly on the western slopes of Mont Tambora, which produced high quality beans destined for export until the monumental volcanic eruption of 1815. This, perhaps, marks one of the earliest exploitations of native Sumbawans by non-natives.
The Dutch would intervene again in 1908, leading to a 30-year period of Dutch ‘interest rule’ in the area; an era also corresponding to the modern development of Sumbawa that led up to the Japanese occupation of 1942. According to the Dutch Indologist Gerrit Jan Held, Sumbawans were able to overthrow a weak Dutch administration and invite the Japanese authorities, leading to the internment of Europeans in camps throughout the occupation (Held himself, being encamped).16 After the Japanese Occupation (1942-45), Sumbawa remained as a predominantly agricultural region unaffected by capital development until the late 1980s.
Many non-locals that would make their way to western Sumbawa were embarking on a one-way journey as the island has earned a reputation as a place of exile (tempat buang). According to
14 According to Indah Dugi Cahyono and his team, the Islamic inheritance legal system calls for a distribution of inheritance according to the parental kinship structure, “meaning that each child has the same right individually to obtain inheritance from both parents.” This system also supports a proportion of 2:1 between male and female children inheritance, meaning two parts going to the boys and one part to the girls. Based on local custom, this system should dictate transition of inheritance procedures unless a valid will is in place. This system, however, is not valid for every Sumbawans, as in those who do not follow Islam. See, Indah Cahyono, Sulistyowati Iriyanto, and Muhammad Sood, ‘Settlement of Inheritance Dispute through Non Litigation on Sumbawa Community of West Nusa Tenggara Province’, International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 3 (2019): 374–81. 15 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 75. 16 Hans Hägerdal, Held’s History of Sumbawa: An Annotated Translation (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017), 10.
7 Welker, this has been true of civil servants that have fallen into disfavor or disgrace elsewhere.17 Later, the Batu Hijau mine brought hundreds more to western Sumbawa through direct and indirect hires, while independent prospectors also followed. The arrival of political or economic migrants has warranted the distinction between two broad ethnic groups in Sumbawa, with decedents of the Tribe of Samawa and Mbojo on the one hand, and migrants on the other.
This ethnic divide has partly translated into a cultural divide between lokal-lokal communities seeking sustainable growth strategies and cultural preservation, and external actors drawn primarily to the island for short-term gains and economic exploitation.
C. Geography Our primary focus area is located in southwest Sumbawa, in the West Sumbawa Regency, Nusa Tenggara Province; a region located close to the absolute center of Indonesia. This area, which prior to 2003 was part of the Sumbawa Regency, remains largely undeveloped today despite important territorial transformation projects directetly or indirectly related to mining activities. The area is marked by widely varying terrains, from beaches to highlands, and its location east of the Wallace Line affords it three distinctive flora zones. Sumbawa owes much of its natural beauty to its geographic location, however, the island also lies at the meeting place of two tectonic plates, making Sumbawa vulnerable to earthquakes.
The regency of West Sumbawa was created in 2003 as a result of local pressure demanding better political representation and revenue distribution. When the Batu Hijau mine began operating in 1999, the Jereh District and Sekongkang District belonged to the Sumbawa Regency, with its capital in Sumbawa Besar, some 80 kilometers away from the mine pit.
While 80 kilometers may not appear so far in modern settings, the physical geography in this part of the country heightens the meaning of distance. This volcanic island is characterized by an interior forest that is thick and hilly. Batulanteh, the highest peak in the region at 5,700 ft, stands between the mine and Sumbawa Besar, making the journey between these two locations significantly longer than the 80 kilometers that separates them as the bird flies. Batulanteh, like its infamous and significantly more imposing counterpart Mount Tambora18, shows signs of its volcanic origins (crater walls, trachyte, etc.). Partly because of their remote location, but more importantly because of their proximity to Newmont’s operations, the Regent and his organization in Sumbawa Besar failed to address community concerns and local demands for public services. The Regent, instead, believed it to be the role of Newmont to pay, commission and build roads, schools and sanitary infrastructures in this remote and rugged part of the Regency. As such agreement was never drawn between Newmont and any form of government in Indonesia, the company decided to publicly divulge how much money it paid in forms of taxes and exploitation rights to public authorities as part of their mineral exploitation agreement. The decision initially backfired as it generated “a perception of Newmont as a rich ‘cash cow’,”19 but it also activated local actors who demanded that a fair share of these revenues return to southwest Sumbawa.20 This ultimately led to the creation of a new regency, with Tailiwang selected as the capital, just 23 kilometers from the mine pit.
Figure 2. West Sumbawa Regency Boundaries
17 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 95. 18 Mont Tambora is an active volcano known for its 1815 eruption that led to the “year without a summer” as its impact on the Asian, North American and European weather led to crop failure and one of the worst famines recorded. Mont Tambora is 9,350 ft high in altitude. 19 IIED (International Institute for Environment and Development) and WBCSD (World Business Council for Sustain- able Development), ‘Meeting Report on Corruption Issues in the Mining and Minerals Sector’ (Berlin: IIED & WBCSD, 2002), 4. 20 In 2000, the government roughly US$10.5M in royalties, US$70M in operational taxes and US$6.2M in income taxes levied from employees from Newmont. See, Sumbawa Ekspres, ‘PT. NNT Sector Royalti US$2,5 Juta Libeh’, Sumbawa Ekspres, 1 May 2000.
8 The main features of western Sumbawa’s flora are best summarized according to the 3 chorographic zones of the area:
The woodlands: occupy roughly 1/3 of the island and are home to the natural reservoir of the river system. Most of the vegetation is composed of deciduous trees (those that shed leaves seasonally) and is rich in tropical hardwoods, which played a major economic importance on the island’s small economy prior to the mine.21 Recognizing the national importance of this environment, 1/5 of western Sumbawa was closed as a forest reserve in the 1950s.
The savannah (or parkland): lies between the coast, far into the interior, going from sea level up to 3,900 feet in altitude. It hosts different typologies of vegetations, including hilly uplands, grasslands, low trees, scrubs and bushes. Economically, this area is of critical importance for field rice cultivation on permanently irrigated land.
Cultivated zone: lie entirely within the river basins and corresponds to areas where villages are built. In the 1960s, the main agricultural product was rice, but other agricultural products were also farmed, such as: cotton, sugar, legume, vegetables, and tree crops like coconuts, figs and mangos.
In terms of climate, Western Sumbawa experiences wet and dry seasons. The west monsoon (wet season) takes place from November to May, while the east monsoon (dry season) sets from June to October. A pronounced dry season is normal on this part of the southern hemisphere. Because of its proximity to the equatorial line, there are little changes in daily temperature throughout the year.
While rich in natural beauty, Sumbawa is also vulnerable to its perilous location at the junction of two tectonic plates. Some 339 disasters occurred in the West Nusa Tenggara Province in the ten-year period leading to 2018.22 This includes floods, landslides, tidal waves, tornadoes, droughts, volcanic eruptions, and earthquakes. In 2018 Figure 3. The study area is mostly mountains, alone, three earthquakes caused 380 valleys, and some plains lower down and near the coast. The top figure (a) show slopes and the terrain. The middle figure (b) shows the streams, 21 Peter Goethal, Aspects of Local Government in a Sumbawan Village (Cornell University Press: river and valley systems. The lower image (c) Ithaca, 1961). shows a 1997 composite satellite view. 22 SN Tengkudung, ‘The Impact of Natural Disasters on Economy in Nusa Tenggara Barat’, Jurnal Ekonomi & Studi Pembangunan 20, no. 1 (n.d.): 64.
9 death and 13,000 injuries, for financial lost estimated at 7.45 trillion Rp. The events took place on 29 July, Agust 5 and August 19, respectively reching 6.4, 7.0 and 6.9 on the Richter scale. These events have had immediate and measurable impacts on the tourism industry, with room occupancy rate falling to 28% in August 2018 compared to 40-53% for that same month in the years leading up to the event.23 The preponderance of seismic activities in the region calls for a particular type of construction and the potential implementation of a seismic building code24 that would 25 have a monumental effect on the region’s resilience to natural hazard.
D. Culture Sumbawans are predominantly Muslim.26 Most residents adopt a traditionalist rather than modernist approach to Islam, probably more so than in Indonesia as a whole. The culture is also defined by its agrarian roots and its compassionate approach to community, rather than an interest individual growth. Some of Sumbawa’s particular cultural traits have, however, been transformed with Newmont.
Like countless other places in the Muslim world, the mosque forms a focal point of life in villages near the mine. Beyond being a religious building, the mosque is a community place playing a key role in public life. Its loudspeakers primarily intended for the prayer are also used for various community announcement throughout the day. Residents often feel that it’s important to live in proximity to the mosque, partly because of the desire to clearly hear public announcement played over its loudspeakers.
Sumbawans’ observation of Islamic customs may helps explain the importance of gotong-royong in the local culture; an ethos of selflessness and concern for the common good that translates into ‘mutual assistance.’ Gotong-royong is particularly relevant in the rural sector. A recent study of seaweed farmers from Labuhan Kertasari Village, West Sumbawa Regency, showed how this spirit grounded in a kinship-based social life allows for sustainable farming practices as individuals had no tendency towards competition or excessive accumulation.27 Researchers found that the traditional practices that they observed unknowingly aligned with the principles for the Blue Economy (“the sustainable use of marine resources for economic growth, improvement of livelihoods and jobs while maintaining the preservation of marine ecosystems”, a concept developed by Gunter Pauli in 2010).
This deeply rooted importance of gotong-royong for locals has made the successful implementation of entrepreneurial programs difficult, however. Looking at various community development programs introduced via Newmont’s CSR efforts, the track record shows how toiling for self-growth doesn’t came naturally in this part of Sumbawa. Programs calling for collaboration (i.e. coops), however, have been more successful when developed within adequate administrative support, especially under conditions of non-competition. Where conditions of competition were in effect (i.e. when contracts were being obtained through bidding), new entrepreneurs commonly bid themselves or their coops out of business.
Newmont, because of the economic opportunities it offers to its employees, has also transformed the traditional culture by reinforcing differences between members of different economic classes.
23 Tengkudung, 67. 24 Seismic codes, also known as earthquake codes, are building codes designed to protect property and life in buildings in case of earthquakes. While they raise construction cost, they also perform significantly better in earthquakes by absorbing seismic acceleration. 25 Disaster management specialists have demonstrated that ‘natural disaster’ only occur when a ‘natural hazard’ clashes with a built environment unprepared for it. Comparing the effects of the Chilean earthquake of 2010 (8.8 magnitude), the Haiti earthquake of 2010 (7.0 magnitude) and the San Francisco earthquake of 1989 (6.9 magnitude) takes this point home. 26 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 20. 27 Tri Wahyu Hardaningrum and Budi Edko Soetjipto, ‘The Application of Blue Economy Principle Through Local Wisdom of Seaweed Farmers in Labuhan Kertasari Village,West Sumbawa Regency’, Advances in Economics, Business and Management Research 10, no. 1 (2018): 158.
10 Probably the most coveted employer in the West Sumbawa Regency then, Newmont employees have been able to transition their rural livelihoods into post-industrial, middle-class lifestyles overnight. According to Welker, the mining company created conditions for socioeconomic differentiation that introduced feelings of ‘social jealousy’ that had seldom been experienced before the mine arrived.28 With a staff of roughly 4,000 workers, Newmont created a middle-class who’s jobs, houses and income sharply contrasts mostly anyone working outside the mine.29 As observed elsewhere around the globe, the introduction of wealth for part of the population has made the poverty of the other part of the population evermore poignant. Some villagers, for example, “spoke nostalgically about a time when they were all equally poor (sama-sama miskin).30
E. Socioeconomics Activities related to the Batu Hijau mine are at least partly responsible for the introduction of modern infrastructures to the region, including hospitals, water pipes, schools and better roads. In this sense, even residents self-employed or employed outside the mine have greatly benefitted from the modernization of key infrastructures on their island. As few modern amenities and practically no tertiary economic activities existed prior to 1997 in southwester Sumbawa, the socioeconomic climate was marked by rural poverty and government neglect. According to a 2004 survey co-authored by the UNDP on national poverty in Indonesia, Nusa Tenggara Province (NST) was amongst the poorest in the country, and southwest Sumbawa one of least developed part of that province. Of 30 provinces included as part of the survey, NST ranked 26th on poverty, 29th on gender development and 30th on human development.31 More recent surveys suggested that the situation has since improved. For example, the percentage and total number of people living below the poverty line steadily declined between 2006-10, from 31% to 22%.32
The local culture, one historically related to farming and fishing, prioritizes vocational or informal education given its perceived relevance to the local context.33 Moreover, a survey of 400 Financial Managers working for the Regency of Sumbawa and Western Sumbawa suggests that formal education is not required for government positions. The survey reveals that 66% of employees only held a high school degree and that 3% did not complete high school. Undergraduate degree holders represented only 26% of the survey population. Most (73%) had followed a training created particularly for their job, yet, the majority (60%) of the government workers employed as Financial Managers surveyed admitted to not be really comfortable using computers.34 This is perhaps something important to keep in mind when creating programs intended to be passed over to local stakeholders in government offices.
While most native residents are likely to show little interest in secondary and post-secondary education, some reputable schools operate near the Batu Hijau mine. The Sekolah Bruin Batu (SBB) school in townsite caters primarily (perhaps, exclusively?) to the kids of mine employees
28 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 124. 29 In 2002, the mine employed 3,942 workers, including 28% lokal-lokal, 21% lokal, 3% expat, and 48% from else- where in Indonesia. 30 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 124. 31 BPS (Badan Pusat Statistik), BAPPENAS (Badan Perencanaan Pembungunan Daerah), and UNDP (United Nations Development Program), ‘The Economics of Democracy: Financing Human Development in Indonesia’ (Jakarta: BPS, BAPPE- NAS, UNDP, 2004). 32 Ibrahim et al., ‘Analysis of the Factors Affecting the Poverty in Rural Areas around Gold Mine Areas in West Sum- bawa Regency’, Journal of Degraded and Mining Lands Management 3, no. 3 (2016): 585–94. 33 Nindya Ayu Angghita, Candra Fajri Ananda, and Rachmad Kresna Sakti, ‘Causes of Employment Opportunities and Poverty in the Province of West Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia’, International Journal of Business, Econoimcs and Law 19, no. 5 (2019): 291. 34 Herry Purdiyanto, Endar Pituringsih, and Biana Adha Inapty, ‘Determinants of Village Financial Accountability in Sumbawa and West Sumbawa District’ (International Conference of Jember, Jember, 2017), 291.
11 or contractors. SBB was formed from the merging of two schools that had been created in 1998 and 2000, when mining activities began. It is staffed primarily by Indonesian instructors, and also by Australians and Irish teachers.35 This international high school offers programs recognized in various European countries thanks to their special accreditation. Its teachers might be a valuable source for future language training outside of the high school.
F. Botanical Life The biodiversity of Sumbawa island as a whole is poorly explored. There have been less than 20 botanical expeditions to Sumbawa stretching from 1821 to the present day. More than 18 of these expeditions were prior to Indonesian independence.
Among these older expeditions, only three expeditions have ever been made to West Sumbawa. The first one was in 1931 by Mrs Ilse Maier-Rensch who made botanical collections from Mountains Batu Dulang and Batu Lante.36 She was accompanying her husband who was a zoologist who studied Mollusks for the Zoological Museum at the Berlin University. The second expedition was by A.J.G.J.H. Kostermans along with A. Fedorov of the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1961.37 The third expedition is a recent study aimed at understanding the vegetation of the West Sumbawa was carried out in 2004-05 by Wiriadinata et al.38 The recent expedition compiled all previous work into a single plant checklist (Table 1). This study resulted in 312 species of plants, including some critically endangered species and a new species of Begonia. Study locations are shown in Figure 4.
Table 1. Botanical expeditions to Sumbawa
Location Date Collector
East Sumbawa 20-23 March, 1821 Caspar George Carl Reinwardt East Sumbawa – Mountains: Tam- 1847 Heinrich Zollinger bora 1850 Hoeroe 1854 Soenkar Padjo Gempo Aroehasa East Sumbawa October, 1874 Odoardo Beccari Sumbawa 30 February, 1886 Wenzel Svoboda Sumbawa 1889 Max Wilhelm Carl Weber April, 1899 Anna Antoinetten Weber-Van Bosse
35 B Padmadewi Aqli and W N Suarnajaya, ‘The Practice of English Language TEaching and Learning in Sekolah Buin Batu PT, Newmont Nusa Tenggara, West Sumbawa, NTB Province’, Program Pascasarjana Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha 1, no. 1 (2013): e-journal. 36 See, B Rensch, Die Vogelwelt von Lombok, Sumbawa und Flores (Berlin: MItt. Zool Mus. BerlinRes, 1931). 37 AJGH Kosterman and K Kartawinata, ‘Ex-Plorasi Singkat Ekspedisi Botani Sumbawa’, Berita MIPI 6 (1961): 9–12; AJGH Kostermans, ‘Notes on the Vegetation of W. Sumbawa (Indonesia)’, in FR, ed. AJGH Kostermans (Jakarta: UNESCO, 1965). 38 Harry Wiriadinata et al., ‘Floristic Study of West Sumbawa, Indonesia’, REINWARDTIA 13, no. 5 (2013): 391–404, https://doi.org/10.14203/reinwardtia.v13i5.423.
12 Mountains: Nov, 1888 Otto Warburg Donggo Sambori Bima 1909-10 Johannes Elbert - 16,300 plant specimens East Sumbawa: March, 1906 Alfred Ernst Gunung Tambora October, 1920 Tanjung Pasumba 1929 Victor Emiie van Straelen
1932 Oene Posthumus
24 April, 1938 Otto Jaag
1939 Siebe Bloembergen
28 June, 1941 Leendert van der Pijl
1923-1934 Foresters of the Forest Research Institute - Atang, Daroesman, Panggabean, Soewondo, de Voogd (224 specimens in total) West Sumbawa: 1931 Ilse Maier-Rensch Batu Dulang Batu Lante Oct. 28-Nov. 1, 1933 Cornelis Nicolaas Abraham de Voogd June 7-11, 1936 1961 A.J.G.J.H. Kostermans
West Sumbawa: 2004-2005 H. Wiriadinata, D. Girimansyah, J.M. Hunter, W. S. Hoover, K. Batu Pasak Kartawinata Batu Linting – Batu Lante Batu Dulang Puncak Ngengas
While poorly explored, the vegetation types of Sumbawa have been proposed based on soils and climate with a particular focus on silviculture.39 As Sumbawa lies east of Wallace’s line, it has a characteristicly dry season and unique biodiversity.
The study area is a mosaic of natural vegetation of different forest types and agriculture areas. The forest types are most likely monsoon evergreen forest, montane forest, riparian forest and coastal forest. The coastline includes sandy beaches, rocky shores and offshore islands with mangroves. The agriculture areas appear to be dominated by rice farmers and potentially agroforestry. The mountains
39 E Meijer-Drees, ‘Distribution, Ecology and Silvicultural Possibilities of the Trees and Shrubs from the Savanna-Forest Region in Eastern Sumbawa and Timor (Lesser Sunda Islands)’, Communication of the Forest Research Institute, Bogor 33 (1951); T.C. Whitmore, Tropical Rain Forests of the Far East (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984).
13 with elevations of over 1,500-2000m host unique montane flora.
One unique aspect of West Sumbawa is that there are natural ecosystems from the sea all the way to the top of mountains. This unique type of connection is lost in most islands in Indonesia and in the world. This system exist through a diverse series of mountains and interconnected valleys with different forest types merging into each other.
Figure 4. Locations of the floristic studies of Girimansyah et al. (2013).
14 IV. Transforming Sumbawa: Territorial Context 2000s-today
A. The Mine as an Actor of Transformation Newmont has been the most important actor of transformation in the region in the last 20 years. Its effect has been felt first through the development of its mining operation, but also as an important benefactor to the West Sumbawa Regency and local community groups. These efforts in community development have engendered direct spending leading to important territorial development.
Before selling its operation to AMNT, Newmont played different roles in the region. It was involved in a number of activities, such as: • Employing workers • Building mosques • Building schools • Building clinics • Expelling waste • Supporting various community and religious groups • Repairing infrastructure • Supporting agro production • Creating training programs • Creating coops • Creating Local Business Initiatives • Etc.
The omnipresence of Newmont in facets of life unrelated to its mining operating have blurred the line between its primary role as a cooperation, and its secondary role fulfilling public sector duties. For many community members, Newmont was in fact the only reliable provider of public infrastructures in the region, earning the company’s head of Community Development more respect from locals than their official Regent.40
Other parts of the territory have been transformed solely for the use of Newmont employees. Townsite, for example, appears to be completely detached and independent from its surrounding communities, operating almost as a sovereign space. Newmont has developed many systems for its exclusive use, such as: • Power plant • Sewage systems • Garbage dump site • Roads • Port • Docks • Fire station • Health clinic • Mess halls • International school • Housing units • Etc.
Newmont also built a private landing strip, which it has since transferred to the West Sumbawa Regency (nothing apperas to have been done with it since). Following employee pressures in 2003, the company began giving workers larger allowances for “living off-site rather than in company housing, encouraging them to live, eat, and spend their rupiahs in local villages.”41 While
40 This passage citing an Islamic teacher (ustadz) cited in Welker, p. 68, is telling: “They see the health post [po- syandu]. Who built that? Newmont. They look at the drains on this side of the road. Who built that? Newmont. They look at the school Who built that? Newmont. “Well then, where’s our government? they ask. So Pak Compel is our regent whom we respect.” 41 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 121.
15 this may not have been a sustainable intervention given the mining operation’s limited lifespan, it at least broke down some spatial-temporal divide between life inside Newmont and village life.
These public expenditures by a corporation point toward a potentially larger problem about the nature of a private company’s role fulfilling public services.To be sure, the presence of Newmont has rationalized the inaction of public servants, who counted on Newmont for closing the gap. This was largely caused by the lack of preparedness of Community Development program managers at Newmont. Surveying the work carried-out between 2000-05 through Newmont’s Community Development program, one program director stood out for embracing a strategy aligning with the ‘sustainable development’42 approach. Others, in contrast, worked according to the outdated ‘provider’ or ‘patronage’ model, with little long-term success.
Ibu Comdev, the nickname given to the woman who headed Newmont’s Community Development program from 2001-03, increased the effectiveness of the company’s CSR efforts while lowering capital expenditures. Abu Condev’s predecessor embraced a model where Newmont would build infrastructures that the government would operate and maintain. While Newmont met its part of the bargain, she observed that nor the Regent or the aparat desa (the village governing apparatus) could be taken to their word. She thus introduced a process for major expenditure where the public sector would need to have skin in the game from the very beginning. For a potable water project in Sekongkang build by Newmont, she requested that the office of the Regency provide all the pipes. This shift served the dual purpose of reducing demands for infrastructures that the public sector could not maintain, while assuring the viability of any given project as Newmont remained involved in part of their operation.
Budgets for Newmont’s Community Development Programs:
• 2000, US$6.1M (patronage model) • 2002, US$2.4M (sustainable development model) • 2003, US$3.0M (sustainable development model) • 2004, US$4.1M (hybrid model, part patronage, part sustainable development) • 2005, US$5.2M (hybrid model, mostly patronage, part sustainable development) • 2006, US$5.6M (hybrid model, mostly patronage, part sustainable development) • 2008, US$6.8M (hybrid model, mostly patronage, part sustainable development)
B. Employment AMNT employs more people than any other organization in the Regency. While our research team was unable to find data related to its current practices, information on its predecessor, Newmont, show that:
• It directly employed just under 4,000 workers in 2002;
• There was a sort of ethnoracial hierarchy in the company, with lokal-lokal employees generally occupying the lowest roles, followed by lokals, followed by Javanese and with expats occupying the highest roles in the company; jobs at Newmont were extremely sought out.
• In 2002, the second largest employer in the Regency was the catering company contracted by the mine, PT Prasmanido Boga Utama. It employed 619 people to staff Batu Hijau’s mess halls and commissary.43 Roughly one-third were women. Around 21% of their supplies were sourced lokal-lokally, with another 18% coming from Mataram and all the rice (around 55,000 kg per month) coming from NTB.
42 This approach is sometimes referred to as the ‘empowerment’ model, or the ‘enabling’ approach (particularly in Europe). 43 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 99.
16 This suggests two important things. First, that an important share of the population has some training in the food industry. Second, that many farmers will have to export their crops if many of the mine’s 4,000+ employees leave Sumbawa when mining operations stop.
C. Environment Large-scale mining operation have generally had a bad reputation in terms of their environmental impact. For the Batu Hijau mine, criticism has largely pertained to the effect of the mine on water quality despite state-of-the-art investment into water filtration systems and extractive practices.
Batu Hijau uses expansive and cleaner extraction methods that do not require mercury. Its tailings, which will be discussed in more details in the next section, are some of the cleanest in the industry. Yet, environmental groups have repeatedly lobbied against the toxicity of the mine’s tailing.44 While the presence of such a large-scale operation is evidently likely to affect environmental matters, from water sources to botanical and animal life, artisanal mining has been largely ignored by activists despite gruesome environmental record.
Artisanal, small-scale gold mining refers to informal mining practices undertaken by independent prospectors. In Sumbawa, this trade is mainly practiced by domestic migrants coming from other villages in Sumbawa (43%), Lombok (47%) and beyond (10%). The most commonly used method of extractions uses mercury as this method is the most cost-effective end the easiest one to master. As a result, artisanal mining activities affects the health of many individuals directly or indirectly exposed to toxic mercury levels. Because miners tend to live close to their sites of extraction, they also tend to poison their water and food sources through mercury use. A study of 150 individuals directly or indirectly related to this trade has shown very high level of mercury in the hair of exposed group. Most respondents showed signs of mercury poisoning.45
Table 2. Mercury Concentration in Hair Samples by Subgroup. Redrawn from Krisnayanti et al. (2016)
Median mg cceptable Subgroup Si e Max mg g Min mg g g e el mg g
Exposed 90 94 0.56 6.5
Indirectly Exposed 30 6.0 0.19 0.90 1.0
on Exposed 30 1.6 0.05 0.45
In a separate study, a team of Indonesian researchers evaluated the water quality at various sites across the Regency concluded that concentration of heavy metal cadmium exceeds recommended guidelines at two sites along the Sejorong River.46 The results significantly exceeded guidelines at one site in Sejorong where dead biota was found around the river bed (including fish, shrimp and crabs). Looking at extraction methods and substances used in Batu Hijau more broadly, it is unlikely that water contamination was only caused by the mine. A more plausible theory
44 For example, see the New Monster illustrated book produced by the now defunct Berkely-based organization, ‘Project Underground.’ For Welker, New Monster was, “a story that incorporates a set of standard leftist assumptions about how U.S. mining corporations operate abroad.” (160). 45 Baiq Dewi Krisnayanti et al., ‘Analysis of Artisanal Small-Scale Gold Mining Sector in West Sumbawa Regency, In- donesia’, Journal of Health & Pollution 6, no. 12 (2016): 26–33.Indonesia has resulted in an increase in small-scale gold mining\ nactivity in this area. Artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM 46 N. N. Dewi et al., ‘Analysis of Water Quality on Several Waters Affected by Contamination in West Sumbawa Regency’, IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 137 (2018): 012086, https://doi.org/10.1088/1755- 1315/137/1/012086.
17 suggests that the use of mercury and other industrial waste to have played an important role in these results.
In 2015, the Central Bureau of Statistics for the West Sumbawa Regency identified 625 industries operating in the region in “textile, paper chemical, petroleum, coal, plastics, metal goods, machinery, food, tobacco and other processing industries.” Many of these industries rely on coarse equipment and techniques; most dispose of their waste unsafely.
While activists and environmental NGOs have been quick to blame mining operations at Batu Hijau for any degradation of the natural environment in West Sumbawa, a closer analysis suggests that many more actors are at play. As the largest and most visible company in the region, AMNT bears the burden of preserving Sumbawa’s environment. These observations suggest that it may be in the company’s best interest to address the pollution created by surrounding industries in order to, (1) preserve its reputation as an industry leader in clean mining,47 and (2) educate local stakeholders on different ways to lower their environmental footprint.
Increases in illegal logging timber and smuggling are also playing a role in the degradation of the environment. Despite these practices, remote sensing imageries suggest for the fauna in western Sumbawa to still be healthy.
These images show that the west coast of the island was already under agriculture in 1987. We also see that the central forest and southern coastline has been left mostly alone between 1987- 2016.
Figure 5. Time series of vegetation change from 1987 till 2016. Most of the mountainous areas and areas to the south have not been deforested or changed since 1987, suggesting that they are in pristine condition
47 As we have learnt from Newmont’s experience, large-scale mining operations are under extreme scrutiny by actors determined to attack these company’s reputations and environmental impacts, irrespectively of facts. Accordingly, it may be in these company’s best interest to redefine best-practice as not only the use of state-of-the-art technologies in their own opera- tion, but also by encouraging informal actors to lower their environment footprint.
18 V. Major Themes: Expanded
A. Tailings & Tourism
The tailing pipeline coming from Batu Hijau mine’s concentrator follows a path that cuts through an area that the Consultant Team has identified as a Priority Tourism Zone. The presence of this pipeline, irrespectively of the substances it carries, might make Swiss Beach an unlikely location for a beach resort. Notwithstanding the cleanliness of the tailings, the mere presence of any sort of pipeline into the sea can be disturbing for beach users. Irrespectively of its content, a pipeline goes against the idea of a Sumbawa as an island of stunning, untouched beauty. This is not to say that the area surrounding the pipeline could not serve a valuable purpose in a tourism development plan, but rather that it would be more suitable for uses like a landing pier than leisurely beach activities.
Figure 6. Newmont Environment Department officials encourage NGO visitors to taste tailings. Photo by Maria Welker, c. 2002.
19 Figure 7. Tailing Pipeline seen from satellite imagery. Source: Google Earth B. Townsite After the Mine
Townsite appears to be a ‘company village’ existing for the sole use of mine employees. Located adjacent to prime tourism development zones, this area requires a comprehensive building re-use strategy to prepare it for its ‘second life’. Based on the limited literature available on Townsite, this village appears to have been built exclusively for the use of mine employees. Its form (a village, as opposed to a mine pit), makes it a prime candidate for the development of a sustainable building re-use strategy.
We propose that AMNT begins working on this strategy as soon as possible. Ideally, the town should begin transforming much before Townsite falls into disuse upon the termination of mining activities in Batu Hijau.
C. Inclusion / Exclusion
The Batu Hijau mine introduced a new industry, employment standards, benefit programs and income levels to Sumbawans. Its jobs, much like its installations, are in sharp contrast to those traditionally found in Sumbawa. The introduction of this ‘new world’, so to speak, has engendered feelings of exclusion that could realistically be addressed. We know from decades of social scientific research that feelings of exclusion can lead to social and cultural tensions. While AMNT may not be able to hire everyone interested to work at the mine, certain practice could help melting the line between those inside and outside of their operation. This may be especially relevant in Sumbawa where thorny feelings of ‘social jealousy’ have been documented48 and where gotong-royong has historically defined the spirit of the island’s friendly community; a valuable cultural trait for a tourism destination that should be protected. Starting from within the mine, strategies aimed at eliminating the visible differences between staff and non-staff workers are likely to be beneficial for the well-being of non-staff workers. Under Newmont, staff and non-staff workers had their meals in different mess halls. Ethnographic work conducted by Marina Welker in 2001-03 shows that many non-staff workers found it demeaning to eat in separated spaces. As she explains, “One driver told me he always opted for the boxed lunch, even though it was not as good as a mess hall meal, because he hated to be seen walking into or out of the mess hall reserved for ‘nonstaff’.”49 This example shows how, for a small price, the company could illuminate unnecessary signifiers of socioeconomic difference (if the separate mess halls model is still in effect under AMNT).
Outside the mine, village residents working at the mine have flocked away from the traditional Sumbawan elevated house (rumah panggung) largely constructed of wood and bamboo, and towards modern looking brick-and-concrete houses (rumah batu). While signaling one’s success through a home is common everywhere, the distinctive typologies of rumah batu is contextually problematic. Construction techniques used for these dwellings are likely to be unsafe for seismic hazards, which are common in Sumbawa. The aesthetics of these dwellings borrows little, if anything from Indonesia’s rich architectural heritage. While the role of AMNT in constructing houses for workers in villages is unknown (we assume that the mine is not involved), introducing blueprints and other strategies intended to promote alternative housing typologies for middle- class Sumbawan could create safer and less alienating homes. This could also serve in promoting Sumbawa’s cultural heritage and Indonesia’s superb vernacular architecture by making use of locally available materials and the country’s unique building techniques.
48 For more on this, refer to the discussion in the ‘Culture’ sub-section of this report. 49 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 81.
21 Figure 8. Luxurious looking rumah batu of a village resident employed at the Batu Hijau Mine. Photo by Marina Welker, c. 2003.
D. Growth vs Development
“Growth means to get bigger, development means to get better.”50 Tourism planning in locations where basic infrastructures are missing requires both growth and development. Learning from Newmont’s past efforts, AMNT can benefit from deep, grounded historical analysis to avoid replicating the same mistakes and assuring a type of growth that does not interfere with the island’s development. This constitutes in an unparalleled opportunity as the context for AMNT’s CSR work in Sumbawa is practically the same as Newmont’s was. Newmont did ‘growth’ better than it did ‘development’. Its Community Development work vacillated between two approaches: the patronage model and the sustainable development model. Speaking in broad terms, Newmont used the patronage models (providing ‘things’ outright) primarily to answer to public pressures and demands. In that process, it provided infrastructures that local governments could or would not always maintain; it donated to organizations whose agenda might deepen the gap between the mine and surrounding communities; and it developed local business programs that were often unsustainable as their sole client was generally the mine (i.e. an ephemeral stakeholder with a pre-set and definitive lifespan).
In contrast, Newmont also tried its hand at sustainable development programs, with mitigated success. Realizing that community members were generally more interested in coop work than entrepreneurial programs, Newmont funded different start-up coops in Sumbawa. Most of the programs targeted the needs of the Batu Hijau mine, providing items such as uniforms, food products, etc. for its employees. While it became apparent that community members were ill- equipped to run such complex operations, Newmont failed to intervene and provide necessary expertise. In many cases, members behaved as employees entitled to wages from Newmont, operating their coop at major losses but receiving an income nonetheless.51 Moreover, loans for coops and small businesses were often interpreted as gifts and never repaid given. The depth of the safety net provided by Newmont made it difficult for these company-sponsored businesses to ever become solvent even with an operation as large as the Batu Hijau mine as their client.
50 Saarinen, Rogerson, and Hall, ‘Geographies of Tourism Development and Planning’, 308. 51 Welker, Enacting the Corporation: An American Mining Firm in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia, 115.
22 Another reason for the lack of interest and investment in maintaining infrastructures provided by Newmont relates to the top down modes of delivery. According to Salam and his team, Newmont often determined what to build rather than listening, or at least including local communities in the process.52 We know from over fifty years of research in the field of Development Planning that this approach lowers sense of ownerships, which in turns lowers people’s inclination to take care, maintain and even use what has been provided by an external agency. According to the same research team, infrastructure development projects by Newmont were selected based on the interest of local governments rather than community interests.
The arrival of AMNT in Sumbawa marks a significant shift in Community Development, not only because the newcomer is an Indonesian company, but also because of its privileging of empowerment strategies over Newmont’s ‘charity approach’.53 With the formation of its ‘Business Unit Development Strategy’ program in 2017, AMNT’s efforts are meant to lower local dependence on the mining company, instead aligning with the sustainable development model.54
Another important program introduced by AMNT relates to the tourism industry. “The design developed by PT AMNT is to involve tourism and hospitality industry players to provide technical assistance for local tourism industry actors. Through technical assistance it is expected that local entrepreneurs not only gain knowledge about tourism business but also can develop market access and also tourism network in world level.”55 For this project to align with the principles of sustainable development and growth, the types of tourism projects coming to the island should be decided alongside community members. This is likely to require deep information campaigns aimed at informing locals on the different types of possible developments, their pros and cons, and their anticipated effects on local livelihood. Failing to include communities in this process would make successful tourism planning difficult. Because of the limited capacities existing locally, this process may require a full local capacity assessment and the development of a heavily phased out tourism plan to assure a growth rate that can be handled locally.
As a number of antagonist groups manifested their disapproval of Newmont when it first arrived in Sumbawa, we may assume that the same could happen again if another major development project were to take place without prior community approval. Some of these groups have relied on violent demonstrations to get their point across.56
52 Syahrul Salam, Shanti Darmastuti, and Nurmasari Situmeang, ‘Community Empowerment Program in Local Com- munity During Transition Phase from Multinational Company to National Company’, Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 2, no. 3 (2017): 20. 53 Salam, Darmastuti, and Situmeang, 21. 54 So far, the Business Unit has developed known programs in the palm sugar an honey industries. Sumbawa is known as a center of national honey production, and the Business Unit is meant to better prepare the island’s honey industry compete with Thailand through the development of better processing capacities. 55 Salam, Darmastuti, and Situmeang, ‘Community Empowerment Program in Local Community During Transition Phase from Multinational Company to National Company’, 22. 56 In Sumbawa, antagonist groups have included Amphibi, active in the late 1990s. This Islamic Civilian militia has been accused of violence against Hindu Balinese. They are primarily active in Lombok, with some outpost in Sumbawa. There has also been active anti-Christian groups active in the early 2000s. These groups were mostly concerned about the mine being a pretext to bring Christians to Sumbawa to convert Muslims. Such groups have been responsible for tacks by stoning in known Christian locations in Maluk, 2001. Church burning has also taken place in both Lombok and NW Sumbawa. Lastly, there were a number of anti-imperialist groups responsible for bombing Newmont’s Mataram office in 2000, two night clubs in Bali 2002 killing 200+ civilians, the Marriot Hotel in Jakarta in 2003, the Australian embassy in 2004, and more tourism sites in Bali again in 2005.
23 VI. Questions
1. Some reports indicate that a lot of the trash found on the beaches of Western Sumbawa originates from neighboring villages, where trash collection is not a public service offered. Is this still the case? If so, implementing at weekly trash collection services would be paramount.
2. Regions usually have what we call a ‘Regional Plan’, a ‘Regional Planning Scheme’, or a ‘Metropolitan Region Scheme’. These territorial planning documents help achieve cohesive regional planning and locate regional installations (i.e. garbage disposal sites, water reservoirs, museums, ports, airports, etc.). Do we know if such a document exists for the West Sumbawa Regency?
3. Do the different villages around the Batu Hijau mine have town planning documents (i.e. masterplans)? Do we know if there are any zoning regulations currently in place?
4. RIPPARDA 2013-28 (Provincial Tourism Masterplan) identifies Maluk as a tourism zone to develop. Is there a reason why this area was not selected for the first phase of tourism development? What are the rationales behind the current site selections? Was anyone with territorial planning expertise involved in the site selection process?
5. Some literature differentiates between ‘government roads’ and ‘Newmont roads.’ Are there maps that identify which roads is which? Are ‘Newmont roads’ reserved for company use or are they accessible to anyone?
6. Newmont conducted an Environmental Impact Assessment in 1996. Is this document available? Did AMNT conduct another assessment when it took possession of the mine in 2016?
7. Newmont commissioned a Social Impact Assessment in 2010. Is this document available?
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26 workroomb.com [email protected] +1 323 209 5506