DOCSLIB.ORG

State Response to the Hiv/Aids Epidemic in Russia: Institutional Factors

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
State Response to the Hiv/Aids Epidemic in Russia: Institutional Factors STATE RESPONSE TO THE HIV/AIDS EPIDEMIC IN RUSSIA: INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Elena Sokolova May 2016 Examining Committee Members: Hillel Soifer, Department of Political Science Sandra L. Suarez, Department of Political Science Richard Deeg, Department of Political Science Jennifer K. Ibrahim, College of Public Health © Copyright 2016 by Elena Sokolova All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT In the second half of the twentieth century, political scientists observed a remarkable increase in policy convergence across disparate issue areas. The literature on policy diffusion suggests that countries are likely to converge around internationally accepted norms of behavior. These include, for example, public health policies designed to deal with epidemics such as polio, tuberculosis, SARS, and HIV/AIDS. Most countries treat these epidemics in similar and in some cases almost identical ways. States where epidemics emerge relatively late are at an extraordinary advantage. They not only have the expertise of a number of international organizations and their technical assistance at their disposal, but also the experience of other states. Once successful policies to address such epidemics are identified, many states choose to adopt these approaches. However, when it comes to the prevention of HIV/AIDS, Russia’s policy is an outlier. While the Russian Federation is facing the fastest growing HIV/AIDS epidemic in Eastern Europe, it remains one of the few states that refuses to implement key interventions. The goal of this dissertation is to examine why this is the case. I investigate the role of domestic factors in shaping HIV/AIDS policies in Russia. Existing literature suggests that the political regime, the development of civil society, and patterns of federalism are some of the factors that might explain variation in state responses to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. In contrast, I demonstrate that path-dependent factors, such as the influence of the medical epistemic community and the politics of morality, account for the absence of HIV/AIDS policy diffusion in Russia. I argue that in the Russian Federation, HIV/AIDS prevention policies are undermined due to lack of state will and centralized authority. Therefore, individual agencies conduct interventions without a specific mandate to prioritize a iii response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. These agencies design and implement interventions in accordance with their established priorities, norms, and practices, which are strongly path-dependent. In particular, I show that institutionalized influence of the domestic medical epistemic community and the politics of morality on policy-making processes prevent the adoption of best practices in Russia’s response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am indebted to my friends, teachers, mentors, and family for helping me succeed in graduate school and finish this dissertation. I am grateful to my colleagues who accompanied me through the ups and downs of graduate school life. I am also grateful to those who inspired me to pursue this path in the first places and who believed that I would succeed in my endeavors. My dissertation advisors, Hillel Soifer and Sandra Suarez, guided me through this dissertation project from its very beginning. Hillel Soifer was always willing to discuss potential ideas for the project, provide detailed feedback on all of my drafts, and help with the methodological aspects of the dissertation. He spent many additional hours during a directed reading seminar discussing ideas in comparative politics. He helped me to break this big project into manageable parts and locate new ideas in times when it felt like new ideas or motivation would never come. Hillel also helped me to develop greater discipline in the process of writing by persuading me to set and comply with self-imposed deadlines. I am grateful to Hillel for his patience, support, encouragement, and guidance. Sandra Suarez provided support for the project, encouraged me to pursue fieldwork in Russia, brainstormed ideas with me, helped me to think about the broader theoretical framework and, most importantly, helped to see a bigger picture beyond this dissertation. Her enthusiasm about my project and my development as a scholar has been of a great support while writing this dissertation. Beyond that, Sandra Suarez helped me to improve my teaching and showed me how to construct beautiful sentences in academic writing. I am also very grateful for the useful suggestions from my other committee members, Richard Deeg and Jennifer Ibrahim. I thank Richard Deeg for chairing my v defense and for being a third reader for this dissertation. I am grateful for his questions and comments that helped me think about how to advance this research further. Jennifer Ibrahim, an external examiner of my dissertation committee, gave me insightful feedback and helped me to think about the public health aspects of my dissertation more rigorously. I thank other professors with whom I worked at Temple University and who were helpful in developing ideas towards this dissertation and building research and writing skills: Mark Pollack, Orfeo Fioretos, Sean Yum, Meghan Mullin, Ryan Vander Weilen, Kevin Arceneaux, Heath Fogg Davis, Michael Hagen, Robin Kolodny, Gary Mucciaroni, and John Masker. I especially thank Roselyn Hsueh for being an excellent mentor, discussing research ideas with me, showing me how to conduct interviews, sharing with me how to overcome challenges that women face in academia, and for being supportive of my pursuits. Ariadna Alexandrovna Petrova, my undergraduate advisor at St. Petersburg State University, has been an unwavering supporter of my academic pursuits and encouraged me to follow the academic path further. I am grateful for her friendship and encouragement. I am also grateful to have a group of supportive colleagues who made this path a worth-while endeavor. I thank them for their friendship, help, support, and also for discussing ideas, reading drafts, providing feedback, and simply sharing this path. I especially want to thank my theory colleagues, whose ways of teaching, doing research, building human connections, and thinking about justice have been inspirational to me. I am grateful for Alex Melonas, Desiree Melonas, Susan Alunan, Brett Miller, Erin Maher, vi Brinn Cassidy West, and Ashish Vaidya. I also thank Gorana Draguljich, Justin Murphy, Arnold Kim, Heather Bosak, Stefanie Kasparek, Meghan Rubado, John Hebert, Amanda Milena Alvarez, Aja Binette, Arnold Kim, Nick Anspach, Pat Amberg-Blyskal, Everett Vieira, Theresa Cotter, Lauren Farmer, Daniel Scherer, Caroline Tynan, Michael McCarthy, Josh Leon, Krystina Litton, and Merim Baitimbetova. I thank the Political Science department for supporting conference travel and providing me the opportunity to further expand my research skills at the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research. I also thank the department and Graduate School for grants that helped me to have uninterrupted time to work on the dissertation manuscript. The Open Society Foundation provided funding to conduct interviews in Russia, which were crucial to the success of this project. I am grateful for the opportunity, provided by the Open Society, to participate in a conference in New York, where I had an opportunity to present my research and connect with other scholars from Eastern Europe and former Soviet States. I thank Vladimir Zolotov for helping with the logistics of my fieldwork in Moscow. I thank the People’s Friendship University of Russia, which provided me with accommodations during my stay in Moscow. My writing greatly improved with the help of tutors at Temple University’s Writing Center. Leslie Allison and Lorraine Savage do an excellent job of making the Writing Center a valuable resource for graduate students and the friendliest place on campus. I thank writing center tutors, Mark Emerick and Deirdre Kellher, for readings drafts of all chapters in this dissertation, for patiently helping me to formulate my ideas, vii and for introducing me to the intricacies of writing in English. I received other invaluable support in writing from Anne Louise Antonoff and Louis O’Neill, who read drafts of my applications and papers. I would also like to thank Ariel Weiss, my Alexander Technique teacher, who made sure that I do all my writing with a proper posture. I also thank Talya Escogido for teaching me wisdom and for her advice, insights, and support. It was only with the love and support of my friends and family that I was able to pursue graduate school and finish this dissertation. They helped me stay focused and cheered me up on the gloomy days—for that reason I believe it takes a village to write a dissertation. I will never be able to adequately return their kindness. I thank Omur Arslan, my greatest champion, for sharing experiences in Philadelphia, reading everything that I write, and being my most supportive friend and partner. I thank Lyuda Dunayeva for being my friend for as long as I can remember, with whom I can confide in pretty much anything. I also am grateful to have met friends in Philadelphia who shared with me many adventures and with whom many memories were created—Arjun Bhgavata, Kseniya Gorbenko, Kevin Gruenfeld, Igor’ Safonov, Andrew Wrigley, Sundeep Kaur, Maria Kozitska, and Suzan Tandojo. I thank Alfonso for his wonderful spirit. My wise friend and mentor Gabor Solano has always been a support and inspiration. My friends in Russia patiently waited for me to finish the dissertation, occasionally visited me in the US, made me feel as if I have never left during my short visits home, and believed that graduate school is a worthwhile endeavor. I am very grateful to have in my life Natasha Somova, Veronika Somova, Andrey Krylov, Lesha Evstafiyev, Dima Matrenko, Lena Petiforova, Nadya Vasilyeva, Alyona Sukhanovskaya, viii Anya Serova, Anton Lyutynskiy, Olya Vorobyeva, Lena Leshko, Lesha Bratakhin, and Artyem Zhirnov.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The New Cold War: Russia's Ban on Adoptions by U.S. Citizens
    \\jciprod01\productn\M\MAT\28-1\MAT110.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-OCT-15 15:11 Vol. 28, 2015 Russia’s Ban on Adoptions by U.S. Citizens 51 The New Cold War: Russia’s Ban on Adoptions by U.S. Citizens by Cynthia Hawkins DeBose* and Ekaterina DeAngelo** Table of Contents I. Introduction ....................................... 52 R II. Historical Background of American and Russian Intercountry Adoption ............................. 54 R A. Development of Intercountry Adoption in the United States .................................. 54 R B. Development of Intercountry Adoption Between Russia and the United States ........ 56 R III. Russian Intercountry Adoption Laws .............. 58 R A. Laws Governing Intercountry Adoptions in Russia ......................................... 58 R B. Recent Changes to the Laws Governing American Adoptions of Russian Orphans ..... 61 R 1. The United States–Russia Adoption Agreement................................. 61 R 2. The Russian Law Banning American Adoptions and Controversy over the Ban . 63 R a. The American Adoption Ban and Its Effect on Intercountry Adoption of Russian Orphans ...................... 63 R b. Arguments in Support of and in Opposition to the American Adoption Ban in Russia .......................... 65 R * Professor of Law, Stetson University College of Law (SUCOL). B.A. Wellesley College; J.D. Harvard Law School. Thank you to Alicia Tarrant (SUCOL, 2016) for her invaluable research assistance and Roman Faizorin (SUCOL, 2018) for his Russian to English translation of Russian source materi- als. This project was supported by a SUCOL Faculty Research Grant. ** Assistant Attorney General of Texas, Environmental Protection Divi- sion. Ufa Law Institute of the Interior Ministry of Russian Federation, 2007; J.D. Stetson University College of Law, 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • A HRC 27 2 AUV Final For
    A/HRC/27/2 Advance unedited version Distr.: General 22 December 2014 Original: English Human Rights Council Twenty-seventh session Agenda item 1 Organizational and procedural matters Report of the Human Rights Council on its twenty-seventh session Vice-President and Rapporteur: Ms. Kateřina Sequensová (Czech Republic) GE.14- A/HRC/27/2 Contents Chapter Paragraphs Page Part One: Resolutions, decisions and President’s statements adopted by the Human Rights Council at its twenty-seventh session ............................................................................................... 4 I. Resolutions ....................................................................................................................................... 4 II. Decisions .......................................................................................................................................... 5 III. President’s statements ...................................................................................................................... 6 Part Two: Summary of proceedings ........................................................................................ 1–1032 7 I. Organizational and procedural matters .................................................................... 1–37 7 A. Opening and duration of the session ............................................................... 1–3 7 B. Attendance ...................................................................................................... 4 7 C. Agenda and programme of work
    [Show full text]
  • Afghan Narcotrafficking: a Joint Threat Assessment
    POLICY REPORT 2013—1 Copyright © 2013 EastWest Institute ISBN: 978-0-9856824-1-5 On the cover: A scarecrow stands tall in a poppy field in northern Afghanistan. Photos: Reporters.be/AP The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the EastWest Institute, its board of directors or its staff. The EastWest Institute is an international, non-partisan, not-for-profit policy organization focused on confronting critical challenges that endanger peace. EWI was established in 1980 as a catalyst to build trust, develop leadership, and promote collaboration for positive change. The institute has offices in New York, Brussels, Moscow and Washington. For more information about the EastWest Institute or this paper, please contact: The EastWest Institute 11 East 26th Street, 20th Floor New York, NY 10010 U.S.A. 1-212-824-4100 [email protected] www.ewi.info AFGHAN NARCOTRAFFICKING A JOINT THREAT ASSESSMENT JOINT U.S. - RUSSIA WORKING GROUP ON AFGHAN NARCOTRAFFICKING APRIL 2013 PRINCIPAL AUTHOR: Ekaterina Stepanova EDITOR: Jacqueline McLaren Miller CONTRIBUTORS: Ilnur Batyrshin, Head of the Scientific Research Center, Russian Federal Drug Control Service (FSKN) George Gavrilis, Executive Director, The Hollings Center for International Dialogue Viktor Korgun, Head of the Afghanistan Department, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences John “Jack” Lawn, former Administrator, Drug Enforcement Administration David Mansfield, Independent Consultant Gretchen Peters, author,
    [Show full text]
  • The Siloviki in Russian Politics
    The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role.
    [Show full text]
  • The Siloviki in Putin's Russia
    Ian Bremmer and Samuel Charap The Siloviki in Putin’s Russia: Who They Are and What They Want The July 2006 meeting of the Group of Eight (G-8) major indus- trialized nations in St. Petersburg focused the attention of the international media on Russia. On issues ranging from Middle East conflict to energy se- curity, President Vladimir Putin sought to demonstrate that his increasingly self-confident government has earned its seat at the G-8 table. Coverage of the summit focused squarely on Putin—his international priorities, control over domestic politics, personal relationships with other heads of state, and leadership style. These stories created the impression that Putin is Russian politics, reinforcing the view that to understand Putin himself is to under- stand Kremlin policy. Since Putin was named acting president on December 31, 1999, ana- lysts have poured over his personal history, public statements, and writings, confidently forecasting political and economic trends based largely on their interpretations of what they found. Those who portray him as an autocrat underline his KGB background. Others point to his tutelage under former St. Petersburg mayor and liberal reformer Anatoly Sobchak or his preference for pragmatism over ideology. Recently, Western scholars unearthed his doc- toral thesis and used it to explain Russian state involvement in the energy sector.1 President George W. Bush famously contributed to this line of analysis by implying in 2001 that his “sense of the man’s soul” provided a reliable foun- dation for U.S.-Russian relations. Despite its parsimony and popularity, this approach to understanding Kremlin policy, which some have called “Putinol- ogy,” creates a misleading impression of how Russia is ruled.
    [Show full text]
  • Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
    Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind.
    [Show full text]
  • Abortion As a Means of Family Planning in Russia in the First Quarter of the Twentieth Century
    Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 7 (2013 6) 1066-1074 ~ ~ ~ УДК 343.621 Abortion as a Means of Family Planning in Russia in the First Quarter of the Twentieth Century Mikhail D. Severyanova* and Larisa U. Anisimovab aSiberian Federal University 79 Svobodny pr., Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia bRussian State Social University (branch in Krasnoyarsk) 11, Mozhaiskogo st., Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia Received 30.07.2012, received in revised form 10.02.2013, accepted 31.05.2013 In November 18, 1920 Soviet Russia became the first state in the world ever to legalize abortion. The authors of this article summarize the experience of its legalization in the 1920–1936 years. Reveal the socio-economic, health and other reasons that motivate women to abortion, moreover, authors show the interrelation the number of children in the family and mortality, as a result uncovered concrete historical causality adopted in the USSR in 1936 a law banning abortion. Keywords: law, legal and clandestine abortion, family planning, fertility, mortality. Abortion – is a form of modern family world where abortion was legalized for medical planning in many countries of the world. For and social reasons. The purpose of the act was to example, in France, abortion was legalized in bring abortion out of the underground state. 1975, in Belgium – 1980, in Poland – 1956, in This article reviews the history of abortion in the UK – in 1967, West Germany – in 1976, in Tsarist and Soviet Russia. The complexity of this Turkey – 1983, in the U.S. – in 1973. July, 3, 2002 study is that there are no adequate and reliable the European Parliament adopted a decision to statistics on abortion and death in this period, legalize abortion in the European Community.
    [Show full text]
  • Drink Driving Initiative
    DRINK DRIVING INITIATIVE 2016 SUMMARY REPORTS The work summarized in this report is part of the implementation of the Beer, Wine and Spirits Producers’ Commitments to Reduce Harmful Drinking CONTENTS 1 About this report 3 Executive Summary 4 Cambodia 8 Dominican Republic 12 Mexico 15 Namibia 19 Russia 24 South Africa 28 Thailand 1 ABOUT THIS REPORT Road traffic crashes result in more than 1.25 million fatalities and as many as 50 million injured people per year. Reducing these figures must remain high on political and public health agendas, especially if we are to meet the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal 3.6, to halve the number of global deaths and injuries resulting from road traffic crashes by 2020. Much work is already being done to improve road safety. In 2016, the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution A/70/L.44, “Improving global road safety,” and identified many best-practice initiatives and strategies, which Member States and stakeholders could adopt to reduce road crashes. In addition, UN Road Safety Week 2017 focused on behavioral measures such as speed management, motorcycle helmets, seat belts and child restraints, and drink driving prevention. Henry Ashworth President of IARD Ultimately road safety is a shared responsibility and government, civil society and the private sector must all play a role in reducing deaths and injuries. The alcohol industry recognizes the dangers of drinking and driving, especially in low- and middle-income countries and has a long history of working in partnerships to prevent or reduce alcohol- related traffic deaths and injuries. The International Alliance for Responsible Drinking (IARD) and its member companies convene stakeholders to implement drink driving prevention initiatives using strategies that are evidence based and have proved effective in a variety of contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • The Situation of Minority Children in Russia
    The Situation of Children Belonging to Vulnerable Groups in Russia Alternative Report March 2013 Anti- Discrimination Centre “MEMORIAL” The NGO, Anti-Discrimination Centre “MEMORIAL”, was registered in 2007 and continued work on a number of human rights and anti-discrimination projects previously coordinated by the Charitable Educational Human Rights NGO “MEMORIAL” of St. Petersburg. ADC “Memorial‟s mission is to defend the rights of individuals subject to or at risk of discrimination by providing a proactive response to human rights violations, including legal assistance, human rights education, research, and publications. ADC Memorial‟s strategic goals are the total eradication of discrimination at state level; the adoption of anti- discrimination legislation in Russia; overcoming all forms of racism and nationalism; Human Rights education; and building tolerance among the Russian people. ADC Memorial‟s vision is the recognition of non-discrimination as a precondition for the realization of all the rights of each person. Tel: +7 (812) 317-89-30 E-mail: [email protected] Contributors The report has been prepared by Anti-discrimination Center “Memorial” with editorial direction of Stephania Kulaeva and Olga Abramenko. Anti-discrimination Center “Memorial” would like to thank Simon Papuashvili of International Partnership for Human Rights for his assistance in putting this report together and Ksenia Orlova of ADC “Memorial” for allowing us to use the picture for the cover page. Page 2 of 47 Contents Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 4 Summary of Recommendations ..................................................................................................... 7 Overview of the legal and policy initiatives implemented in the reporting period ................. 11 Violations of the rights of children involving law enforcement agencies ...............................
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Bans U.S. Adoptions
    Dear Class Member, This is the lesson we will address this week: Jan. 6. We will meet in Fellowship Hall. See you on Sunday....bring your prayers, questions, ideas, thoughts of how we can make a difference Blessings, Fran Russia Bans U.S. Adoptions Claiming that Americans routinely mistreat adoptees from his country, Russian president Vladimir Putin supported a law that would halt the adoption of Russian children by U.S. families. Both houses of the Russian Parliament voted overwhelmingly to approve the measure, citing 19 deaths of Russian children by their American adoptive parents since the 1990s. The bill was named for Dima Yakovlev, a toddler whose blind grandmother claimed was illegally adopted by Americans who first forged her signature on adoption documents and then left him for hours in a broiling hot car, leading to his death. The adoptive father was found not guilty of involuntary manslaughter. A few lawmakers claimed that some Russian children were adopted by Americans to be used for organ transplants and to become sex toys or cannon fodder for the U.S. Army. In 2010, an American woman sent her adopted son back to Russia alone on a plane, claiming that the then-7-year-old boy had violent episodes that made the family fear for its safety. Lawmakers also expressed the concern that foreign adoptions discourage Russians from adopting children. Russian law allows foreigners to adopt only if a Russian family has not expressed interest in a child being considered for adoption, but “a foreigner who has paid for an adoption always gets a priority compared to potential Russian adoptive parents,” said Russian children’s rights ombudsman Pavel Astakhov.
    [Show full text]
  • Abortion Law and Policy Around the World: in Search of Decriminalization Marge Berer
    HHr Health and Human Rights Journal HHR_final_logo_alone.indd 1 10/19/15 10:53 AM Abortion Law and Policy Around the World: In Search of Decriminalization marge berer Abstract The aim of this paper is to provide a panoramic view of laws and policies on abortion around the world, giving a range of country-based examples. It shows that the plethora of convoluted laws and restrictions surrounding abortion do not make any legal or public health sense. What makes abortion safe is simple and irrefutable—when it is available on the woman’s request and is universally affordable and accessible. From this perspective, few existing laws are fit for purpose. However, the road to law reform is long and difficult. In order to achieve the right to safe abortion, advocates will need to study the political, health system, legal, juridical, and socio-cultural realities surrounding existing law and policy in their countries, and decide what kind of law they want (if any). The biggest challenge is to determine what is possible to achieve, build a critical mass of support, and work together with legal experts, parliamentarians, health professionals, and women themselves to change the law—so that everyone with an unwanted pregnancy who seeks an abortion can have it, as early as possible and as late as necessary. Marge Berer is international coordinator of the International Campaign for Women’s Right to Safe Abortion, London, UK, and was the editor of Reproductive Health Matters, which she founded, from 1993 to 2015. Please address correspondence to Marge Berer. Email: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • WOMEN's RIGHT and ABORTION: a JURISPRUDENTIAL ANALYSIS Dr
    International Journal of Research in Economics and Social Sciences (IJRESS) Available online at: http://euroasiapub.org Vol. 7 Issue 8, August- 2017, pp. 419~430 ISSN(o): 2249-7382 | Impact Factor: 6.939 WOMEN’S RIGHT AND ABORTION: A JURISPRUDENTIAL ANALYSIS Dr. Amit Kashyap* Assistant Professor, Centre For Law, CUPB-151001 Satish Singh** Student of 1st Year, LL.M., Centre For Law, CUPB-151001 Abstract: This paper deals with the issue of abortion and a women's right. Although, abortion has been the very controversial issue which is still subsisting in the nation in a questionable form. Moreover, now there are two groups of different opinion related to abortion. One is a conservative group or so- called pro-life group which opposes abortion and consider it as sin. That group mostly formed of theologists, priest, maulvis, etc. Although on another side we have a liberal group or so-called pro- choice group. They consider that the women shall have the Right to have the full control over her body and to decide what to happen or not happen with them and as such it shall be at the discretion of a woman that she is willing to abort or not. Sincerely, dealing with such type of issues this paper has remained divided into seven parts and which consist of Introduction, meaning, and history of abortion & its laws about the study of various countries including India. The legal position of the unborn child in the womb and battle between the right of a mother and right of an unborn. The present laws of abortion concerning various countries and how they have been liberalized or have been made strict, jurisprudential analysis of the right of unborn and of a woman in the context of social engineering and utility principle, Roe v.
    [Show full text]