Notes on the Heirs of Commodus Author(S): Edward Champlin Source: the American Journal of Philology, Vol
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Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: the Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Classics Honors Projects Classics Department Spring 5-2-2014 Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V. Frankl Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, and the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Frankl, Joseph V., "Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The eV spasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome" (2014). Classics Honors Projects. Paper 19. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors/19 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome By Joseph Frankl Advised by Professor Beth Severy-Hoven Macalester College Classics Department Submitted May 2, 2014 INTRODUCTION In 68 C.E., the Roman Emperor Nero died, marking the end of the Julio-Claudian imperial dynasty established by Augustus in 27 B.C.E (Suetonius, Nero 57.1). A year-long civil war ensued, concluding with the general Titus Flavius Vespasianus seizing power. Upon his succession, Vespasian faced several challenges to his legitimacy as emperor. Most importantly, Vespasian was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family, nor any noble Roman gens (Suetonius, Vespasian 1.1). -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Faliscan Personal Names
W. D. C. de Melo Faliscan Personal names The Indo-European system There are two types of names: a) names consisting of two stems, often praising the qualities of the person concerned: Πατρο-κλέης; these can be shortened (in either stem), but a suffix has to be added: Πάτρο-κλ-ος; b) names consisting of one stem, often nicknames, sometimes praising good qualities, but more often mocking bad characteristics. In the original system, a single name is enough: Greek Αἰσχύλος, Vedic Bh¯ımasena (name of a hero), Celtic Dumnor¯ıx. But in order to distinguish between people of the same name, the father’s name can be added; this is optional; cf: a) genitive: Greek Δημοσθένης Δημοσθένου, Old High German Hadubrant Hiltibrantes sunu; b) adjective: Greek Αἴας Τελαμώνιος, Old English Wulf Wonr´eding. Occasionally what began as a patronymic continues in a family; cf. the kings of Pylos: Νηλεύς, son Νέστωρ Νηλήϊος, grandson ᾿Αντίλοχος Νηλήϊος. This then becomes a clan name, cf. the mythical Τανταλίδαι or the Vedic singers K¯an. v¯as. The Latin system The Latin system is very different from the Indo-European system. Systems similar to the Latin one can be found in Faliscan, Oscan and Umbrian, but also in Etruscan. We are presumably dealing with a regional phenomenon. The full form of a Roman name can be seen in CIL I2 827: M (arcus) Herennius M (arci) f (ilius) Mae(cia tribu) Rufus. This consists of: praenomen, nomen (=nomen gentile / nomen gentilicium), genitive of father’s name + ‘son’, name of the tribe (ablative), cognomen. Usage: Cicero uses the combination praenomen + nomen + cognomen only in highly official contexts; praenomen + nomen or praenomen + cognomen is used in formal contexts; a single name is informal. -
Violence Against Women on the Column of Marcus Aurelius
Violence Against Women on the Column of Marcus Aurelius The Column of Marcus Aurelius is an imperial Roman monument of uncertain date, like- ly either 176 or 180 CE. Its elements (pedestal, spiral frieze, and statue) and its content (a mili- tary narrative) are largely modeled on the earlier Column of Trajan. One major difference be- tween the columns is that the Column of Marcus Aurelius shows physical violence much more often and more explicitly than the Column of Trajan. This pattern of increased violence on the Column of Marcus Aurelius extends into non-military contexts that involve women. On the Column of Trajan, women never appear alone: they are unthreatened and accompanied by other women and by husbands and/or children. Meanwhile on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, women are more often isolated and sometimes victims of rape and murder. Only one scene on the Col- umn of Marcus Aurelius appears to represent intact unthreatened families. In this scene, XVII, emperor Marcus Aurelius stands on an upper register, while a group of non-Romans gathers on the lower register. The group is composed of families, many with young children. Eugen Petersen, a German scholar, documented the column’s frieze, publishing a series of photographs and descriptions in 1896. In his companion to the frieze, Petersen sug- gests that “perhaps” scene XVII may represent families being separated, though he gives no evi- dence for this claim (Petersen vol. 1, 59). More recently, Paul Zanker has analyzed the scene as part of his work on women and children on the Column of Marcus Aurelius. -
Five Good Emperors Nerva – Marcus Aurelius HIS 207 Oakton Community College Mitilineos November 17, 2011 Reminders
Five good emperors Nerva – Marcus Aurelius HIS 207 Oakton Community College Mitilineos November 17, 2011 Reminders All material due by 11/29/2011 Final study guide – 11/29/2011 Today: ◦ Film ◦ Boudicca ◦ Five good emperors Boudicca and the Iceni Roman Britain C.E. 60 The evidence ◦ Tacitus Agricola ◦ Archaeology not helpful Iceni ◦ Celtic tribe in East Anglia ◦ farming Prasutagus, king of the Iceni Women among the Iceni ◦ power and positions of prestige ◦ Owned land ◦ Right to divorce Prasutagus ◦ Client/king ◦ Left kingdom to two daughters and Nero Roman law prohibits inheritance by women Members of ruling class enslaved Boudicca flogged, her daughters raped The Iceni look to Boudicca for leadership Revolt begins Supported by neighboring tribes, the Iceni numbered about 100,000 Attacked Camulodunum (Cambridge) and Colchester Successful for awhile due to guerilla tactics, use of chariots, lack of respect Last victory at Londinium (London) 230,000 faced smaller Roman force (Midlands – location unknown) 70,000 killed as Roman weapons and tactics under Paulinas prevail Suicide c. 61/62 Nerva 96-98 Period of five good emperors generally prosperous Chosen by senate Recalled exiles Modified taxes Tolerated Christians Adopted Trajan as his successor Purchased land from wealthy and rented them to the needed Promoted public education including poor children Trajan 98-117 Born in Spain Father was a consul Patrician status Adopted by Nerva in 97 Extended the empire As emperor Deified Nerva Optimus Augustus – the -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
Handout Name Yourself Like a Roman (CLAS 160)
NAME YOURSELF LIKE A ROMAN Choose Your Gender 0 Roman naming conventions differed for men and women, and the Romans didn’t conceive of other options or categories (at least for naming purposes!). For viri (men): Choose Your Praenomen (“first name”) 1 This is your personal name, just like modern American first names: Michael, Jonathan, Jason, etc. The Romans used a very limited number of first names and tended to be very conservative about them, reusing the same small number of names within families. In the Roman Republic, your major options are: Some of these names (Quintus, Sextus, • Appius • Manius • Servius Septimus, etc.) clearly originally referred • Aulus • Marcus • Sextus to birth order: Fifth, Sixth, Seventh. Others are related to important aspects of • Decimus • Numerius • Spurius Roman culture: the name Marcus probably • Gaius • Postumus • Statius comes from the god Mars and Tiberius from the river Tiber. Other are mysterious. • Gnaeus • Publius • Tiberius But over time, these names lost their • Lucius • Quintus • Titus original significance and became hereditary, with sons named after their • Mamercus • Septimus • Vibius father or another male relative. Choose Your Nomen (“family name”) 2 Your second name identifies you by gens: family or clan, much like our modern American last name. While praenomina vary between members of the same family, the nomen is consistent. Some famous nomina include Claudius, Cornelius, Fabius, Flavius, Julius, Junius, and Valerius. Side note: if an enslaved person was freed or a foreigner was granted citizenship, they were technically adopted into the family of their “patron,” and so received his nomen as well. De Boer 2020 OPTIONAL: Choose Your Cognomen (“nickname”) Many Romans had just a praenomen and a nomen, and it was customary and polite to address a 3 person by this combo (as in “hello, Marcus Tullius, how are you today?” “I am well, Gaius Julius, and you?”). -
Let's Review Text Structure!
Grade 6 Day 18 ELA q I Grade 6 Day 18 ELA Grade 6 Day 18 ELA W o Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math pl Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math P2 Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math 173 Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math 104 Grade 6 Day 18 Science pl Grade 6 Day 18 Science P2 Grade 6 Day 18 Science 123 Question for you to turn in. Describe how processes were used to form a landform. Use vocabulary and evidence from the passage to support your answer. RACE. Grade 6 Day 18 Social Studies Grade 6 Day 18 Social Studies to . I ] l n n t t e o o r n n m i i i t r r t t a a p t t h e e a a . r r m h h 1 o o m m t t E r r 0 p p O O e o o n s f f m m r n a i i i l n n o i i r m e e o m p i R t / l m ? ? d d e l l a l l E e e h a a , ci s s T f f s e u u n n n a a m o sp w w o i C C r o o s/ f t t ct t n D D a a e n a s h h s s e i i t m e W W h h n o h r t / co s o t e d r i n n s s p o a i e e e e t i i m s v v n e p r r m m / e i l t e e e e g t c r s s n n a e e o o l E E R R e s. -
Herodian History of the Roman Empire Source 2: Aulus Gellius Attic
insulae: how the masses lived Fires Romans Romans in f cus One of the greatest risks of living in the densely populated city of Rome, and particularly in insulae was that of fires. Fires broke out easily (due to people cooking on open flames), spread easily (due to buildings being constructed out of wood, and buildings being built so closely together) and were hard to control. Several times large parts of the city went up in flames. It was not unusual for imperial funds to make good losses of impoverished wealthy citizens in the wake of a fire. Source 1: Herodian History of the Roman Empire In this passage from Herodian riots have broken out in the city of Rome, and soldiers combatting civilians started setting fire to houses. The soldiers did, however, set fire to houses that had wooden balconies (and there were many of this type in the city). Because a great number of houses were made chiefly of wood, the fire spread very rapidly and without a break throughout most of the city. Many men who lost their vast and magnificent properties, valuable for the large incomes they produced and for their expensive decorations, were reduced from wealth to poverty. A great many people died in the fire, unable to escape because the exits had been blocked by the flames. All the property of the wealthy was looted when the criminal and worthless elements in the city joined with the soldiers in plundering. And the part of Rome destroyed by fire was greater in extent than the largest intact city in the empire. -
Vespasian's Apotheosis
VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E. -
A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected]
World Languages and Cultures Publications World Languages and Cultures 2017 A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/language_pubs Part of the European Languages and Societies Commons, Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the History of Gender Commons The ompc lete bibliographic information for this item can be found at http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ language_pubs/130. For information on how to cite this item, please visit http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ howtocite.html. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the World Languages and Cultures at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in World Languages and Cultures Publications by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Abstract The ra ch dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea was an important component in that town’s building activity. By situating the arch within its socio-historical context and acknowledging the political identity of Oea and nearby towns, this article shows that the arch at Oea far surpassed nearby contemporary arches in style, material, and execution. Further, this article demonstrates that the arch was a key element in Oea’s Roman identity. Finally, the article bridges disciplinary boundaries by bringing together art historical analysis with the concepts of euergetism, Roman civic status, and inter-city rivalry in the Roman Empire.