De-Sanskritisation and High Caste Converts Into "Bhangis"

DE-SANSKRITISATION AND HIGH CASTE CONVERTS INTO "BHANGIS"

SHYAMLAL

Sanskritisation or the changeover from lower to higher castes has been popularly researched in India, but not its reverse, de-sanskritisation. This article studies the downward mobility of a population in Rajasthan, where individuals of upper castes or tribes broke away their affiliation with the parent group and culturally incorporated themselves, formally or legally, into the lower castes, acquiring altogether a new low caste identity — a phenomenon hardly reported by sociologists or social anthropologists. The de-sanskritisation of upper castes into the Bhangi caste ("bhangiisation") is the focus of this study, detailed by the author's personal field observation on the processes involved, the reasons for conversion, their religious background, their employment and so on. Actual cases of conversion are also discussed.

Dr. Shyamlal is Professor and Head, Department of Sociology, University of Jaipur, Rajasthan.

All available studies on social mobility are confined to upward mobility available to under-priviledged groups, most particularly the lower castes. During the fifties, sixties and seventies of the twentieth century, a number of social scientists — Srinivas (1952), Cohn (1955), Bailey (1958), Kalia (1959), Mahar (1960), Chanana (1961), Ram Ratan (1961), Gould (1961), Barnabas (1961), Patwardhan (1973), Shyamlal (1973) and a few others—have reported through their research studies, the change in the social structure and mobility pattern of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in various regions of India. The downward mobility, as it exists among the Hindus and non-Hindus, has not been studied by social scientists in general, and sociologists and social anthropologists in particular. Obviously, there is no sociological information on different aspects of downward mobility among the Hindu castes, particularly amongst the higher castes.

The author's interest in studying the phenomenon of high caste Hindus converting themselves into the Bhangi1 caste evolved through his field experiences in Rajasthan in the early seventies and eighties2. The converted Bhangis of different castes were found living in Bhangi bustees and the spatial segregation of castes was not reflected in the physical structure and layout of the bustees. It was possible for any person to change one's occupational status without a corresponding change in the caste status. All the residents of the Bhangi bustees operated as a socially homogenous group in their bustees. Such social situations were first observed in Jodhpur and then in Chittorgarh and other towns in Rajasthan.

Objectives of the Study

Against this scenario, when conversion3 from a higher caste to the untouchable caste, and change of caste identity in some areas came to the author's notice, it was perceived as an important field of research so far unexplored by sociologists, anthropologists or ethnographers. The broad objectives of the present study are : (i) To study the cases of "bhangiisation" of upper castes (ii) To examine factors motivating de-sanskritisation from higher castes to lower castes (iii) To assess the process adopted in the conversion of high castes into Bhangis (iv) To analyse changes in the convert due to "bhangiisation". 274 Shyamlal

De-Sanskritisation and "Bhangiisation"

An attempt is necessary to analyse systematically two important concepts : de-sanskritisation and "bhangiisation".

De-sanskritisation is the process by which a high or a low caste person or a tribal accepts the membership of an untouchable caste and thereby lowers his social as well as ritual position. Also lost is his previous identity over a period of time, say, in a generation or two. The process of de-sanskritisation also involves imbibing the customs and beliefs and adopting the way of life of an untouchable caste.

Here the two levels of meanings which are implict in de-sanskritisation and which have been interchangeably used may be explained. We may term them as the "Bhangi caste specific" and "untouchable castes specific" connotations of de-sanskritisation. In the Bhangi caste specific sense, de-sanskritisation refers to the process by which an upper caste person converts himself/herself into the Bhangi fold and changes his/her status, customs, rituals and way of life in the manner of this particular caste (Bhangi). This is termed as "bhangiisation". It is indicative, in a definite sense, of the social mobility in the Bhangi untouchable caste of India and is specific in reference. In the untouchable castes' specific sense, however, de-sanskritisation denotes a contemporaneous process in which upper caste individuals convert in general, without any specific reference to any low castes or sub-castes. The nature of this type of de-sanskritisation is by no means uniform, as the untouchable caste into which the conversion has taken place will vary, reflecting the diversity found among the untouchable castes. This is borne out by field observations.

"Bhangiisation" has two aspects : one may be called the "positional aspect" which involves "social falling" of the individual through the adoption of the customs and practices of the Bhangis. This process results in positional changes for the converting individuals. The other may be called the "occupational aspect" which involves accepting scavenging as a job by the converting individuals and gradually projecting a Bhangi image.

It was found during our field work, that de-sanskritisation is not confined to Hindu castes only, but also occurs among non-Hindu groups, such as the Muslims of Jodhpur.

Conversion to the "Bhangi" Caste in Rajasthan

Among the Bhangis of Jodhpur, the begining of the de-sanskritisation process can be traced back to as early as 1880. De-sanskritisation first began among the Muslims through their contact with Bhangis in the nagar palikas of Jodhpur. Contact with the jamadar who used to be Muslim or high caste Hindu in the pre-lndependence era, led to close association between the Bhangis and upper castes.

De-sanskritisation among the Muslims came initially through the Niwargar Muslims (Weaver caste). Later, it gradually spread through the high caste Hindu population, whom the Bhangis served under the jajaman-kamin relationship. The case of Asif Ali, a Muslim Niwargar of Ganglaw Talab, situated about 4 kms from Ghantaghar is particularly illustrative. Ali, posted at Ghantaghar, was serving as jamadar in a nagar palika in Jodhpur. He was a rich and handsome married young man of about 32 years of age. Sita, an un-married Bhangi woman, used to sweep the Ghantaghar area under his supervision. Sita fell in love with Ali. The Muslim Niwargars and Bhangis, being two separate caste groups, marriage between them is not permitted. The former are a respected group in Jodhpur and De-Sanskritisation and High Caste Converts 275

the latter are regarded as untouchables. When the Bhangis came to know of the illicit relation between Ali and Sita, they seriously opposed it and threatened to kill Ali. Ali not only openly admitted the fact of his relationship with Sita but defended his relationship with a lower caste woman. Ali accepted Sita as his wife in the presence of the Bhangis and converted himself to a Bhangi of the Chanwaria gotra. He and his wife Sita started living in Lakharon-ka-Bass, a Bhangi bustee. Nobody in the Muslim community was agitated about this marriage between a higher caste and a lower caste individual, a major reason being that, Ali himself openly accepted the woman belonging to the Bhangi caste. Ali became a first reference individual for Bhangis in Jodhpur. Ali and Sita had one son and one daughter, both not alive. At present, they have five grandsons.

As stated earlier, de-sanskritisation is not confined to conversion to the Bhangi caste, but has also occurred among other lower castes and groups, such as the Bairwa of Sawai Madhopur district during the last fifty years or so. This usually results in upper caste persons undergoing de-sanskritisation and caste-wise lowering to a Bairwa, an untouchable caste. Thus in the de-sanskritisation of the upper caste persons there are both, a Bairwa4 and a Bhangi model.

The process of de-sanskritisation began in British India. The Bhangis even converted a few upper caste Hindus in their early conversion phase, and gradually, these individuals became in integrated part of the endogamous unit of the Bhangi caste. On the basis of the foregoing account and field work done by the author, it can be said that there are concrete examples of conversion and changes of high caste identity from Brahmin Rajput, Bania and so on. The converts are broadly divided into three religious groups — Hindus, Muslims, and those belonging to tribes. The number of converts in the three groups is given below :

Hindu Castes Brahmin - 4; Rajput - 3; Bania -1; Sunar - 2; Sindhi -1; Mali -1; Nai -1; Kalal - 1. Hindu Harijan Castes Khateek -1; Bhambhi - 3; Bargee -1; Dhobi -1; Keer -1; Sargada -1; Bansphore - 1; Vadi - 1. Muslim Castes : Bhistee - 3; Niwarghar - 1; Pinjara - 1; Sipahi - 1; Teli - 1; Tribes : Bhil - 4.'

The incidence of conversion from upper caste Hindus was greater than from Muslims and other untouchable castes. A number of Bhangis of Jodhpur whom the author met emphasised the fact that it was the higher caste persons who, at several places and in greater numbers, were, for some reason or other, converted to the Bhangi caste, though they accepted, in principle that converts were also from Muslims. Though both the high and low caste Hindus considered themselves superior to the Bhangis under certain circumstances, they converted to the Bhangi caste. In the course of the author's field work, not a single case was reported where the converted Bhangis wanted to revert to their original caste. In any case, they could not do so as the concerned community had first ex-communicated and then refused them re-admission into their communities.

Now we discuss the actual cases of de-sanskritisation and "bhangiisation" from the upper castes to the Bhangi caste identity which were collected from Jodhpur, Jaipur, Chittorgarh, Banswara, Bhilwara, Jalore, Barmer, Bikaner and Ajmer districts of Rajasthan. These cases were all well-known and were often quoted by Bhangis in that area. It may be noted here that, initially, some Bhangis felt shy or in a few cases, even alarmed to narrate the tales of their change of caste identity, but later on, they yielded to the persistent request of the author when assured that it would be used for academic purposes only. Information relating to such cases were supplemented by information collected from 276 Shyamlal

responsible persons or those with whom the Bhangis or the converts themselves had talks about their change of identity.

Details of a few converted persons and recognised unions between high caste men and Bhangi women in Jodhpur will illustrate the way conversion operates. (Names of persons are fictitious).

Gyani was a young widow. After the death of her husband, she lived alone. She used to sweep the airmen's quarters. After a few months, Gyani fell in love with Shankaranand, a resident of Uttar Pradesh. He was a young and unmarried man of 30 years. He belonged to the Brahmin caste. They never lived openly as husband and wife, but their relationship was known to all. One night, when Shankaranand was sleeping with Gyani at her house, neighbours encircled her house and caught them. Shankaranand immediately confessed his crime. The matter was reported to Vnepanchas of the bohola, who summoned a meeting the next day. Opinion in this matter was unanimous that, since Shankaranand had enjoyed the sexual favours of Gyani for a long period, he had no right to leave her alone. Consequently, Shankaranand accepted Gyani as his wife and converted himself to a Bhangi of the Barshah gotra.

The second case of such a marriage in Jodhpur is between a Muslim Sipahi male and a Bhangi woman. After prolonged illness, Ramkishen died leaving behind his widow, Laxmi, and three very young sons. During her husband's illness, Laxmi used to hire a taxi, whose driver was an unmarried Muslim Sipahi by caste. They came close to each other eventually and fell in love. Salman Sipahi not only admitted the fact of his relationship with a Bhangi woman, but he also defended his relations with her. When the Bhangis of Jodhpur came to know about it, they opposed it vehemently. Ultimately, Salman accepted Laxmi as his wife and converted himself to a Bhangi of Kalyani gotra.

The third case of "bhangiisation" is from the Bhambhi and Meghwal castes, 'elevated' untouchables in Jodhpur. During the great famine of Vikram Samvat 1956 some low caste persons from the rural areas converted themselves voluntarily into the Bhangi caste to save their lives. Bhola Ram and Dhula Ram were Bhambi and Meghwal respectively. Both these castes were almost equal socially; Bhola and Dhula Ram renounced their castes and converted themselves into Bhangi Gund and Lakhan gotras respectively, and later on they married Bhangi women in Jodhpur. At present, their family members live in Bhangi bustees.

Yet another case is that of Alok Nath of Jodhpur, who was reportedly a Brahmin of Vyas gotra. Alok Nath, who was the first Brahmin to be converted to a Bhangi was influenced by the Arya Samaj. Because of his involvement with the Bhangi reform activities, Alok Nath was expelled by his family and ex-communicated. It then became a major problem for him to live and eat. At this juncture, the Bhangis who had already accepted him as one of their own, came to his rescue. They offered one of their daughters in marriage to Alok Nath. In due course he got converted to the Bhangi fold and was culturally admitted therein. After conversion, he was allocated to the Shandar gotra. He is survived by his son. The most significant thing which may be mentioned here is that the same person later on became the Chief Preceptor of a sect which today has hundreds of Bhangi disciples.

Cases of conversion and change of caste identity were reported from Banswara district also, a predominantly tribal area. Around the time of the famine in 1956, a couple who came to the Bhangi bustee of Banswara from a neighbouring village, were Bhils and they offered their son, Balji, to Champa, a Bhangan of Banswara. At a time when the tribals were nearly perishing, the Bhil boy got protection, was brought up by the Bhangis and subsequently admitted to the Bhangi fold. Later on, De-Sanskritisation and High Caste Converts 277

Balji married Neethi a Bhangan of Kalingara, Banswara.

The cases of conversion and change of caste identity so far discussed are primary data; cases from secondary sources were also as complete in details.

Roopa, from village Godwal in Jalore district who converted to the Bhangi community was of Rajput ancestry. Her father was a landlord and Karma, a Bhangi of the same village, used to serve their family. Karma developed a relationship with Roopa, but had a problem. Another landlord of Godwal who was Rajput by caste, used to harass the untouchables of the village. Karma also an untouchable Bhangi, was afraid of this landlord and along with Roopa, ran away to Jodhpur for protection. Roopa and Karma got married in Jodhpur and, in 1980, Roopa was converted to the Bhangi fold, and allocated the Bagala gotra. Roopa is survived by her daughter, Rita.

In another instance, Charan Dass, a Bhangi of Panwar gotra, who was living in a community consisting of families of different castes, developed an illicit relationship with a married Nai woman, Deepa. The lovers ran away together to Jaipur, but Deepa's husband Laxman Nai lodged an F.I.R. against Charan Dass. Deepa and Charan Dass were arrested and the Nai community ex communicated Deepa, who, in course of time, formally converted into the Bhangi community and changed her identity accordingly.

Bhangi Converts in Government Jobs5

In Nagar Palikas of Rajasthan

There is evidence of high caste appointments into menial positions in society. It appears that in early 1952, a nagar palika in Jodhpur appointed a high caste Hindu as scavenger. From then on, eight more persons were added to the official roll. These high caste Bhangis swept and cleaned the public streets and there was no objection or resistance from other caste to their indulging in this work. In Nagpur also, a few high caste Hindus got appointed as scavengers in early 1987. However, here a protest was lodged by the Bhangis that these high caste Bhangis were not doing the scavenging work for which they were appointed. The complaint fell to deaf ears.

Northern Railway Workshop, Jodhpur

In 1989, the Northern Railway Workshop, Jodhpur, employed formally, for the first time, six high caste Hindus, tribals and Muslims as sweepers. Over the past four decades or so, the demand for 'Bhangi jobs' appears to have increased slightly with the Hindus and non-Hindus of Jodhpur.

All high caste converted Bhangis sit with the other Bhangis, and often share bidis and tea, as well as cooked food. They also show deference where it is due. Likewise, the Bhangis treat the high caste converts as they treat the other Bhangis. The main factor that has helped in integrating and bringing the high caste Bhangis with Bhangis is the fact that they (upper caste Bhangis) are formally employed as Bhangis. The high caste Bhangis do the scavenging, sweeping and cleaning of streets, cleaning of drains and gutters of workshops and disposing of dumps. They are treated as Bhangis. All these are low status jobs which take the high caste persons to the level of the lowest, the Bhangi caste6. In the past, the high caste Hindus and non-Hindus had preserved their caste-based occupations. Now, in the changing circumstances of economic deprivation they are being compelled to undertake menial jobs. 278 Shyamlal

For instance, A Goswami Bhangi informant told the author :

These days, it is very difficult to get a government job very easily. I am economically very poor. How long I will remain out of job. In order to acquire the job I have even readily accepted the scavenging job. I am doing this job with hope that very soon I will get a promotion.

A Muslim convert to the Bhangi caste explained :

Before accepting the scavenging job, I was serving in a private concern in Jodhpur as a temporary employee. When applications were called for my father, who serves in the Northern Railway Workshop, urged me to submit my forms too. When I got selected, I joined with great hesitation and shame. Now, I am doing this work without much regrets.

Motivating Factors in "Bhangiisation"

There are some important factors responsible for the de-sanskritisation and change of identity from the high castes to the Bhangi caste. The high castes considered their communities to be very sacred. They believed in the purity of blood. Love affairs, entanglement, or marriage with an untouchable caste was considered to be a heinous crime, but whenever a high caste boy or girl had an affair with a Bhangi, (s)he was both turned out from the family and ex-communicated from the community. Such ex-communicated persons were later incorporated in the Bhangi community.

The Vyas Brahmins traditionally considered themselves a very pure and clean community and they retained a great amount of orthodoxy and rigidity in their caste rules. They strictly adhered to commensal rules and if there was a case of one of their members taking food with a Bhangi or even mixing with them, the community would ex-communicate the person concerned, who would, in the course of time, be absorbed in the Bhangi fold. At the persuasion of the Arya Samaj of Jodhpur, a young Vyas boy, Shyam, started social reform activities among the Bhangis. Consequently, Vyas started taking food at the hands of the Bhangis which made him lose his caste.

The third factor which seems to have been responsible for de-sanskritisation was the moral support and protection given to starving persons and orphans by the Bhangis. This seems to be particularly true of castes, such as the Keers and tribes, such as the Bhils. For instance, when the parents of Neeraj Keer died and he became an orphan, the Bhangis fed and took care of him.

A potent source of de-sanskritisation in British India was the preponderance of famines. The famines were not limited to any particular part of Rajputana but spread everywhere. They constituted an important, though not the only spur to de-sanskritisation. During the famine of Vikram Samvat, 1956, the rural population suffered terrible privations and vast multitudes perished. Whole families and dhanis were wiped out. In order to save their lives, a few individuals from rural areas had to move to Jodhpur town, their extreme poverty and hunger took them to Bhangi colonies, where they were given food and succour. As time went by, these people were converted into Bhangis.

The jajman-kamin relationship also created a changed attitude among the high caste Hindus towards de-sanskritisation. The caste Hindus and Bhangi women who worked as scavengers had some jajman-kamin contact with each other. Through this relationship, the high caste Hindus and Bhangi women met frequently and those meetings opened the possibility of clandestine sexual affairs that were once ignored. What is unusual is that, now such alliances are no longer secret, and there is almost no opposition to them. When the Bhangis of Jodhpur came to know of such illicit sexual De-Sanskritisation and High Caste Converts 279

transgressions between a Bhangi woman and a high caste Hindu man, they would initially threaten to kill the man so involved, but ultimately he would be compelled to become a Bhangi and marry the woman. The violent reaction of the Bhangis to high caste misalliances opened the possibility of the conversion of Hindus to Bhangis.

As seen in the cases of conversion from high castes to the Bhangi castes pointed out earlier, in some cases, high caste persons were also said to have converted to the Bhangi community, where the high castes lived a comparatively secluded life in a place and in a numerical minority, for the sake of better cooperation and consorting.

Another factor which seems to have been responsible for de-sanskritisation is that higher and technical education conferred a high official status to a few selected Bhangis. In the course of the author's field work among the Bhangis, this fact was stated by a noted Bhangi teacher and social worker from Bhilwara and by an eminent Bhangi doctor from Jodhpur. In two cases, marriage between Bhangi boys and girls of upper castes were solemnised under Arya Samaj rites.

Lastly, unemployment among both the educated and uneducated Indian youth, overgrowth of population, economic crisis and constraints, limited number of job opportunities in government sectors are all significant factors in contributing to the decline in prestige of purely traditional occupations. Similar conditions exist in other developing countries, but what is unique to the Indian situation is that, all those high castes who have accepted scavenging jobs as the primary source of their income are poor and their conditions are hardly better than those of the Bhangis. Under these circumstances, scavenging jobs provide not only a source of livelihood but economic security also.

It would be significant here to add that in some such cases, the various types of government facilities such as medical, loan and housing facilities, free pass (in the case of Railway sweepers), government accommodation to Bhangi employees in nagar palikas, Railways and in other departments, appear to have attracted high caste persons to convert to the Bhangi fold. In the light of these facts just discussed, it would not be unscientfic to interpret that high caste Bhangis working in the nagar palikas and Railways have begun to gradually project a positive Bhangi image and are also generally known as Bhangis. Bhangis also considered it a great threat for the entire Bhangi community to locate jobs for their unemployed brethren in their own traditional caste based occupation. They would like to grow away from such occupations.

De-Sanskritisation and "Bhangiisation" : Socio-Religious and Cultural Changes

The converted Bhangis of Rajasthan today do not claim to be the descendants of upper castes, though in reality, they are converts from upper castes of Hindus and non-Hindus. Over the generations, the converted families have succeeded in completely obliterating their upper caste ancestry and have created a new social identity for themselves as the descendants of traditional Bhangis. Nevertheless, systematic and persistent enquiries within the area of their conversion do still yield information that shows that these converts were originally upper castes and their Bhangis status is a matter of recent origin.

The conversion of upper castes to the Bhangi caste was an individual process, individuals rather than groups got converted. The conversion of individuals made the transition from the upper strata to the lowest stratum and the accompanying positional changes, somewhat easier for the upper caste members. Some major adjustments were required, but whatever the individual convert lost by way of 280 Shyamlal

social intercourse with the upper castes was eventually gained among the Bhangis. Converts to the Bhangi caste are usually characterised as Bhangis and no specific term is used for them, unlike Jain converts where such discrimination occurs7. They are not looked down upon by the traditional Bhangis. This did not give rise to any kind of differentiation in the adjustment of the converts. After their conversion to the Bhangi caste in different regions, they continue to enjoy an equal status among the members of the Bhangi group on the whole.

Though the converts, by and large, assimilate with their new community, in some ways, even after conversion, the upper caste Brahmins and Muslims, continue to retain their traditional religious customs, practices, beliefs and food habits. There are occasions when the Bhangis are served with pig meat and goat meat, but whenever such occasions arise, the converts — the Muslims and Brahmins — do not eat. This ceremonial community feasts often involve sarcastic comments about the tendency of the Muslim and Brahmin converts not to eat the meats prescribed by their original castes. But, though the converted Brahmin and Muslim Bhangis have habits and customs that differ from the Bhangi caste, yet they are treated as Bhangis in every other respect.

The second custom which is said to betray the ancestry of the Muslim converts is the custom of namaz, which is alien to the Bhangis. The habit of namaz is considered to be an indication of the converted status; and it is assumed that the Muslim converts consider it as a symbol of their high caste social status. But with the gradual 'bhangiisation' of their caste customs, practices and the style of life, the converted Muslims are recognised as Bhangis. "Bhangiisation" not only lowers the status of the converts within the hierarchy of local Hindu castes but it also succeeds in bringing about the recognition of their status as Bhangis. The converts have been successful in forming marriage alliances with other Bhangis. These alliances have made the converts lose their social superiority and have put them at par with the Bhangis, from whom they formerly did not accept food or drink.

Process of "Bhangiisation"

An upper caste person who converts to an untouchable caste and changes his identity, has to be formally incorporated and admitted into that new untouchable community. Normally, under the traditional setup the untouchables place great value on the purity of blood and they ex-communicate an untouchable having matrimonial relations with a person of another caste. But under extraordinary circumstances, it appears that they have their own cultural devices and procedures to incorporate or convert a non-member to their castes. The procedure adopted by the Bhangis while converting upper caste persons into their own Bhangi fold is discussed below.

The Bhangis of Jodhpur have evolved, in the last several decades, separate socio-political bodies of their own which deal with the breach of caste norms and social reforms. Such organisations are known as moha/a-ma-baap (area meeting body) and have office bearers such as, sarpanch, panch, bhandari, kotwal and so on. The offices of the mohala-ma-baaps are located at their respective mohalas (places of residence). It is this body which deals with the cases of conversion and change of identity and the admission of non-Bhangis into the Bhangi fold. It is necessary for all the inhabitants of mohalas to be assembled whenever a non-Bhangi is admitted to the caste fold.

As soon as a case of conversion is brought to the notice of the inhabitants of a Bhangi bustee, a meeting of the mohala-ma-baap is called. It appears that it is the sarpanch of the mohala who serves as the mukhia. At least one person from each of the families in the bustee is expected to attend the meeting. The mukhia initiates a discourse to the assembled people in which he gives a background of De-Sanskritisation and High Caste Converts 281

the non-Bhangi who is being admitted to the Bhangi community. He also elaborates the circumstances under which it is being done, as well as the justification behind this act. After the initial discourse, normally the mukhia requests a person from a numerically minority gotra to accept the convert. This is done to increase the numerical strength of that particular gotra. In case no person from a minority gotra volunteers to adopt the convert, the mukhia throws open the offer to the entire community and a person of any gotra can adopt the convert. In theory, unless a Bhangi of a particular gotra agrees to accept a non-Bhangi, conversion may not take place, but in practice, there is no chance of this happening. The Bhangi who has agreed to welcome the convert into his gotra, has to come forward and take part in a ritual known as the pindi panchna ceremony. In the presence of the gathering, the accepting Bhangi will have to cut his right calf (pindi) with a blade or razor and transfer a few drops of his blood to the newcomer. This ceremony confers upon the newcomer the membership of a particular Bhangi gotra (like Barashah, Tejee and so on) and makes him a Bhangi.

It is important to note that the system of conversion is not uniform in all areas of the state; in Banswara, Bhilwara, Chittorgarh and Jalore districts, the converts are only required to clean a small area, as a part of the conversion process.

Publicity of the event forms an important element of the Bhangi's social structure. Soon after the completion of the conversion ceremony, the area is cleaned by the converted in the presence of a huge gathering of Bhangis and non-Bhangis. Then a procession is taken out in the main bazar giving wide publicity to the event8

The Bairwas also adopt a procedure basically similar to Bhangis, while converting upper caste persons. However, they do not have a pindi panchna ceremony as organised and performed by the Bhangis. Instead, the Bairwas have evolved a separate centralised socio-political organisation of their own, called chorasi panchayat (caste meeting body) which deals with the breach of caste norms. It is this body which deals with the cases of conversion and change of identity and admission of non-Bairwas into the Bairwa caste fold. The sarpanch of the organisation conducts the proceedings. At least one person from each of the (84) villages is expected to attend the meeting and the non-Bairwa who intends to become a Bairwa has to throw a feast to these people. This ceremony confers upon the newcomer the membership of Bairwa caste.

The Trend

A caste has its own self image and identity, on the basis of which it considers itself historically as well as socio-culturally and nominalisatically distinct from other castes, and tenaciously sticks to and justifies this identity, despite various changes taking place in its life. It is this sense of identity which is basic for the survival of a caste.

There exists a vast body of data on cultural dynamics among untouchable castes which discuss various aspects of cultural and social changes and the factors responsible for them. However, such studies generally do not seem to relate the change of the identity of a caste.

As stated earlier in the article, during the last few decades, a number of the scholars have analysed the changeover from lower to higher caste model of life, viewed within the conceptual framework of "sanskritisation". Even though there exist some studies on the change in the lower castes of Rajasthan, the de-sanskritisation and "Bhangiisation" of upper castes identity into the Bhangi caste has remained totally untouched. 282 Shyamlal

It may be noted that this change of identity from upper caste to lower status throws significant light on the course of history of Rajasthan. At the same time, at the macrocosmic level, it has significant bearing on the understanding of some aspects of the Indian civilisation, where the process of fission and fusion of the various castes and cultural groups have been making an impact on the homogeneity of the population.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am indebted to the Bhangis for their help and hospitality, especially to Achlu Ram Barashah, Channulal widows — Bhanibai, Qumani and Gauri; Babulal Tejee; Chhela Ram Barashah; Ishwarlal Gharu; Om Prakash Jawa; Jagdish Chandra Jawa; Vinod Kumar Tamboli; Nathu Lal Rathore and Bhanwar Lal Tejee. Without their support this work would not have been possible.

I am thankful to Prof. Ram Ahuja for valuable suggestions from which I have greatly benefitted. I also wish to express my thanks to Gopal Bhardwaj and M. M. Lavania for their comments.

NOTES

1. The question of who the Bhangis are has been dealt with by the author in an earlier article (Shyamlal, 1992), The Jain Movement and Socio-Religious Transformation of the Bhangis of Jodhpur, Rajasthan; A Study in Sociology of Religion," The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. Llll(1).

2. This paper is largely based on personal interviews with 16 informants of the Bhangi caste. Three of them are over 80 years old, six are between fifty-five and seventy years old and the remaining are still in their middle age but are reputed to be keenly interested in the affairs of their caste, and possess a great deal of information about their caste history and the cases reported here. The detailed case studies are reconstructed with the help of these informants and the information supplied by them have subsequently been cross-checked with others.

3. The term "conversion" of the upper castes has been used here and elsewhere in this paper in the sense of 'self-conversion' and not in which it has been used by social scientists who consider conversion to be only forceful conversion.

4. This description is based on talks with Anubhav Bairwa, to whom the author wishes to express his thanks.

5. It is only in recent years that this tendency was also observed among the upper caste Hindus of Bihar. For an elaborate and detailed discussion see particularly "Samajik Samta Ki Ak Dil Chasp Pagdandi", in Nav Bharat Times, New Delhi, dated 3.8.1991, p.4 and Mohammed Peer's "Social and Economic Conditions of Urban Sanitary Workers : A Case Study of Mangalore City", in the National Seminar papers on Action Sociology and Liberation of Scavengers, New Delhi, February 8-10, 1992.

6. For an elaborate and detailed discussion between the structural and cultural aspects of conversion and their implication for the converts refer to Shyamlal (1980), 'Conversion to Jainism' in Journal of Social Research, Vol. 23, (1).

7. Refer Shyamlal, (1992) "The Jain Movement and Socio-Religious Transformation of the Bhangis of Jodhpur, Rajasthan: A Study in Sociology of Religion", The Indian Journal of Social Work Vol. Llll(1).

8. Also refer to Stephen Fuchs (1981), At the Bottom of Indian Society: The Harijans and Other Low Castes, New Delhi: Munshi Ram Manoharlal Pubishers.

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The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. LIII, No.2 (April 1992)