Durham Research Online

Deposited in DRO: 10 October 2014 Version of attached le: Published Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Arge, S. V. and Church, M. J. and Brewington, S. (2009) 'Pigs in the Faroe Islands : an ancient facet of the islands' paleoeconomy.', Journal of the North Atlantic., 2 . pp. 19-32. Further information on publisher's website: http://www.eaglehill.us/JONAonline/articles/JONA-Vol-2/05-Arge,%20Church,%20and%20Brewington.shtml

Publisher's copyright statement: Any further replication or distribution of the article, either in whole or in part, except for personal research purposes, is not allowed except with the written permission of the publisher, the Eagle Hill Institute.

Additional information:

Use policy

The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.

Please consult the full DRO policy for further details.

Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk 2009 Journal of the North Atlantic 2:19–32

Pigs in the Faroe Islands: An Ancient Facet of the Islands’ Paleoeconomy

Símun V. Arge1,*, Mike J. Church2, and Seth D. Brewington3

Abstract - This paper discusses the evidence for pig husbandry in the Faroes during the Norse and early Medieval periods. The evidence from zooarchaeology, biomolecular archaeology, and place-name evidence is reviewed, proposing that the keeping of pigs was an important part of the early paleoeconomy of the islands.

Introduction recommendation from 1709–10, where it states that When Faroese agriculture or agricultural issues although a few pigs were kept at the time, this was have been discussed from an historic viewpoint, not the norm, as “… pastures and fi elds are thereby little has been written concerning the keeping of utterly destroyed.” (Degn 1934:70–71). Also, he pigs. Although this issue has been briefl y mentioned cites a copyholder document dating to 1751 that in occasional historic or anthropological papers stated that pigs “… to spare the land, have been abol- (e.g., Joensen 1982:91–93), only Bjørk (1970) has ished” (Bjørk 1970:36). It is worth noting, however, considered this issue in depth, with his analysis fo- that when the young Faroese student Jens Christian cusing on the Reformation and later post-Medieval Svabo presented his recommendations designed to period. The conclusion from his research is clear, improve the Faroese household in the late 18th cen- demonstrating that pig farming was only a very mi- tury, he recommended that the Faroese should utilize nor component of the agricultural economy in the pigs and whatever secondary produce that could be post-Medieval period and that only the occasional obtained (Svabo 1773 [1937]: 223, 228, 231). pig would have been kept at farms around the is- However, recent archaeological, biomolecular, lands in the 17th–19th centuries. and place-name analysis has provided new insights This conclusion was based upon ancient doc- into the keeping of pigs during the Norse and early uments, including copyholds, valuations, and Medieval periods in the Faroes. This paper presents cadastres, dating from the 17th and 18th centuries. the latest zooarchaeological and biomolecular re- Also, there is no mention of pig farming in con- sults from archaeological excavations at the site of temporary 17th-century accounts (cf. Debes 1963, Junkarinsfl øttur on the island of Sandoy (Arge 2001, Tarnovious 1950). Another contemporary observa- Church et al. 2005, Lawson et al. 2005) and con- tion by the Norwegian Peder Claussøn Friis stated in textualizes examples of fi eld monuments that could 1592“… they do not keep many swine there.” (Bjørk derive from ancient pig farming located through 1970:36, Claussøn 1632:149, Storm 1881:67). place-name analysis (Arge 2005a, 2005b). However, Bjørk (1970) points out that, based upon the discussion of place-names in the north- Zooarchaeological Sources in the Faroes ern islands of the Faroes, the Faroese philologist Christian Matras was of the opinion that prior to It is not unusual to fi nd animal bones during ar- the Reformation, pigs had been kept in the northern chaeological excavations in the Faroes, though the islands and other locations around the islands (Bjørk wet, acidic nature of the soil on some sites precludes 1970:35, Matras 1933). According to Bjørk, several bone survival. For example, during the fi rst detailed place-names exist that derived from words associ- archaeological investigation in the islands in 1941 at ated with possible pig-farming practices. Also, a few Niðri á Toft in the village of Kvívík, animal remains pig bones were found at some Norse and Medieval were recovered and the possibility of ancient pig archaeological sites, such as in Kvívík (Dahl 1951). farming was fi rst debated (Dahl 1951:89). Bjørk (1970:37) concluded that there are clear in- On-site soil conditions and bone survival may dications that pigs had been kept in the Medieval vary within the same village, such as in the village of period in the Faroes. Leirvík on Eysturoy. A substantial number of well- Bjørk argued that the main reason for the re- preserved animal bones were found during excava- moval of pigs from the economy was the detrimen- tions in the 1990s of Norse settlement remains at the tal effect they had on the land, a common problem site of í Uppistovubeitinum, which is located in the across the North Atlantic islands (Dugmore et al. upper part of the old infi eld (Arge 1995, 1997:36– 2005). For example, he points to the Commission 37), while only small fragments and cindered bone

1Føroya Forminnissavn, Hoyvík, Postbox 1155, FO-110 Tórshavn, Føroyar. 2Department of Archaeology, Durham Univer- sity, South Road, Durham DH1 3LE, UK. 3CUNY Northern Science and Education Center, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, Brooklyn College, 2900 Bedford Avenue, Brooklyn, NY, USA 11210. *Corresponding author - svarge@ natmus.fo. 20 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 remains were found during excavations in the 1980s erosion extended northwards to another locality of the Viking settlement á Toftanesi, which is located named Undir Breytasandi, close to the beach in- down by the shoreline (Hansen 1991:50, Vickers nermost at the bay of Sandur. In August 2000, the et al. 2005:704). The use of appropriate collec- Faroes National Museum surveyed the area and tion methods is vital in zooarchaeological analysis undertook exploratory investigation of the two sites (McGovern 2004), and modern approaches routinely mentioned above (Arge 2001). use a variety of sieving strategies to recover eco- The layers at Junkarinsfl øttur were over 2.5 m facts and artifacts. The investigation of the sheiling thick and consisted of a series of midden deposits, site of Argisbrekka is an example of good practice interspersed with tantalizing glimpses of walling (Godtfredsen 2007), and the publication of material and structural complexity. The remains represented from other recent archaeological excavations in the the eroding edge of a farm-mound, a common ar- Faroes is expected in the near future. The largest chaeological phenomenon in the North Atlantic. zooarchaeological assemblage of Norse date to be Common artifact types recovered included multiple excavated in the Faroes has recently been recovered pieces of local pottery fragments and iron nails/ from the excavations at Junkarinsfl øttur, where dry- rivets, two re-worked steatite spindle whorls, and sieving (4-mm gauge) of all archaeological deposits rare pieces of worked bone, including a pin head and was routinely undertaken. a small fragment of a comb. The most interesting artifact recovered was a bronze buckle, which was Junkarinsfl øttur, Sandur, Sandoy uncovered in the earliest basal deposits. A special Due to an unusual prolonged period of drought feature of this buckle, which has a diameter of 3.6 in the summer of 2000, large areas of the sandy cm, is its circular, wedge-shaped form. The clos- embankment north of the church in the village of est parallels of a similar type of buckle have been Sandur suddenly collapsed and eroded, exposing an retrieved from a few Viking graves in Iceland. They approximate area of 80–90 m in length. containing have been dated to the 10th century and are believed cultural layers in Junkarinsfl øttur (see Fig. 1). This to be of Baltic origin (Arge 2001).

Figure 1. The view across the bay of Sandsvágur to Junkarinsfl øttur, located on the eroding coastline to the right of the church in the village of Sandur with the site of á Sondum on the nearest side of the bay (Photograph © S.V. Arge). 2009 S.V. Arge, M.J. Church, and S.D. Brewington 21 A key feature of the site was the neutral pH UJF1 (dated to 9th–12th centuries), UJF2 (dated to of the free-draining sandy soil that produced the 11th–12th centuries), and UJF3 (dated to 11th–13th best preservation system for bones yet seen on an centuries). The zooarchaeological assemblage from archaeological site in the Faroes. In 2003, an inter- 2003 (total NISP = 10,445) showed that the propor- national team extended the sondage fi rst excavated tion of animal bones representing domesticated in 2000 as part of the “Landscapes circum landnám” mammals was relatively small in all three phases project investigating the Norse settlement of the North (between 2–8%), compared to the amount represent- Atlantic islands (Edwards et al. 2004). The sond- ing birds, fi sh, and molluscs. The large majority of age was enlarged to extract zooarchaeological and the identifi able fi sh-bones stem from the cod fam- archaeobotanical remains, to undertake geoarchaeo- ily (Gadidea), particularly the Atlantic cod (Gadus logical analysis, and to date the sequence through morhua), but the freshwater resources of the nearby radiocarbon dating (Ascough et al. 2006, Church et lake of Sandsvatn were also exploited. A large variety al. 2005, Lawson et al. 2005). Three further seasons of of bird bones were recovered, proportionally domi- excavation in 2004–6 of the eroding edge and the area nated by puffi n (Fratercula arctica). Figure 3 pres- immediately behind the eroding edge has revealed a ents the changing proportions of domestic mammal Late Norse structure associated with the upper levels bones in the three phases. The relative proportion of the eroding midden deposits, confi rming the identi- of cattle bones decreased between the oldest and fi cation of the site as a large Norse-period farm mound subsequent phases with an increase in sheep/goat, (Fig. 2). The site forms the focus of a multi-disci- a pattern widely observed in most North Atlantic plinary research project, the “Heart of the Atlantic” Landnám sites (Dugmore et al. 2005). It is interest- project, that is exploring the changing cultural and ing to note that compared to Iceland and Greenland natural landscapes on the island of Sandoy, from fi rst the number of cattle bones was considerably fewer settlement to modern time. at Junkarinsfl øttur. Based upon the stratigraphic sequence, artifacts, Excavations at Junkarinsfl øttur during the 2003 and over 20 radiocarbon dates, the site was sepa- fi eld season recovered pig bone fragments from all rated into three overlapping chronological phases: three phases of the site’s occupation. Analysis of

Figure 2. Archaeological investigations of the eroding cliff at Junkarinsfl øttur (Photograph © S.V. Arge). 22 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 the elements present in each phase suggests that the most pig ribs and vertebrae cannot be differentiated assemblage represents whole animals, rather than from those of similarly sized animals (such as sheep) provisioned cuts of pork. Figures 4, 5, and 6 illustrate and are therefore not identifi able to species level. the elements found in the 2003 assemblage for UJF1, Therefore, it is probable that some of the rib and ver- UJF2, and UJF3, respectively. While the majority of tebra fragments present in the Junkarinsfl øttur faunal bones in each phase come from the hind- and fore- assemblage that were only identifi ed to mammalian legs, the assemblages from UJF1 and UJF3 contained level belonged to pigs, and the absence of these bones skull fragments as well. It is important to note that in Figures 4, 5, and 6 does not necessarily indicate

Figure 3. Changing proportions of domestic mammal bones from the 2003 Junkarinsfl øttur archaeofauna (domestic mam- mal NISP = 435). Small percentages of goat and dog bones in two samples are arrowed.

Figure 4. Pig element recovery from UJF1 (NISP = 13).

Figure 5. Pig element recovery from UJF2 (NISP = 30). 2009 S.V. Arge, M.J. Church, and S.D. Brewington 23 the actual absence of these bones in the assemblage. A substantial number of pigs are also common- Butchery marks were evident on only three bones place in Landnám sites on Greenland and Iceland, and, while not numerous enough to allow for a de- but in both places, pigs rarely survive as a major ele- tailed analysis of butchery practices, are consistent ment in the domestic economy beyond the mid-11th with disarticulation of the carcass for consumption. century (Fig. 7). For example, in Iceland during the

Figure 6. Pig element recovery from UJF3 (NISP = 43).

Figure 7. Proportions of pig bones in mammalian components of Norse-period zooarchaeological assemblages in the North Atlantic. Faroes: UJF1, 2, and 3 = Junkarinsfl øttur phases; Norway: Aaker = Aaker (Perdikaris 1990); Iceland: Tjarnarg. = Tjarnargata 4, Herjolfsd. = Herjolfsdalur (Amorosi 1996);,SVK L 9th = Sveigakot late 9th-century AD phase, SVK mid 10th = Sveigakot mid-10th-century AD phase, SVK e 11th = Sveigakot early 11th-century AD phase, SLH LW = Selhagi Lower = 9th–10th-century AD phase, SLH 11th–12th = Selhagi 11th–12th-century AD phase, HST mid 10th = Hofstaðir mid-10th-century AD phase, HST e 11th = Hofstaðir early 11th-century AD phase, HRH mid 10th = Hrísheimar mid-10th century AD phase (McGovern et al. 2001), GST mid 10th = Granastaðir mid-10th century AD phase (Einarsson 1994), and Svalbarð = Svalbarð (Amorosi 1992); Greenland: W 51 = Site W 51 (McGovern et al. 1996), W 48 = site W 48 (McGovern et al. 1983), E 17a = Site E 17a (McGovern et al. 1993), and GUS Ph1 = Gården Under Sandet Phase 1 (Enghoff 2003). 24 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 landnám of the 9th century, proportions of between function of topography, altitude, slope aspect, dis- 10–25% of the contribution of pig bones to the tance to the nearest settlement, and vegetation cover. overall NISP of a zooarchaeological assemblage are These names are both related to natural topographic common, whereas by the 11th–12th centuries the features and to artifi cial structures. Place-names proportions have decreased to less than 3%. This indicating topographic features, such as Svínadalur trend has been interpreted (cf. Dugmore et al. 2005, (pig-valley) and other names with -bottom, -terrace, McGovern et al. 2007) as a response to the environ- -brae, -rock, -ledge, and -depression, indicate that mental degradation caused by free-range pannage pigs have been common-place in the outfi eld, where by pigs. Conversely, pigs are present in all phases they may have been free-ranging or perhaps under at Junkarinsfl øttur and maintain an approximately supervision and kept in special pens or enclosures, equal proportion of the assemblage in each phase. as well as in more inaccessible places like islets and This fi nding may indicate that a pig-farming econ- holmes off the coast. omy was highly esteemed in Sandur and may have There are also place-names that relate to artifi - continued in the islands as an entity at least until cial structural remains. Names ending with –dyke, the 13th century. Preliminary analysis of the smaller -pen and -outfi eld fold (for example Svínagarður, zooarchaeological collection from the Viking- and Grísgarðarnir, Svínaból, Galtaból og Galtatrøðin) Norse-period midden deposits at Á Sondum across show it has been necessary to construct dykes or the bay (McGovern et al. 2004) have also confi rmed folds where pigs would have been kept. Other names the continued presence of pigs from the 9th–12th end with –house and -ruin/s (for example Svínhús, centuries AD. Svínatoft, Grísarhús, Grísatoftin and Purkhús) and The recovery of a substantial number of pig bones show that pigs were likely to have also been kept from the site raises a number of interesting questions indoors, both in the infi eld and outfi eld. concerning the management and keeping of pigs in It is important to confirm if any structural the Norse and early Medieval Faroese landscape. remnants are present at these sites, so they can be Other lines of evidence can be useful in exploring investigated and the place itself surveyed in detail. these issues, including place-name evidence, fi eld To date, no systematic surveying has been under- monuments in the outfi eld, and biomolecular analy- taken. However, confi rmation of structural remains sis of the bones themselves. at places bearing these place-names is already pos- sible at several locations, as for instance at the site of Svínatoftir (Swine-ruins) in the outfi eld at the vil- Place-names and Cultural Remains lage of Sørvágur by Vagar airport (see Fig. 9). The The structural remnants of various agricultural following section outlines some more examples from activities are found across the infi elds and outfi elds the central island of Sandoy on which Junkarinsfl øt- of the Faroes, such as pens, shelters, and various tur is located, highlighting their position in relation dyke constructions that have been used in connection to settlement patterns and the wider landscape. with cow and sheep farming for centuries. There are also other structures that have not been used in re- Place-names and archaeological remains on San- cent centuries, and therefore the knowledge relating doy relating to ancient pig keeping to their usage has disappeared. In several instances, There are a total of twenty-two place-names re- however, place-names are attached to the remnants lating to pig keeping on Sandoy (see Fig. 10), and it that are indicative of their use (Arge 2005b). In this has been possible to confi rm all of their locations in particular case, it is interesting to note that there the fi eld. It is worth noting that on the whole of the are also examples of place-names associated with island it is only in the village of Dalur that no loca- ancient pig keeping. tions bearing pig place-names are present. All the In the place-name fi les at the Faculty of Faroese other villages of settlement age on the island contain Language and Literature at the Faroe University from three to eight pig place-names. there are approximately 140 names that comprise the The great majority of pig place-names are in the words -svín (swine), -grís (pig), -súgv (sow), -galta outfi eld. In the village of Skálavík, all the infi eld (boar), and -purk (pig). These are names that may names are in the same location at the bottom of the directly stem from pig farming or indicate a similar old infi eld, beside and inside the býling-settlement activity. Figure 8 presents all of these names across á Trøðni. This fact may indicate that pigs were kept the islands. The majority of the place-names stem by themselves on this limited land plot. Here, the from the southern islands and from the northwestern place-name Svínajørð (Swine-land) (1) is found, areas of the larger islands, Vágoy, Streymoy, and interpreted as a strip of land. On the top of this Eysturoy. It appears that the eastern areas of these same islands, as well as the northern islands, have Figure 8 (opposite page). Location map and pig-related less concentration of these names, which may be a place-names across the Faroes by bygdir (adapted from Fig. 4 in Arge 2005a). 2009 S.V. Arge, M.J. Church, and S.D. Brewington 25 26 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 plot is the place-name Svínabrekkan (Swine-brae) located just inward of the village in the valley north (2), while Grísaoyran (pig-spit) (3) lies beside the of the stream. The plural, Svínstíggjaheyggjar stream running under this same land plot. Svínaliður (Swine-path-mounds) (10), which is located on (Swine-gate) (4) was the gate in the dyke surround- Vatnabrekka towards the lake of Lítlavatn, is associ- ing Svínajørð (Swine-land). No remnants of this ated with the low mounds present in the area. They gate remain. Svínageil (Swine-path or passage) (5) are on both sides of the village boundary marker is located just beside Swine-gate. These names may between the villages of Húsavík and Skálavík. Ac- refl ect the driving of pigs through the infi eld dykes cording to the place-name list at the University, the to the outfi eld, where they have been driven further name Svínstígamýra (Swine-path-bog) (11) is also afi eld by the swine-paths, of which many examples to be found at this location. However, it has not exist in the place-name register. been possible to locate this name precisely, though In the outfi eld somewhat north of the village are it seems to relate to a peat bog where peat has been the names Niðari (Lower) (6) and Ovari Svínstíggjur cut for generations. At Innastahaga by the village of (Upper Swine-path) (7). Beside the Ovari Svínstíg- Skarvanes is the place-name Stíggjurin á Svínhúsi gjur are structural remains that run at an angle from (Swine-house-path) (14). The name may suggest the a small rocky outcrop. Without a detailed survey and path once passed by a house, though today there is targeted excavation, it is not possible to say anything no visible trace of any house remains. In the same about the function of this structural form. Further outfi eld, just east of the lake of Stóravatn are the north in the outfi eld, we fi nd in the Norðastahaga the place-names Svínsstøðaheyggjurin (Swine-fold- place-name Galtabólið (Boar-fold or pen) (8). This mound) (12) and Svínstøðastøða (Swine-place) (13). feature is a natural projecting crevice that may have The latter name could possibly be Svínstígastøða doubled as a fold and indicates that not all –fold or (Swine-sty-fold) or just Svínsstøða (Swine-fold) –pen names relate to artifi cial structures. (Lawson et al. 2005). This indicates that by the Svínstíggj names (Swine-path names) are found mound was a designated place where pigs had been at several locations on the island. In the village of kept or gathered, and according to local tradition, a Húsavik is the name Svínstíggjur (Swine-path) (9) round enclosure was once present there. It is likely

Figure 9. Svínatoftir in the outfi eld of the village of Sørvágur, Vágoy. On the site are some small stone structures, indicated by arrows, which have not been excavated (Photograph © S.V. Arge). 2009 S.V. Arge, M.J. Church, and S.D. Brewington 27 this was the case, as it is still possible to discern the Grísgarðarnir (Pig-dykes) (21)—three low ephemeral structural remains by the mound. sod dykes on the steep slope on the eastside of In the village of Sandur, there is only the one name the Salthøvdi—and on the beach below them lies in the infi eld, Galtatrøðin (Boar-plot) (15), which is Grísurðin (Pig-scree) (22; see Fig. 11). located below the houses of the býling-settlement, á A number of general points can be raised about Sondum. At the bottom of Sandsdalur lies Gríshúsið this collection of place-names. Firstly, the names are (Pig-house) (16), although no immediate visible found both in the infi eld and the outfi eld, indicating signs of structural remains are visible at this site. On that pig management was undertaken in both areas. the west side of the island and east of Salthøvda, in Secondly, all of the place-names in the outfi eld are the outfi eld called Søltuvíkshagi, is the placename located in low-lying topography, generally below Svínadalur (Swine-valley) (17), which is a shallow the 100-m contour, and none are to be found on the depression resembling a small valley. In the valley, high ground. Thirdly, all of the place-names are very are the place-names Svínadalsstøðlarnir (Swine- close to permanent water courses that would have valley-folds) (18, 19), and along the coastline below provided water and wallowing areas for the pigs. the valley lies Svíndalsurðin (Swine-valley-scree) However, proximity to running water in the Faroes (20). The most prominent features though, are is not an uncommon landscape trait! The positions

Figure 10. Pig-related place-names on Sandoy, showing village boundaries (adapted from Fig. 5 in Arge 2005a). 28 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 also correspond to the main lines of communication thereof from tormentilla …” (Claussøn 1632:149). through the landscape, for example, in valleys and However, because of its high content of tannic acid, near to the coast, which suggests that the moving and which has been used for tanning in the Atlantic driving of pigs may have occurred as part of a wider islands, Bjørk seems to doubt this conjecture. He network of common communication links. It is also maintains the issue has been muddled, and the plant important to appreciate that the pig place-names are in question is buttercup (Ranunculus sp.) instead clustered around the infi elds and outfi elds of the of tormentilla (Bjørk 1970:45–46). According to three villages of Sandur, Skálavík, and Húsavík, Fenton, however, it seems that in the Scottish isles presumably a function of their antiquity. However, it it is common for pigs to eat the root of tormentilla is also likely that pigs were kept in places where no (Fenton 1978:496). This claim is also supported by surviving place-names indicate such activity. For ex- Shetland and Swedish sources dating from the 18th ample, it is possible pigs were kept along with cattle century (Olsen 2004:81). Both types of plant are in outfi elds around the islands, as argued previously very common across the infi elds and outfi elds of the in association with place-names adjacent to Viking modern vegetation of the Faroes (Fosaa 2000, 2001), summer pastures (Bjørk 1970:40–41, Fellows-Jens- as is likely to have been the case from settlement en 2002:94). onwards. Also, buttercup seeds have been found in archaeobotanical assemblages from Junkarinsfl øttur (Church et al. 2005) and á Toftanesi (Vickers et al. Pig Fodder 2005), demonstrating the presence of the plant on Another key research question addresses what the contemporary settlements, either growing on site the pigs ate. The place-name evidence suggests or taken from somewhere else. free-range pannage was sustainable in the outfi eld. It is also equally true that pigs will eat almost It was a common practice across Medieval Europe anything organic. This fact made Svabo record the for pigs to dig their sustenance from the ground following; “… this useful glutinous animal almost (Biddick 1984, Ward and Mainland 1999). In Faroes, rears itself … it was not impartial to refuse discarded Claussøn Friis, whose information is written in 1592 by man, as farmers do not care as well for their soil (Rischel 1963:18), talks about pigs in the outfi eld and gardens as they once did, and fattening then having dug up the root of the tormentilla plant (Po- could have been achieved through barley, home tentilla erecta L.): “… and their swine become fat grown corn, potatoes, and turnips.” (Svabo 1773

Figure 11. Grísgarðar—the pig-dykes—indicated by arrows on the promontory of Salthøvdi, Sandoy (21 on Fig. 10) (Pho- tograph © S.V. Arge). 2009 S.V. Arge, M.J. Church, and S.D. Brewington 29 [1937]:223). Extensive midden deposits comprised and reputed to have owned the whole island, is said to of domestic waste have been found at a number of have kept pigs at Grísarhúsinum uppi í Skor (the Pigs- Norse excavations across the islands. This waste house at Skor—a place-name). However, the person could have been used for pig fodder, through deliber- he appointed to care for the pigs ate all the fodder ate curation or opportunistic feeding by wandering intended for the pigs, which resulted in the pigs dy- pigs in and around the settlement. Based upon the ing from hunger (Andreassen 1988:246). Both of proportionately large number of fi sh-bones uncov- these stories imply that deliberate production of food ered at Junkarinsfl øttur, it could be argued that much for pigs was a common practice, suggesting a mixed of the domestic waste from this site comprised dis- approach may have been made between providing carded fi sh products. It was also hypothesized that fodder at certain points of the year (presumably in the the pigs may have been kept in sties and fed fi sh of- colder months) and free-range pannage in the outfi eld fal. To test for the presence of any signifi cant marine for the rest of the year. component within the diet of the pigs, analysis was undertaken on the δ13C values produced during ra- Pigs and the Environment diocarbon determinations of pig bones from the site (see Table 1). This analysis formed part of an interna- A number of multi-proxy paleoenvironmental tional project investigating piggery practices across studies have been conducted on sequences from the North Atlantic in the Norse and early Medieval peat bogs and lakes across the Faroes (cf. Edwards periods, with the laboratory methods outlined by et al. 2005; Hannon and Bradshaw 2000; Hannon et Ascough et al. (2007). The δ13C values from the pig al. 2001, 2005; Lawson et al. 2005, 2007a, 2008) bones from Contexts 22 and 23 (in the earliest phase that have presented a picture of remarkable robust- of the site) were consistent with values expected of ness of the environment to human impact. The animals feeding mainly within the terrestrial food severity and scale of environmental degradation at web (cf. Arneborg et al. 1999, De Niro 1985, Gupta landnám that occurred in Iceland, and to a lesser ex- and Polach 1985, Koch et al. 1994), and matched the tent in Greenland, did not occur in the Faroes. This isotopic ranges of the two cow bones analyzed from result is a function of a number of factors, including the site (see Table 1). Though many more samples the comparatively mild Faroese climate, the peaty need to be processed to gain a statistically represen- nature of the Faroese landscape, and the lack of tative sample, the results provisionally suggest that tree cover. Few signs of major erosion episodes are a terrestrial diet was the mainstay of pig-keeping on noted, but one of the main impacts of landnám was the site and it is logical to suggest that the fodder was the increased amount of phosphorus run-off into the obtained away from the marine-rich waste areas near lakes, modeled through chironomid analysis (Gath- the settlements, i.e., in the outfi elds. orne-Hardy et al. 2007; Lawson et al. 2005, 2008). Some oral legends, sagas, and stories tell of pig It is argued that this increase was a result of the farming in the Faroes. For example, in the saga of introduction of domestic animal dung into the soil Snopprikkur, it is said that while he was a farm hand and hydrological systems, with free-ranging pigs in at the farm í Giljum in the village of Hvalbøur on the outfi eld part of the domestic introductions. This Suðuroy, he cared for seven pigs owned by the farm- phenomenon has also been identifi ed in the north- er. Instead of walking all the way from Giljum north ern Iceland settlement landscapes of Mývatnssveit to Elukonurætt (name of a pen or fold) by Sandvik (Lawson et al. 2006, 2007b). to feed the pigs, he ate for himself what was edible and threw the rest away. The result was that the pigs Conclusion died from hunger with only the carcasses remaining (Jakobsen 1961:14). The same story exists on the In conclusion, it has been argued that pig farm- island of Skúvoy. The farmer, called Magnus Stóri ing was an established aspect of the ancient Faroese

Table 1: Radiocarbon and isotopic results for selected pig bones recovered in the 2003 excavations at Junkarinsfl øttur (from Church et al. 2005, with additional 15N information).

Context Sample ID Material 14C age (yr BP ± 1 σ) 13C (‰) 15N (‰) 22 SUERC-3423 Cattle neonatal calcaneus unfused bone 990 ± 35 -20.8 6.7 22 SUERC-3424 Pig distal femora shaft unfused bone 1035 ± 35 -21.0 3.2 23 SUERC-3425 Cattle neonatal metacarpus distal bone 980 ± 40 -20.8 5.6 23 SUERC-3410 Pig long-bone 965 ± 40 -21.2 3.8 23 SUERC-3411 Pig long-bone 1075 ± 40 -20.8 2.6 23 SUERC-3415 Pig long-bone 935 ± 40 -21.3 5.5 23 SUERC-3416 Pig long-bone 1005 ± 35 -21.6 6.6 23 SUERC-3426 Pig frontal bone (skull) with chop marks 1095 ± 40 -22.5 7.4 30 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 household in the Norse and early Medieval periods Arge, S.V. 2005b. Uttangarðs: Relics in the Faeroe out- on Sandoy. The ancient settlers brought pig-farming fi eld. Pp.67–82, In I. Holm, S. Innselset, and I. Øye in their “landnám package” when they colonized (Eds.). Utmark: The Outfi eld as Industry and Ideology the Faroes along with other islands in the North At- in the Iron Age and Middle Ages. UBAS International 1, University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway. 251 pp. lantic (Dugmore et al. 2005). Through preliminary Arneborg, J., J. Heinemeier, N. Lynnerup, H.L. Nielsen, zooarchaeological investigations conducted at the N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir. 1999. Change of sites of Junkarinsfl øttur and Á Sondum, it has been diet of the Greenland Vikings determined from stable confi rmed that pig-farming was an important part of carbon isotope analysis and 14C dating of their bones. the Faroese paleoeconomy in the Viking and Norse Radiocarbon 41:157–68. periods up to at least the early 13th century. As was Ascough, P.L., G.T. Cook, M.J. Church, A.J. Dugmore, the case with two other Viking-period economic S.V. Arge, and T.H. McGovern. 2006. Variability in practices, the tradition of transhumance and sheep North Atlantic marine radiocarbon reservoir effects at c.1000 AD. The Holocene 16:131–136. milking, this aspect of farming has disappeared in Ascough, P.L., G.T. Cook, M.J. Church, A.J. Dugmore, the intervening centuries. T.H. McGovern, E. Dunbar, Á. Einarsson, A. Friðriks- son, and H. Gestsdóttir. 2007. Reservoirs and radio- 14 Acknowledgments carbon: C dating problems in Mývatnssveit, northern Iceland. Radiocarbon 49:947–961. The authors would like to thank Eivind Weyhe, As- Biddick, K. 1984. Pig husbandry at the Peterborough ab- sociate Professor of Linguistics, the Faculty of Faroese bey estate from the 12th to the 14th century AD. Pp. Language and Literature at the University of the Faroe 231–234, In C. Grigson and J. Clutton-Brock (Eds.). Islands, Tórshavn, and the local sources Palli Dalsgaard Animals and Archaeology 4: Husbandry in Europe. and Torfi nn Mortensen, Skálavík, Hanus undir Leitinum, British Archaeological Reports International Series Húsavík, and Hanus í Skumputoft, Tórshavn for providing 227, Oxford, UK. 269 pp. us with information and advice. We also wish to express Bjørk, E.A. 1970. Svinehold på Færøerne i ældre tid. our gratitude to Arne Thorsteinsson, former State Anti- Fróðskaparrit 18:35–52. quary, Tórshavn, and colleagues attached to the “Heart of Church, M.J., S.V. Arge, S. Brewington, T.H. McGovern, Atlantic Project” for rewarding discussions and collabora- J.H. Woollett, S. Perdikaris, I.T. Lawson, G.T. Cook, tion. Helgi D. Michelsen is thanked for help in producing C. Amundsen, R. Harrison, Y. Krivogorskaya, and Figures 8 and 10. The fi nancial support from Anadarko E. Dunbar 2005. Puffi ns, pigs, cod, and barley: Pa- (Faroes), BP Amoco Exploration (Faroes), Leverhulme laeoeconomy at Undir Junkarinsfl øtti, Sandoy, Faroe Trust (UK), and National Science Foundation (USA) is Islands. Environmental Archaeology 10:179–197. also gratefully acknowledged. Claussøn, P. 1632. Norriges Oc Omliggende Øers sand- færdige Bescriffuelse. Melchior Marson, Kiøbenhaffn, Denmark.185 pp. Literature Cited Dahl, S. 1951. Fornar toftir í Kvívík. Varðin 29:65–96. Debes, L. 1963. Færøernes Beskrivelse, Selskabet til Ud- Amorosi, T. 1992. Climate impact and human response givelse af færøske Kildeskrifter og Studier af Jørgen at Svalbarð Farm, northeast Iceland. Pp. 131–152, In Rischel. Facsimily Editions I–II. Munksgaard, Copen- C.D. Morris and J. Rackham (Eds.). Norse and later hagen, Denmark. 367 and 180 pp. settlement and subsistence in the North Atlantic. Glas- Degn, A. 1934. Kommissionsbetænkningen 1709–10 gow University Press, Glasgow, UK. 230 pp. ang. Færøernes Tilstand ved Kongens Overtagelse af Amorosi, T. 1996. Icelandic zooarchaeology and global Enehandelen paa Færøerne. A/S Færø Amtstidende’s change research: New data applied to issues of histori- Bogtrykkeri, Tórshavn, Faroe Islands. 182 pp. cal ecology, paleoeconomy, and global change. Ph.D. DeNiro, M.J. 1985. Postmortem preservation and altera- Dissertation. The Graduate School and University tion of in vivo bone collagen isotope ratios in relation Center of the City University of New York, New York, to palaeodietary reconstruction. Nature 317:806–809. NY, USA. Dugmore, A.J., M.J. Church, P.C. Buckland, K.J. Edwards, Andreassen, P. 1988. Skúvoyar søga. Seinna Bind, Skú- I.T. Lawson, T.H. McGovern, E. Panagiotakopulu, voy, Faroe Islands. 284 pp. I.A. Simpson, P. Skidmore, and G. Sveinbjarnardót- Arge, S.V. 1995. Mergsogin bein : Ein aldargamal matsiður. tir. 2005. The Norse landnám on the North Atlantic Fróðskaparrit 43:59–65. islands: An environmental impact assessment. Polar Record 41:21–37. Arge, S.V. 1997. Í Uppistovubeitinum. Site and Settle- Edwards, K.J., P.C. Buckland, A.J. Dugmore, T.H. ment. Fróðskaparrit 45:27–44. McGovern, I.A. Simpson, and G. Sveinbjarnardóttir. Arge, S.V. 2001. Forn búsetning heima á Sandi. Frøði 2004. Landscapes circum-Landnám: Viking settle- 2:5–13. ment in the North Atlantic and its human and ecologi- Arge, S.V. 2005a. Um svínahald í Føroyum: Eitt ískoyti til cal consequences: A major new research programme. ein horvnan part av forna føroyska húsarhaldinum. Pp. Pp. 260–271, In R. Housley and G.M. Coles (Eds.). 38–52, In A. Mortensen (Ed.). Fólkaleikur: Heiðursrit Atlantic Connections and Adaptations: Economies, til Jóan Paula Joensen. Føroya Fróðskaparfelag, Tórs- Environments, and Subsistence in Lands Bordering havn, Faroe Islands. 321 pp. the North Atlantic. Oxbow, Oxford, UK. 271 pp. 2009 S.V. Arge, M.J. Church, and S.D. Brewington 31 Edwards, K.J., D. Borthwick, G.T. Cook, A.J. Dugmore, Koch, P.L., M.L. Fogel, and N. Tuross. 1994. Tracing the K-A. Mairs, M.J. Church, I.A. Simpson, and P.A. diets of fossil animals using stable isotopes. Pp. 63–92, Adderley. 2005. A hypothesis-based approach to In K. Lajtha and R.H. Michener (Eds.). Stable Isotopes landscape change in Suðuroy, Faroe Islands. Human in Ecology and Environmental Science. Blackwell Ecology 33:621–650. Scientifi c Publications, Oxford, UK. 592 pp. Einarsson, B.F. 1994. The Settlement of Iceland, a Critical Lawson, I.T., M.J. Church, T.H. McGovern, S.V. Arge, Approach: Granastaðir and the Ecological Heritage. J. Woollett, K.J. Edwards, F.J. Gathorne-Hardy, A.J. Gothenburg Archaeological Theses Number 4, Goth- Dugmore, G.T. Cook, K-A. Mairs, A.M. Thompson, enburg, Sweden. 206 pp. and G. Sveinbjarnardóttir. 2005. Historical ecol- Enghoff, I.B. 2003. Hunting, Fishing, and Animal Hus- ogy on Sandoy, Faroe Islands: Palaeoenvironmental bandry at the Farm Beneath the Sand, Western Green- and archaeological perspectives. Human Ecology land: An Archaeozoological Analysis of a Norse Farm 33:651–684. in the Western Settlement. Meddelelser om Grønland: Lawson, I.T., F.J. Gathorne-Hardy, M.J. Church, Á Ein- Man and Society 28, Copenhagen, Denmark. 104 pp. arsson, K.J. Edwards, S. Perdikaris, T.H. McGovern, Fellows-Jensen, G. 2002. Old Faroese ærgi yet again. C. Amundsen, and G. Sveinbjarnardóttir. 2006. Hu- Eivindarmál. Heiðursrit til Eivind Weyhe á seksti ára man impact on freshwater environments in Norse and degi hansara 25 Apríl 2002. Annales Societatis Scien- early Medieval Iceland. Pp. 375–382, In J. Arneborg tiarum Færoensis Supplementum 32:89–96. and B. Grønnow (Eds.). The Dynamics of Northern Fenton, A. 1978. The Northern Isles: Orkney and Shet- Societies. Aarhus University Press, Copenhagen, Den- land. John Donald Publishers Ltd., Edinburgh, UK. mark. 415 pp. 721 pp. Lawson, I.T., M.J. Church, K.J. Edwards, G.T. Cook, Fosaa, A.M. 2000. Wildfl owers in the Faroe Islands. and A.J. Dugmore. 2007a. Peat initiation in the Faroe Føroya Náttúrugripasavn, Tórshavn. 34 pp. Islands: Climate or people? Earth and Environmental Fosaa, A.M. 2001. A review of plant communities of the Science Transactions of the Royal Society of Edin- Faroe Islands. Fróðskaparrit 48:41–54. burgh 98:15–28. Gathorne-Hardy, F.J., I.T. Lawson, M.J. Church, S.J. Lawson, I.T., F.J. Gathorne-Hardy, M.J. Church, A.J. Brooks, P.C. Buckland, and K.J. Edwards. 2007. Newton, K.J. Edwards, and A.J. Dugmore. 2007b. Response of Chironomidae (Insecta: Diptera) to the Environmental impacts of the Norse settlement: Pa- impact of human settlement at Lake Gróthúsvatn, laeoenvironmental data from Helluvaðstörn, Mývat- Sandoy, Faroe Islands: Phosporus and climate recon- nssveit, northern Iceland. Boreas 36:1–19. structions. The Holocene 17:1259–1264. Lawson, I.T., K.J. Edwards, M.J. Church, A.J. Newton, Godtfredsen, A.B. 2007. Husdyr, fangst og fi skeri. Pp. G.T. Cook, F.J. Gathorne-Hardy, and A.J. Dugmore. 282–297, In D.L. Mahler (Ed.). Sæteren ved Argis- 2008. Human impact on an island system: Pollen data brekka. Økonomiske Forandringer på Færøerne i from Sandoy, Faroe Islands. Journal of Biogeography Vikingetid og Tidlig Middelalder. (Economic Devel- 35:1130–1152. opment During the Viking Age and Early Middle Ages Matras, C. 1933. Stednavne paa de Færøske Norðuroyar, on the Faroe Islands.) Annales Societatis Scientiarum Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, III. Færoensis Supplementum 47, Føroya Fróðskapar- Rk, 22 Bd, København, Denmark. 326 pp. felag, Tórshavn, Faroe Islands. 525 pp. McGovern, T.H. 2004. North Atlantic Biocultural Organi- Gupta, S.K., and H.A. Polach. 1985. Radiocarbon Dat- zation (NABO) 10 years on: Science, education, and ing Practices at ANU. Australian National University community. Pp. 254–259, In R. Housley and G.M. Press, Canberra, Australia. 177 pp. Coles (Eds.). Atlantic Connections and Adaptations: Hannon, G.E., and R.H.W. Bradshaw. 2000. Impacts and Economies, Environments, and Subsistence in Lands timing of the fi rst human settlement on vegetation of Bordering the North Atlantic. Oxbow, Oxford, UK. the Faroe Islands. Quaternary Research 54:404–413. 271 pp. Hannon, G.E., S. Wastegård, E.G. Bradshaw, and R.H.W. McGovern, T.H., P.C. Buckland, G. Sveinbjarnardóttir, D. Bradshaw. 2001. Human impact and landscape Savory, P. Skidmore, and C. Andreasen. 1983. A study degradation on the Faroe Islands. Biology and En- of the faunal and fl oral remains from two Norse farms vironment: Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy in the Western Settlement, Greenland. Arctic Anthro- 101B:129–139. pology 20:93–120. Hannon, G.E., R.H.W. Bradshaw, E.G. Bradshaw, I. McGovern, T.H., G.F. Bigelow, T. Amorosi, J.W. Wool- Snowball, and S. Wastegård. 2005. Climate change lett, and S. Perdikaris. 1993. Animal bones from E17a and human settlement as drivers of Late Holocene Narsaq. Meddelelser om Grønland: Man and Society vegetational change in the Faroe Islands. The Holo- 18:101–122. cene 15:639–647. McGovern, T.H., T. Amorosi, S. Perdikaris, and J.W. Hansen, S.S. 1991. Toftanes: A Faroese Viking Age farm- Woollett. 1996. Zooarchaeology of Sandnes V51: Eco- stead from the 9th–10th century. Acta Archaeologica nomic change at a chieftain’s farm in west Greenland. 61:44–53. Arctic Anthropology 33:94–122. Jakobsen, J. 1961. Færøske Folkesagn og Æventyr. H.N. Ja- McGovern T.H., S. Perdikaris, and C. Tinsley. 2001. cobsens Bókahandil, Tórshavn, Faroe Islands. 592 pp. Economy of landnám: The evidence of zooarchaeol- Joensen, J.P. 1982. Fiskafólk. Ein lýsing av Føroyska ogy. Pp. 154–166, In A. Wawn and T. Sigurðardottir Húshaldinum í Slupptíðini. Føroya Sparikassi, Tór- (Eds.). Approaches to Vinland. Nordahl Institute Stud- shavn, Faroe Islands. 528 pp. ies, Reykjavík, Iceland. 238 pp. 32 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 2 McGovern, T.H., S. Perdikaris, and C. Amundsen, C. 2004. Animal bones from Sondum (27012) Sandoy, Faroe Islands. Unpublished NORSEC Zooarchaeo- logical Laboratories Report No. 23, CUNY Northern Science and Education Center, New York, NY, USA. 9 pp. McGovern, T.H., O. Vésteinsson, A. Friðriksson, M.J. Church, I.T. Lawson, I.A. Simpson, Á. Einarsson, A.J. Dugmore, G.T. Cook, S. Perdikaris, K.J. Edwards, A.M. Thomson, W.P. Adderley, A.J. Newton, G. Lu- cas, R. Edvardsson, O. Aldred, and E. Dunbar. 2007. Landscapes of settlement in northern Iceland: Histori- cal ecology of human impact and climate fl uctuation on the millenial scale. American Anthropologist 109:27–51. Olsen, O. 2004. Roten samlas till garfwerierna. Om blodrotens (Potentilla erecta) nytta. Pp. 71–84, In M. Mantelow and I. Svanberg (Eds.). Växter i Linnés Landskap, Linnés Historiska Landskap No. 1, Upp- sala, Sweden. 147 pp. Perdikaris, S. 1990. Aaker: A zooarchaeological per- spective on a Norwegian Iron Age site. Masters Dissertation. The Graduate School and University Center of the City University of New York, New York, NY, USA. Rischel, J. (Ed.). 1963. Lucas Debes Færøernes Beskri- velse. Selskabet til Udgivelse af Færøske Kildeskrifter og Studier II, Indledning og Noter Munksgaard, Kø- benhavn, Denmark. 180 pp. Storm, G. 1881. Samlede Skrifter af Peder Claussøn Friis. Udgivne af den Norske Historiske Forening, Trykt hos A.W. Brøgger, Kristiania, Norway. 493 pp. Svabo, J.C. 1773 (republished in 1937). Tanker om Færøes ekonomie og dens forbedring. Varðin 17:212–236. Tarnovius, T. 1950. Ferøers Beskrifvelser. H. Hamre. Fær- oensia Textus and Investigationes. Volume II. Ejnar Munksgaard, København, Denmark. 103 pp. Vickers, K., J. Bending, P.C. Buckland, K.J. Edwards, S.S. Hansen, and G.T. Cook. 2005. Toftanes: The pa- leoecology of a Norse Landnám farm. Human Ecology 33:685–710. Ward, J., and I. Mainland. 1999. Microwear in modern rooting and stall-fed pigs. Environmental Archaeol- ogy 4:25–33.