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The Hermitage of «Panagia Eleousa» (Virgin Merciful) Great Prespa: an Artistic Expression of Time and Space Limit Between Two Eras and Two Nationalities

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The Hermitage of «Panagia Eleousa» (Virgin Merciful) Great Prespa: an Artistic Expression of Time and Space Limit Between Two Eras and Two Nationalities CYRIL AND METHODIUS: BYZANTIUM AND THE WORLD OF THE SLAVS (THESSALONIKI 2015): pp. 302-326 The Hermitage of «Panagia Eleousa» (Virgin Merciful) Great Prespa: an Artistic Expression of Time and Space Limit Between Two Eras and Two Nationalities Melina Paissidou Aristotle University of Thessaloniki he first references in the bibliography about the hermitage of «Panagia Eleousa» (Virgin Merciful), situated within the Greek borders of the lake Great (Megali) Prespa, were brought to light at the end of 19th century. They belong to P. N. Miljukov, T 1 member of the Russian Archaeological Institute of Constantinople in 1899 . From the middle of 20th century onwards publications of professor Stylianos Pelekanidis, concerning his in- spections in the uninvestigated land2, and of professor Nikolaos Moutsopoulos3, concerning his excavations, gave new impetus in the overall research of the area of Prespa lakes includ- ing the hermitage as well. The mural decoration of Panagia Eleousa has been studied by the academician professor Gojko Subotić, categorizing it in the so-called artistic unity of the “School of Ochrid” of the 15th century and emphasizing those elements, which unify the artis- tic production of the broader northern Macedonian area4. Moreover, an edition of the Greek Ministry of Culture in 1991 constituted the first archaeological guide of the area5. Ιn the years 1995-2002 the byzantine monuments of Prespa Lakes –the hermitage included- have been thoroughly investigated, excavated and maintained through a Greek-European program held 1 P.N. Miljukov, Hristianskija drevnosti Zapadnoi Makedonii, Izvestija Russkago Arheologitseskago Insti- tuta v Konstantinopol IV.1 (1899), 60-62. 2 S. Pelekanidis, Βυζαντινά και μεταβυζαντινά μνημεία της Πρέσπας, Θεσσαλονίκη 1960. 3 Ν. Moutsopoulos, Η βασιλική του Αγίου Αχιλλείου στην Πρέσπα. Συμβολή στη μελέτη των μνημείων της περιοχής, Α, Β, Γ, Θεσσαλονίκη 1989. 4 G. Subotic, Oхридска сликарска школа XV века, Београд 1980, 34-42. 5 D. Eugenidou - I. Kanonidis - Th. Papazotos, Tα μνημεία των Πρεσπών, Αθήνα 1991. 302 THE Hermitage OF «PANAGIA ELEOuSA» (VIRGIN MERCIFuL) Great Prespa: AN Artistic ExPRESSION OF TIME AND Space LIMIT BETwEEN TwO ERAS AND TwO Nationalities by the 11th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities6. The hermitage of Panagia Eleousa has been built in a cave on the rocky cliffs of the southern shore of the Great Prespa Lake (fig. ).1 It makes part of a unit of small byzantine and post byzantine hermitages, which today are shared among three different countries, thus forming a monumental frontier between Greece, Albania and FYROM. within the Greek borders Panagia Eleousa counts as the last among five hermitages, dated in the 14th and 15th centuries, which lay to the southern coast of the Psarades village. Its place in the limit of a three-nation borderline and its punctual date in 1409/10 give to the monument its speciality in terms of site, time and culture. It is built and decorated when the population of byzantine Macedonia was gradually passed under the domination of the Ottomans7. Therefore, it is chronologically placed in the transition period between two eras –the Byzantine and the Ottoman or Post byzantine-, and geographically within the broader area where greek-byzantine and slavic populations coexist, under the protection of the same religion and the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Ochrid that existed from 10208. The Archbishopric was officially Greek-speaking and had harmonious collaboration with the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate, yet bilingual bishoprics were included in its territory. As a factor of unification, the Archbishopric has undertaken the initiative and duty of continuing a common civilization within the frame of the post-byzantine world, during the turbulent 15th century. Though in historical terms the conditions form overturning scenery, on the contrary the basic cultural principles lead to unity. The donor inscription of the hermitage gives an eloquent proof of such a combination through the reference of Kral Vukašin with his hellenized name as “afthe[n]tis Vlukasinos” (master Vlukasinos)9 (fig. ).2 Although the inscription points to the same date, 1409/10, 6 Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 50 (1995), Χρονικά Β2, 594-595. Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 52 (1997), Χρονικά Β2, 778-783, 823-826. Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 53 (1998), Χρονικά Β2, 700-701, 704-705, 714. Μ. Paissidou, Άγιος Αχίλλειος 1996-1998: Συμπεράσματα και προβληματισμοί, Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη 12 (1998), Θεσσαλονίκη 2000, 527-542. M. Paissidou, «Οι ανασκαφές στις Πρέσπες κατά την περί- οδο 1996-1997», Πρώτη Αρχαιολογική Συνάντηση νομού Φλώρινας, Νομαρχιακή Αυτοδιοίκηση Φλώρινας, 11η Ε.Β.Α. - ΙΖ Ε.Π.Κ.Α., Φλώρινα 4/7/1998 (unpublished communication). 7 A. Vacalopoulos, Ιστορία της Μακεδονίας 1354-1833, Θεσσαλονίκη 1988, 40-55, 63-71. 8 For the Archbishopric of Οchrid see: H. Gelzer, Der Patriarchat von Achrida, Geschichte und Urkunden, Leipzig 1902. И. Снегаров, охридската архиепископия, 1-2, София 1924. A. P. Péchayre, L’archevêché d’Ochrida de 1394 à 1767, Échos d’Orient 39 (no 182 – 183) (1936), 183-204, 280-323. A. Delicari, Η αρχι- επισκοπή Αχριδών κατά τον Μεσαίωνα. Ο ρόλος της ως ενωτικού παράγοντα στην πολιτική και εκκλησιαστική ιστορία των Σλάβων των Βαλκανίων και του Βυζαντίου [Ελληνισμός και κόσμος των Σλάβων 12], Θεσσαλο- νίκη 2014 (under press). 9 The first publication of the inscription was made by Miljukov (Miljukov, Hristianskija drevnosti, 62) and the second by Pelekanidis (Pelekanidis, Mνημεία της Πρέσπας, 125-126) who corrected the mistakes and completed the missing words. In the publication of Moutsopoulos, that followed, is given also the facsimile 303 CYRIL AND METHODIUS: BYZANTIUM AND THE WORLD OF THE SLAVS (THESSALONIKI 2015): pp. 302-326 for erection and mural decoration, some scholars ascribe its erection during the reign of Vukašin (1355-1371)10 dissociating it from its painted decoration that undoubtedly belongs to 1409/1011. On the contrary, we support that both the edifice and its decoration are to be attributed to the same period, namely in the beginning of the 15th century. The reference to the late Kral is an expedient anachronism that reflects not only the maintenance of memory but also points to a desirable system of self-administration for the christian populations of the area by a christian governor, no matter his nationality, at least during 15th century. The three monks and donors Savvas, Iakovos and Varlaam, of greek origin, evoke the sovereignty of Vukašin, by their choice without being forced to accept it12. The serbian Zupan of Prilep and subsequent Kral Vukašin, as a ruler of the western part of Macedonia, aimed with his brother King ugljesa, to re-establish the ancient serbian kingdom, strengthening the central power in their territory, among which the area of Prespes was, within the scope of usurpation of the byzantine power that was gradually weakened13. Furthermore, both brothers have made appeal to Byzantium to confront in alliance the common enemy14. Vukašin was killed in the battle of Maritsa in 1371 and his son, the popular and almost legendary, kral Marko became his successor until his death in the battle of Rovine in 1395, yet as a vassal to the Ottomans. Portraits of members of the serbian family are depicted twice: Vukašin is represented with the Tsar uro in Saint Nikolaos in Psača during his reign (1365-71)15 and in the Monastery of Marko after his death, with the Kral Marko16, thus pointing to the dynastic continuity despite their subjugation to the Ottomans. Although 38 years have been intervened between the battle of Maritsa and the donor inscription of the Virgin Eleousa, the memory of Vukašin’s reign in the broader area has of the inscription (Ν. Μoutsopoulos, Βυζαντινά μνημεία της Μεγάλης Πρέσπας, Χαριστήριον εις Α. Κ. Ορ- λάνδον Β΄ (2), Αθήναι 1964, 150-152). 10 Μoutsopoulos, ό.π., 142-159. Sl. Čurčić, Architecture in the Balkans. From Diocletian to Suleyman the Magnificent, Yale – New Haven - London 2010, 598-599. 11 For the date of mural decoration of the hermitage see: Pelekanidis, Mνημεία της Πρέσπας, 112-126. Moutsopoulos, Βυζαντινά μνημεία, 153-154. Subotić, Oхридска, 34-37. 12 Eloquent proof of the peaceful coexistence of greek and slavic populations in the broader Macedonia, during the 15th century, is given through the Greek donor inscription in the church of the Ascension in Lescoeć (Subotić, Oхридска, 93-96). 13 For the Kral Vukašin and the Kral Marko see C. Jireček, Geschichte der Serben 1 (1967), 430, 433-434, 437-438. For the Mirnjavcević dynasty, their policy in Macedonia and relative rich bibliography see: N. Dio- nysopoulos, Πορτρέτα κοσμικών δωρητών στην εντοίχια ζωγραφική του Αγίου Όρους (14ος – αρχές 16ου αι.) (unpublished PhD dissertation), Βόλος 2012, 87-93, 120-121, 169. 14 G. Ostrogorsky, Ιστορία του Βυζαντινού Κράτους, Γ, Αθήνα 1981, 241. 15 G. Millet – T. Velmans, La peinture du Moyen Age en Yougoslavie IV, Paris 1969, pl. 65.127, 67. 129- 130. V. Djurić, Byzantinische Fresken in Jugoslawien, München 1976, 110, fig. 73. 16 Millet – Velmans, Yougoslavie, pl. 108.195. D. Kotso, La peinture murale en Macédoine jusqu’à la fin du xIVe siècle, Le trésor artistique de la Macédoine, Skopje 1984, 170-171. 304 THE Hermitage OF «PANAGIA ELEOuSA» (VIRGIN MERCIFuL) Great Prespa: AN Artistic ExPRESSION OF TIME AND Space LIMIT BETwEEN TwO ERAS AND TwO Nationalities been kept alive. Even though a typological similarity between dedicatory inscriptions referring to the Kral is observed: in the church of Theotokos in Mali Grad (1368/9) we read: “Afthentevontos panypsilotatou kraliou tou Velikasinou” (during the mastership of the highest Kral Velikasinou)17 in a similar expression to “Afthentis Vlukasinos” of the examined monument. Moreover, numismatic evidences and hoards of Vukašin’s reign have been located in excavations at the basilica in the island of Ayios Achillios and in Skopje a few decades after his death18. Between the defeat of Bayazid the 1st in Ankara in 1402 until the reorganization of the Ottoman State, in the occupied Macedonia the conditions of subjugation have been released giving thus hope to christian populations for the overturning of the new order19.
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