DOCSLIB.ORG

The Japanese-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Japanese-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact Japan’s Policy toward the Soviet Union, 1931–1941: the Japanese-Soviet Non-aggression Pact Tobe Ryōchi This essay examines changes in Japanese policy toward the Soviet Union from the Manchurian Incident in 1931 to the beginning of the Pacific War in 1941, with a focus on the response to the possibility of a Japanese-Soviet Non- aggression Pact. Through a review of the discussions and policies regarding the non-aggression pact, it sheds light on the core Japanese perceptions of the Soviet Union. The first section evaluates Japanese responses to the Soviet proposal for the non-aggression pact during the period following the Manchurian Incident. The second section shows that the non-aggression pact continued to be considered as a policy option toward the Soviet Union even after Japan declined the Soviet proposal in later 1932. Finally, the third section scrutinizes the process that led Japan to renew their consideration of a Japanese-Soviet Non-aggression Pact, which followed the overall review of its foreign policy after the Japanese defeat in the Nomonhan Incident of 1939 and the outbreak of World War II in Europe. This result in the conclusion of the Japanese-Soviet Neutrality Pact in April 1941. 1 Non-aggression Pact Proposals after the Manchurian Incident Since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Japan in 1925 the Soviet Union had approached Japan several times with proposals for a non-aggression pact. This was in accordance with the Soviet foreign policy of committing to non-aggression or neutrality treaties with its neighbors. Japan had persistently viewed such proposals unfavorably. In 1928 , for example, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tanaka Giichi set one such proposal aside, explain- ing that it was still premature and that the priority was the conclusion of the treaty of commerce and resolution of outstanding economic issues (Hattori 1998). The Soviet proposal was shelved for a period and was raised once again after the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident. In late December 1931, the ambas- sador to France and future foreign minister, Yoshizawa Kenkichi, stopped in Moscow on his way home and was offered a proposal for the conclusion of the non-aggression pact by the People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Foreign © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004400856_012 202 Tobe Minister Maxim M. Litvinov. The Soviet Union felt threatened by the move of the Japanese Kwantung Army into northern Manchuria and replied with a message of appeasement that sounded more like a “sign of distrust” than of friendship with Japan (Hirai 1965). Yoshizawa knew that Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi and his minister of war, Araki Sadao, were skeptical about the Soviet proposal and did not place the issue of a Japanese-Soviet Non-aggression Pact on the cabinet agenda. He nonetheless instructed the First Section of the Bureau of Euro-American Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to study the matter. The First Section came up with three options: 1) immediate acceptance of the proposal; 2) re- frainment from immediate acceptance; and 3) rejection. In its opinion, if a pact were to be concluded, the Soviets might assume that Japan would not re- course to an outright military counterattack, and they might strangle Japanese regional interests through “crafty measures.” The First Section reasoned that as Japanese and Soviet interests clashed following the Manchurian Incident, the Soviets would certainly respond to Japanese actions in a “domineering man- ner.” Furthermore, the section pointed out that in the future a pact might be concluded but until that time the problems of fisheries and concession rights should be resolved and interests in northern Manchuria coordinated (Satō 1986). Tentative conclusions were thus reached among Foreign Ministry officials; however, the final decision was postponed after the fall of the Inukai cabinet following the May 15 Incident of 1932, in which Premier Inukai was assassi- nated. The next prime minister and navy elder, retired full admiral of the Imperial Japanese Navy, Saitō Makoto, had been the head of the Japan-Russia Association. Although not a strong supporter of the Soviets, he had expressed a willingness to work with them. In fact, shortly before the launching of the Saitō cabinet, the Soviet plenipotentiary representative, Ambassador Troyanovskiĭ, contacted the former chief of the Naval General Staff and secretary of the Japan-Russia Association, Katō Hiroharu, to discuss a proposal for Saitō to visit the Soviet Union in order to improve Japanese-Soviet relations (Sakai 1984). The issue of the non-aggression pact would once again be broached during the Saitō cabinet. In the meantime, the Soviet side continued to lobby. In March 1932, Litvinov attended the Geneva Conference on Disarmament and met with the Japanese ambassador to the United Kingdom, Matsudaira Tsuneo. After express- ing Soviet concerns about Manchuria, Litvinov urged the conclusion of the non-aggression pact to dispel all mutual misgivings. In May, the Soviet offi- cial newspaper Izvestiya published an editorial calling for the signing of the non-aggression pact that would facilitate a peaceful settlement of unresolved disputes and unravel the Japanese-Soviet entanglement. In November, when .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Japan Between the Wars
    JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tanaka Memorial (1927): Authentic Or Spurious? Author(S): John J
    The Tanaka Memorial (1927): Authentic or Spurious? Author(s): John J. Stephan Source: Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 7, No. 4 (1973), pp. 733-745 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/311684 Accessed: 23/09/2008 09:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Modern Asian Studies. http://www.jstor.org ModernAsian Studies,7, 4 (I973), pp. 733-745.
    [Show full text]
  • Hirohito the Showa Emperor in War and Peace. Ikuhiko Hata.Pdf
    00 Prelims H:Master Testpages Enigma 6/6/07 15:00 Page i HIROHITO: THE SHO¯ WA EMPEROR IN WAR AND PEACE 00 Prelims H:Master Testpages Enigma 6/6/07 15:00 Page ii General MacArthur and Emperor Hirohito photographed in the US Embassy, Tokyo, shortly after the start of the Occupation in September 1945. (See page 187) 00 Prelims H:Master Testpages Enigma 6/6/07 15:00 Page iii Hirohito: The Sho¯wa Emperor in War and Peace Ikuhiko Hata NIHON UNIVERSITY Edited by Marius B. Jansen GLOBAL ORIENTAL 00 Prelims H:Master Testpages Enigma 6/6/07 15:00 Page iv HIROHITO: THE SHO¯ WA EMPEROR IN WAR AND PEACE by Ikuhiko Hata Edited by Marius B. Jansen First published in 2007 by GLOBAL ORIENTAL LTD P.O. Box 219 Folkestone Kent CT20 2WP UK www.globaloriental.co.uk © Ikuhiko Hata, 2007 ISBN 978-1-905246-35-9 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the Publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A CIP catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library Set in Garamond 11 on 12.5 pt by Mark Heslington, Scarborough, North Yorkshire Printed and bound in England by Athenaeum Press, Gateshead, Tyne & Wear 00 Prelims H:Master Testpages Enigma 6/6/07 15:00 Page vi 00 Prelims H:Master Testpages Enigma 6/6/07 15:00 Page v Contents The Author and the Book vii Editor’s Preface
    [Show full text]
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
    [Show full text]
  • Yalın Akçevin History of Modern Japan 1 Between Empire And
    Yalın Akçevin History of Modern Japan Between Empire and Democracy: Japan’s Taishō Experience Beginning under the reign of the Taishō emperor, with the cabinet of the first commoner Prime Minister Hara Takashi in 1918, the Empire of Japan experienced a period of democratic and liberal ascendancy until 1932, when Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi was assassinated on May 15 by young naval officers wherewith a definitive slide towards militarism took hold. Looking at the rise and fall of this section of the Taishō Democracy period, which lasted for fourteen years between 1918 and 1932, I would argue that the rise and decline of democracy and liberalism in Imperial Japan coincided with the fall and rise of an aggressive empire building campaign in Asia. Furthermore, despite being a “failure” in the practice of democracy and liberalism, the experience of the Taishō Democracy does not show that democracy and liberalism have been – and/or still are – incompatible with and are fundamentally alien to Japan. What the Japanese experience in this period rather shows is that democracy in this period rested on shaky grounds with a weak defense, which allowed it to be washed aside by more aggressive forces bent on imposing their will on Imperial Japan. Looking into the rise of democratic and liberal political trends in 1918, one thing that can be seen definitively is that these developments came at a time when the peacetime empire of Japan reached its greatest extent, the pursuit of empire calmed down, and equality with the West was thought to be achieved. Japan was a victorious Allied power and a party to the Paris Peace Conference that would follow in 1919, the empire stretched from Korea to “South Seas” in Micronesia, and there was a noticeable lack of immediate enemies to the empire with the West in alliance, Russia in turmoil, and China crippled as it had been for the past half century.
    [Show full text]
  • TIME for HENRY C. CAREY, NOT HARAKIRI the Forgotten Legacy of Tsuyoshi Inukai by Asuka Burke
    III. Two World Systems TIME FOR HENRY C. CAREY, NOT HARAKIRI The Forgotten Legacy of Tsuyoshi Inukai by Asuka Burke This article was composed in 2015-16. At the beginning of the last century, Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925) and Tsuyoshi Inukai1 (1855-1932) jointly embarked on a mission to introduce the American System of political economy to Asia. While Sun’s idea has seen its blossoming today with President Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative, in Japan, Inukai’s legacy is almost lost in oblivion. That contrast is not a mere differ- ence in economic policy—it is fundamental. The following report2 will un- cover a shared history of Japan, China, and implicitly the United States, through the life of Tsuyoshi Bibliotheque Nationale de France Inukai, to rediscover an idea that Japanese Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi (seated center) with members of his cabinet in once united the three, and could, December, 1931. once again, unite them. the way for a “New Deal” in America. Here was a light 1932 at the end of a long tunnel. At the same time, though To better situate the life of Inukai, let us first start unbeknownst to many, a similar situation existed on the with the year 1932, a turning point in world history. In other side of the Pacific: In Japan, Tsuyoshi Inukai, a the United States, despite major opposition from the student of the American System economist Henry C. Wall Street faction inside the Democratic Party, Frank- Carey, won the prime ministership in the early Spring lin D. Roosevelt won the presidential election, paving of 1932.
    [Show full text]
  • Timeline for World War II — Japan
    Unit 5: Crisis and Change Lesson F: The Failure of Democracy and Return of War Student Resource: Timeline for World War II — Japan Timeline for World War II — Japan Pre-1920: • 1853: American Commodore Matthew Perry arrived in Tokyo harbor and forced the Japanese to allow trade with U.S. merchants with threat of military action. • 1858: Western nations forced Japan to sign the Unequal Treaties. These articles established export and import tariffs and the concept of "extraterritoriality" (i.e., Japan held no jurisdiction over foreign criminals in its land. Their trials were to be conducted by foreign judges under their own nation's laws). Japan had no power to change these terms. • 1868: Japan, in an effort to modernize and prevent future Western dominance, ousted the Tokugawa Shogunate and adopted a new Meiji Emperor. The next few decades saw rapid and successful industrialization during the Meiji Restoration. • 1899: With newly gained power from recent industrialization, Japan successfully renegotiated aspects of the Unequal Treaties. • 1899–1901: The Boxer Rebellion led China to a humiliating defeat by the Eight-Nation Alliance of Western powers including the United States and Japan, ceding more territory, and dealing one of the final blows to the struggling Qing Dynasty. • 1904–1905: The Russo-Japanese War began with a surprise attack and ended by an eventual Japanese victory over Imperial Russia. The Japanese took control of Korea. • 1914: During World War I, Japan and other Allies seized German colonial possessions. • 1919: Japan, as a member of the victorious Allies during World War I, gained a mandate over various Pacific islands previously part of the German colonial empire.
    [Show full text]
  • The Move to Global War Japan 1931-1941
    Timeline of Key Events - Paper 1 - The Move to Global War Japan 1931-1941 Revision Activities - Remembering the chronological order and specific dates is an ​ important skill in IBDP History and can help you to organise the flow of events and how they are connected. Studied the timeline of key events below, taken from the IBDP specification, and test yourself often. ​ Japanese Foreign Policy Events - Events related to International Cooperation and ​ ​ Collective Security - International Responses to Japanese Aggression ​ ​ 1853 July - Commodore Perry sails into Nagasaki harbour to open trade negotiations ​ ​ ​ ​ with the Japanese emperor 1854 31 March - Treaty of Kanagawa with the USA signed by Shogun Tokugawa ​ ​ ​ Yoshinobu 1868 3 January - Meiji Restoration - Restoration of Meiji rule is declared. The Boshin ​ ​ ​ ​ War breaks out between forces of the ex-Tokugawa Shogun and Imperial Court. ​ 1873 Mass conscription is introduced ​ 1874 1 February - Meirokusha (Meiji 6 Society) is formed to promote what is called ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ ‘civilisation and enlightenment’ through its social-criticism journal ‘Meiroku Zasshi’ 1877 29 January - The Satsuma Rebellion of disaffected Samurai begins. By ​ ​ ​ September, its leader, Saigo Takamori, committed suicide ending the last and most serious uprising against the new Meiji government 1881 Gen'yōsha (Dark/Black Ocean Society) founded in Japan as an ultranationalist ​ secret political and social group. It used criminal means to achieve its ends, believing in Pan-Asianism and called for increasing Japanese influence over mainland Asia. 1882 4 January - The Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors is published. ​ ​ ​ Established the principle of absolute loyalty to the Emperor, and banned soldiers from expressing political opinions or comments on imperial policy 1889 11 February - The Emperor promulgates the Constitution of the Empire of Japan ​ ​ providing Japan with a constitutional monarchy on the Prussian model.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
    Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony.
    [Show full text]
  • The American and Japanese Navies As Hypothetical
    BIG STICK AI\70 SHORT SWORD: THE AMERICAN AND JAPANESE NAVIES AS HYPOTHETICAL ENEMIES DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Carlos R. Rivera, B.A., M.A ***** The Ohio State University 1995 Dissertation Committee : Approved by J.F. Guilmartin, Jr. a <—- J.R. Bartholomew A v \(,/i ( I ^ Adviser^ P.L. Hahn Dep^tm^t of History ÜMI Number: 9534057 Copyright 1995 by Rivera, Carlos Rafael All rights reserved. DMI Microform 9534057 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Copyright by Carlos R. Rivera 1995 To my Father, Carlos Rivera DeJesus Sargeant First Class (ret.) U.S. Army Who taught me that honor, duty, and courage are so much more than political expediency 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I express my most sincere and grateful appreciation for the professional contributions I received. For John F. Guilmartin, Jr., I very much want to recognize the patient guidance and support I received during the last few years. Grateful thanks go to the other members of my committee, James R. Bartholomew and Peter L. Hahn, and Frederick J. Milford. Other persons who have been most helpful include Otsubo Sumiko and Sendai Kenzo, both of The Ohio State University, Yamamoto Masahiro, University of Alabama, and Sebastian Dobson, Tokyo. I want to recognize the Ohio State University Main Library, especially, Ms. Maureen Donovan for help with Japanese texts, and the staff of the Inter-Library Loan office for their valued assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member”
    Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member” May 3, 1946 a. As Chief Secretary of the Tanaka Cabinet from 1927 to 1929, he necessarily shares responsibility for the formulation and promulgation without Diet approval of amendments to the so-called Peace Preservation Law which made that law the government’s chief legal instrument for the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, and made possible the denunciation, terror- ization, seizure, and imprisonment of tens of thousands of adherents to minor- ity doctrines advocating political, economic, and social reform, thereby preventing the development of effective opposition to the Japanese militaristic regime. b. As Minister of Education from December 1931 to March 1934, he was responsible for stifling freedom of speech in the schools by means of mass dismissals and arrests of teachers suspected of “leftist” leanings or “dangerous thoughts.” The dismissal in May 1933 of Professor Takigawa from the faculty of Kyoto University on Hatoyama’s personal order is a flagrant illustration of his contempt for the liberal tradition of academic freedom and gave momentum to the spiritual mobilization of Japan, which under the aegis of the military and economic cliques, led the nation eventually into war. c. Not only did Hatoyama participate in thus weaving the pattern of ruth- less suppression of freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of thought, hut he also participated in the forced dissolution of farmer-labor bodies. In addition, his indorsement of totalitarianism, specifically in its appli- cation to the regimentation and control of labor, is a matter of record.
    [Show full text]
  • Abschlussarbeiten Am Japan-Zentrum Der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München
    DEPARTMENT FÜR ASIENSTUDIEN JAPAN-ZENTRUM Abschlussarbeiten am Japan-Zentrum der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München Munich University Japan Center Graduation Theses herausgegeben von / edited by Steffen Döll, Martin Lehnert, Peter Pörtner, Evelyn Schulz, Klaus Vollmer, Franz Waldenberger Band 1 Japan-Zentrum der LMU 2013 Vorwort der Herausgeber Bei den Beiträgen in der vorliegenden Schriftenreihe handelt es sich um Abschluss- arbeiten des Japan-Zentrums der LMU. Eine große Bandbreite an Themen und Forschungsrichtungen findet sich darin vertreten. Ziel der Reihe ist es, herausragende Arbeiten einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Es wird davon ab- gesehen, inhaltliche oder strukturelle Überarbeitungen vorzunehmen; die Typoskripte der Bachelor-, Master- und Magisterarbeiten werden praktisch unverändert ver- öffentlicht. Editors’ Foreword The present series comprises select Bachelor, Master and Magister Artium theses that were submitted to the Japan Center of Munich University and address a broad variety of topics from different methodological perspectives. The series’ goal is to make available to a larger academic community outstanding studies that would otherwise remain inaccessible and unnoticed. The theses’ typescripts are published without revisions with regards to structure and content and closely resemble their original versions. Moritz Munderloh The Imperial Japanese Army as a Factor in Spreading Militarism and Fascism in Prewar Japan Magisterarbeit an der LMU München, 2012 Japan-Zentrum der LMU Oettingenstr. 67
    [Show full text]