ENEMO Election Observation Mission Parliamentary Elections
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Annual Report on Cases of Violation of Human Rights by the Police
HELSINKI CITIZENS ASSEMBLY VANADZOR Annual report on cases of violation of human rights by the Police (Summary of Mass Media Monitoring Results) January-December 2016 NORWEGIAN HELSINKI COMMITTEE Vanadzor, 2017 1 The Report was prepared within the framework of “Raising Effectiveness of Protection of Citizens’ Rights in Relations with the Police” Project. The Project is carried out by the Helsinki Citizen’ Assembly Vanadzor, with the financial support of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. The views contained in the Report are those of HCA Vanadzor and do not necessarily reflect opinions of the funding organization. Prepared by: Sara Ghazaryan Edited by: Artur Sakunts HCA Vanadzor Armenia, Vanadzor 2001, Tel: (+374 322) 4 22 68 Fax: (+374 322) 4 12 36 Email: [email protected] www.hcav.am 2 RA Law on Approving Disciplinary Code of RA Police Article 10. Rules of Ethics for Police Officers The rules of ethics for police officers shall be binding on police officers both during the performance of their official duties and beyond them Police officers shall be aware of and respect human rights and freedoms, show restraint, polite, adequate and respectful treatment to citizens. Methodology This reference summarizes the cases of human rights violations by the RA Police officers during January-December, 2016. To collect the cases of human rights violations by police officers, the Organization monitored 14 online mass media and the official websites of the RA Special Investigation Service and the RA Police.1 The cases were identified and analyzed based on the information dissemnaited by the mass media, which are responsible for its credibility. -
THE IMPACT of the ARMENIAN GENOCIDE on the FORMATION of NATIONAL STATEHOOD and POLITICAL IDENTITY “Today Most Armenians Do
ASHOT ALEKSANYAN THE IMPACT OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ON THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL STATEHOOD AND POLITICAL IDENTITY Key words – Armenian Genocide, pre-genocide, post-genocide, national statehood, Armenian statehood heritage, political identity, civiliarchic elite, civilization, civic culture, Armenian diaspora, Armenian civiliarchy “Today most Armenians do not live in the Republic of Armenia. Indeed, most Armenians have deep ties to the countries where they live. Like a lot of us, many Armenians find themselves balancing their role in their new country with their historical and cultural roots. How far should they assimilate into their new countries? Does Armenian history and culture have something to offer Armenians as they live their lives now? When do historical and cultural memories create self-imposed limits on individuals?”1 Introduction The relevance of this article is determined, on the one hand, the multidimen- sionality of issues related to understanding the role of statehood and the political and legal system in the development of Armenian civilization, civic culture and identity, on the other hand - the negative impact of the long absence of national system of public administration and the devastating impact of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 on the further development of the Armenian statehood and civiliarchy. Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey was the first ever large-scale crime against humanity and human values. Taking advantage of the beginning of World War I, the Turkish authorities have organized mass murder and deportations of Armenians from their historic homeland. Genocide divided the civiliarchy of the Armenian people in three parts: before the genocide (pre-genocide), during the genocide and after the genocide (post-genocide). -
Contested Publics : Situating Civil Society in a Post-- Authoritarian Era : the Case Study of Tunisia, 2011–2013
Fortier, Edwige Aimee (2016) Contested publics : situating civil society in a post-- authoritarian era : the case study of Tunisia, 2011–2013. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23642 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Contested Publics: Situating Civil Society in a Post-Authoritarian Era The Case Study of Tunisia 2011–2013 Edwige Aimee Fortier Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in Development Studies 2016 Department of Development Studies Faculty of Law and Social Sciences School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Page | 1 Abstract Periods of sociopolitical transition from authoritarian rule offer renewed expectations for more representative and accountable state institutions, for enhanced pluralism and public participation, and for opportunities for marginalised groups to emerge from the periphery. Several thousand new civil society organisations were legally established in Tunisia following the 2010–2011 uprising that forced a long-serving dictator from office. -
The Cost of Memorializing: Analyzing Armenian Genocide Memorials and Commemorations in the Republic of Armenia and in the Diaspora
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR HISTORY, CULTURE AND MODERNITY www.history-culture-modernity.org Published by: Uopen Journals Copyright: © The Author(s). Content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence eISSN: 2213-0624 The Cost of Memorializing: Analyzing Armenian Genocide Memorials and Commemorations in the Republic of Armenia and in the Diaspora Sabrina Papazian HCM 7: 55–86 DOI: 10.18352/hcm.534 Abstract In April of 1965 thousands of Armenians gathered in Yerevan and Los Angeles, demanding global recognition of and remembrance for the Armenian Genocide after fifty years of silence. Since then, over 200 memorials have been built around the world commemorating the vic- tims of the Genocide and have been the centre of hundreds of marches, vigils and commemorative events. This article analyzes the visual forms and semiotic natures of three Armenian Genocide memorials in Armenia, France and the United States and the commemoration prac- tices that surround them to compare and contrast how the Genocide is being memorialized in different Armenian communities. In doing so, this article questions the long-term effects commemorations have on an overall transnational Armenian community. Ultimately, it appears that calls for Armenian Genocide recognition unwittingly categorize the global Armenian community as eternal victims, impeding the develop- ment of both the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian diaspora. Keywords: Armenian Genocide, commemoration, cultural heritage, diaspora, identity, memorials HCM 2019, VOL. 7 Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/202155 12:33:22PM via free access PAPAZIAN Introduction On 24 April 2015, the hundredth anniversary of the commencement of the Armenian Genocide, Armenians around the world collectively mourned for and remembered their ancestors who had lost their lives in the massacres and deportations of 1915.1 These commemorations took place in many forms, including marches, candlelight vigils, ceremo- nial speeches and cultural performances. -
Proquest Dissertations
NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. pg297 This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI DIASPORIC REPRESENTATIONS: A STUDY OF CIRCASSIAN AND ARMENIAN IDENTITIES IN GREATER SYRIA by Kari S. Neely A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Near Eastern Studies) in The University of Michigan 2008 Doctoral Committee: Professor Kevork B. Bardakjian, Chair Professor Anton Shammas Associate Professor Carol Bardenstein Associate Professor Andrew J. Shryock UMI Number: 3305049 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform 3305049 Copyright 2008 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 © KariS.Neely 2008 For Nico Sevan, who made this difficult but also necessary. If any one thing made me connect to these authors and their works it was looking at you, my child, and thinking about theirs; lost, orphaned, emaciated, murdered. I wish for you perpetual happiness and that you may never know loss. -
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia February 2021 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of “International Republican Institute’s” Center for Insights in Survey Research by Breavis (represented by IPSC LLC). • Data was collected throughout Armenia between February 8 and February 16, 2021, through phone interviews, with respondents selected by random digit dialing (RDD) probability sampling of mobile phone numbers. • The sample consisted of 1,510 permanent residents of Armenia aged 18 and older. It is representative of the population with access to a mobile phone, which excludes approximately 1.2 percent of adults. • Sampling frame: Statistical Committee of the Republic of Armenia. Weighting: Data weighted for 11 regional groups, age, gender and community type. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.5 points for the full sample. • The response rate was 26 percent which is similar to the surveys conducted in August-September 2020. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. 2 Weighted (Disaggregated) Bases Disaggregate Disaggregation Category Base Share 18-35 years old n=563 37% Age groups 36-55 years old n=505 34% 56+ years old n=442 29% Male n=689 46% Gender Female n=821 54% Yerevan n=559 37% Community type Urban n=413 27% Rural n=538 36% Primary or secondary n=537 36% Education Vocational n=307 20% Higher n=665 44% Single n=293 19% Marital status Married n=1,059 70% Widowed or divorced n=155 10% Up -
The Press in the Arab World
The Press in the Arab World a Bourdieusian critical alternative to current perspectives on the role of the media in the public sphere Hicham Tohme A thesis submitted to the Department of Politics in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2014 1 Abstract The current literature on the role of media in the public sphere in general, and particularly politics, is divided among two opposing trends. The liberal/pluralists argue that media is playing a democratic role consisting of either representing public opinion and/or informing it. The critical theorists argue that media is in fact controlled by and represents elite interests. But even critical theories of the role of media in politics are driven by the belief that media ought to play a democratic and liberal role in society. Both theories therefore share a common normative understanding of what the role of media ought to be and are therefore the product of a common normative ideological framework, the liberal paradigm. This prevents them from properly framing the question of what media actually do in societies which lie beyond the scope of the experience of liberal Europe. This dissertation seeks to transcend this debate, and the liberal paradigm along with it, by arguing that, given a different historical context than the European one, the practice and ethos of media develop differently, and cannot therefore be understood from the lens of the European experience and the liberal paradigm born from within it. To do that, I use Bourdieu's theory of fields to trace the birth and evolution of the private press in Beirut and Cairo from 1858 till 1916. -
Yerevan Green City Action Plan
DRAFT (3 July 2017) Yerevan Green City Action Plan Yerevan 2017 OFFICIAL USE Yerevan’s Green City Action Plan Disclaimer This Green City Action Plan was prepared for the City of Yerevan by an international team of experts led by Ernst & Young, s.r.o. (Czech Republic). Other members of the consortium included GEOtest, SWECO, SEVEn and local experts. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), the Czech Government's Official Development Assistance Technical Cooperation Fund or the City of Yerevan do not carry any responsibility for the selection, involvement and monitoring of Ernst & Young and / or any third party claims towards EBRD for utilizing services provided by Ernst & Young. 1 OFFICIAL USE Executive Summary In the light of continuous global urbanization, sustainable development challenges increasingly stem from cities. Yerevan is fully aware of these challenges, as the administrative as well as economic centre of Armenia, the overall economic prosperity of the country is substantially anchored on Yerevan’s economic development The quality of the urban environment, including air, water, soil, biodiversity, environmental assets and ecosystems are negatively impacted by human activities such as transport, energy, water use and waste management. In the recent years, many measures have already been taken to remedy the situation, but the measures should be doubled in the coming years to raise the quality of life in the City to standards seen in many European cities. These efforts will also help Yerevan contribute to global efforts in climate change mitigation and the transition to green economy. Methodology The Green City Action Plan (GCAP) was developed by applying 4 stage methodology, which is as follows: Stage 1 focused on relevant information and data identification, collection, processing and analysis to establish the baseline indicators, which rank the city compared to internationally recognized benchmarks. -
Russian Conservation News, Summer 2005 English Pdf 2.06 MB
No. 39 Summer 2005 In this issue: • Special Section Conservation in the Caucasus: Spotlight on Armenia • Ten Years of “March for Parks” in Russia • A Historic Park on the Shores of the Black Sea PROMOTING BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION IN RUSSIA AND THROUGHOUT NORTHERN EURASIA Conservation in the Caucasus: Spotlight on Armenia Conservation in the Caucasus: Spotlight on Armenia By Way of an Introduction onservationists around the world Cwidely recognize the Caucasus region as one of the Earth’s most biologically diverse. Boasting high species richness and levels of endemism, among other exceptional characteristics, this mountainous region between the Black and Caspian Seas is globally important for biodiversity conservation. In the upcoming section of this thirty-ninth issue of Russian Conservation News, we spotlight one of the countries at the heart of this special region: Armenia. The following pages of the journal offer a rounded conservation profile of the country, including descrip- tions of its varied landscapes and rich biodiversity. Although the pres- ent Armenian state is no larger than Russia’s Lake Baikal, its landscapes are remarkably diverse, including semi-desert, juniper sparse forest, broadleaf forest, mountain steppe, and sub-alpine meadow habitats. These habitats harbor many rare species, such as the Persian leopard, which stealthily prowls Armenia’s southern regions. In this section, you will read about the research work of A view from Armenia’s highest peak, Mt. Aragats. two dedicated Armenian scientists to Photo by C. Santore. research and protect this extremely rare and elusive cat. We also offer an report on the deforestation threat, one of the country’s protected nature article on work conducted under the which emerged most noticeably after areas. -
5195E05d4.Pdf
ILGA-Europe in brief ILGA-Europe is the European Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans & Intersex Association. ILGA-Europe works for equality and human rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans & intersex (LGBTI) people at European level. ILGA-Europe is an international non-governmental umbrella organisation bringing together 408 organisations from 45 out of 49 European countries. ILGA-Europe was established as a separate region of ILGA and an independent legal entity in 1996. ILGA was established in 1978. ILGA-Europe advocates for human rights and equality for LGBTI people at European level organisations such as the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). ILGA-Europe strengthens the European LGBTI movement by providing trainings and support to its member organisations and other LGBTI groups on advocacy, fundraising, organisational development and communications. ILGA-Europe has its office in Brussels and employs 12 people. Since 1997 ILGA-Europe enjoys participative status at the Council of Europe. Since 2001 ILGA-Europe receives its largest funding from the European Commission. Since 2006 ILGA-Europe enjoys consultative status at the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC) and advocates for equality and human rights of LGBTI people also at the UN level. ILGA-Europe Annual Review of the Human Rights Situation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex People in Europe 2013 This Review covers the period of January -
ARMENIAN ELECTION MANIFESTOS Inesa Rubinyan
POST-REVOLUTION: ARMENIAN ELECTION MANIFESTOS A qualitative text- analysis of three Armenian political parties’ 2018 election manifestos from a feminist perspective Inesa Rubinyan Development Studies C (Bachelor Thesis) Department of Government Uppsala University, Spring 2020 Supervisor: Li Bennich-Björkman Words: 12341 Pages: 38 1 Abstract This thesis aims to examine the 2018 election manifestos of Armenia’s three ruling political parties’- My Step Alliance’s, Prosperous Armenia’s and Bright Armenia’s views on main political points and especially if and how gender and gender equality was represented. The theoretical perspective used in this thesis is feministic perspective while a qualitative text analysis is used to examine the material. Keywords: text analysis, gender equality, Armenian politics, election manifesto 2 Preface The idea behind the topic of this thesis developed from my interest in women's rights and gender equality. I would like to thank my supervisor Li Bennich-Björkman for her patience and support. Writing this thesis would not be possible without the support from my family and my beloved ones. 3 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………………………..…..…….5 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………..…….6 1.1. Gender inequality in Armenia…………………………………………………………...…………………….6 1.2. My Step Alliance and women……………………………………………………………...………………….8 1.3. Bright Armenia and women…………………………………………………………………..……………….8 1.4. Prosperous Armenia and women……………………………………………………………………………...9 2. Aims and research -
1 June 21, 2021 PRELIMINARY ANNOUNCEMENT June 20, 2021 Early Parliamentary Election Voting and Counting Process the Akanates
June 21, 2021 PRELIMINARY ANNOUNCEMENT June 20, 2021 Early Parliamentary Election Voting and Counting Process The Akanates observation mission conducted both long-term and short-term observation of the June 20, 2021 early parliamentary election in Armenia. The mission deployed 580 observers to a sample of 300 polling stations across the entire territory of Armenia. In addition, 22 mobile observer teams visited another 150 polling stations outside of the sample, and 33 observers followed the activities of 33 territorial electoral commissions (TECs). The polling stations included in the sample of 300 were selected through a random representative sample and include a parallel vote tabulation (PVT) exercise. The PVT statistical approach provides a reliable measure for evaluating election-day processes, including polling station opening, voting, polling station closing, and summarizing the results, as well as the distribution of votes among parties. Although the observation mission did not cover all 2008 polling stations, sample-based PVT still allows to speak of the electoral process and results received, at the national level. It can verify or question the official election results which can help build confidence in the electoral outcome․ According to our observations, election day saw engaged and active participation from citizens. The process was fundamentally organized, smooth, and without serious violations. Nevertheless, a number of polling stations had a palpable level of tension, mostly due to the presence of unauthorized persons inside the polling station, who sometimes directed voters, exceeded the maximum number (2) of proxies per political party and cast the secrecy of vote into doubt. Although violations were noted on the part of representatives for multiple parties and alliances (I’m Honored Alliance, Prosperous Armenia Party, Civil Contract Party, Awakening National Christian Party, Armenian National Congress Party, Shirinyan-Babajanyan Democrats’ Alliance), the majority of violations involved representatives of the Armenia Alliance.