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India's Nuclear Policy: a Constructivist Approach 2018

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India's Nuclear Policy: a Constructivist Approach 2018 INDIA'S NUCLEAR POLICY: A CONSTRUCTIVIST APPROACH A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH BENGAL FOR THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE By Miss. Dipmala Roka (M.A in International Relations) Supervisor Prof. Anup Kumar Datta DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH BENGAL 2018 "In dedication to my Ama and Baba for supporting me all the way" ABSTRACT While the subjects of nuclear politics and India's nuclear policy in particular have received considerable attention ever since India's tryst with nuclear technology, however relatively few works have approached these issues from a constructivist perspective. This work seeks to examine how a constructivist approach to India's nuclear policy can help deepen our understanding of India's nuclear behaviour and the rationale behind India's overt nuclearisation. This issues are addressed by applying a discourse-based constructivist approach to examine security and threat perceptions along with non security concerns for India's nuclear behaviour that motivated India's path to obtain nuclear capabilities. For this purpose the articulation of security/threat perception is examined emerging from nuclear armed China and Pakistan and at the same time the discriminatory nuclear regime have diminish India's national interest. Moreover India‟s nuclear discourses have transformed considerably with changing world politics, with a constant nuclear identity of recognition as a nuclear weapon power. It contends that a complete understanding of India‟s nuclear picture is not possible without considering articulation of threat perceptions since India shares border with nuclear armed countries and the role of interest and identity in portraying its clean non proliferation image which are important components of constructivist approach used in understanding India's nuclear behaviour. State‟s identity becomes complete only when the “others” recognise that identity. In order to obtain that recognition, India has practiced various discursive and material means. The prolific projection of its self-image has led to a partial, if not a complete recognition of India as an emerging power in world politics. This study tries to analyse India‟s nuclear trajectory and highlight not just the way India‟s nuclear behaviour has transformed but also how it transformed. The very nature of international system makes the possession of nuclear weapons a reasonable choice for some states, particularly those that can afford to have them. However, the destructive nature of nuclear weapons makes their possession problematic. States have accordingly craved for as well as shunned nuclear weapons. Despite the fact that nuclear weapons have been not used since the bombings on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, their potential use has not been ruled out. Meanwhile, the argument that their use lies in their non-use (deterrence) has gained credibility. Precisely, due to this reason nuclear issue continues to occupy an important space in theoretical discussions of international discourse. Regarding India, the last seven decades have witnessed a transformation in India‟s nuclear behaviour, from an advocate of i peaceful use of nuclear technology to irresponsible nuclear weapon state in 1974 to a target of international sanctions since then and particularly after the 1998 tests, and then to a de facto nuclear weapon power since 2005. India, as often presented as a unique and exceptional case, as opposed to Iran, Pakistan, and North Korea with similar nuclear ambitions that have been labelled as „rogue states‟. India‟s nuclear behaviour represents a puzzle from the point of view of its own history and for IR theories. A plethora of theoretical perspectives have tried to explain India‟s path towards nuclearization attributing to factors like technological and scientific motives, domestic motives, status and prestige motives and security factor. Though this study does not underestimate these motives, but mostly academicians and policy makers have understood and examined states nuclear behaviour through the realist framework. The role of identity in shaping a state‟s behaviour, in general and nuclear behaviour in particular has been largely missing. This study tries to analyse constructivist framework to explore the transformation of India‟s nuclear identity. Once a target of the global non-proliferation regime, India is now increasingly recognized as a „state with advanced nuclear technology‟. Nuclear weapons have always been a controversial subject in India‟s politico-strategic environment. India always had an ambiguous and uncomfortable relationship with nuclear weapons. During most of its post-independence period, the nuclear discourse in India maintained a strong moral repugnance against the acquisition of nuclear weapons. However, this aversion gradually weakened in the 1980‟s, and it finally reversed into a pro-bomb attitude that was widely shared by all of Indian society in the late 1990‟s. Today, nuclear weapons are considered an indispensable element of India‟s national identity. Scholars have divided India‟s nuclear evolution into broad phases based on certain landmark events. Unlike other nuclear weapons state, India started its nuclear programme not for military purposes, but for peaceful purpose. India stayed focused on and restricted to peaceful use for over 70 years since independence. Owing to its rich cultural and civilization legacy and also its robust participation in international affairs, India desired a rightful place in the comity of nations. The evolving identities, interests and security concerns of India remained closely linked with nuclear decisions and have patterned those decisions at critical historical junctures. ii Acknowledgements Thank you Lord for your grace! This research work would not have been possible without the strong support and encouragement of many people and institutions and I would like to take this opportunity to extend my gratitude to them. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor Professor Anup Kumar Datta for his expertise, constant motivation, guidance, cooperation and support throughout my research. Regardless of his responsibilities and busy schedule he has rendered full attention, patient hearing. His thought provoking conservation, constructive criticism, prompt direction and apt guidance has helped and shaped my study. He has provided unending motivational enthusiasm for my research, and has always gone above and beyond what is expected of an academic mentor to support my development as a scholar. Thank you sir for believing in me. I am extremely grateful to Professor Maya Ghose for her kind words, concern, support and motivation through my research period and beyond. My gratitude to National Institute for Advance Studies and Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies for selecting me to attend the fifth Annual Residential Young Scholars' Workshop on Global Nuclear Politics and Strategy 2015, and for providing me with the opportunity to interact with world renowned academician, think thanks, nuclear scientist, special mention to Late Ambassador Arundhati Ghose for her interest and valuable input on my study. Special thanks to Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Central iii University of Gujarat for selecting me to attend Workshop on Strategic Issues for Young Scholars 2017, which was a perfect platform to get feedback on my research work. I express my heartfelt thanks to all the teachers in the Department of Political Science, North Bengal University for their kind cooperation. I extend my thanks to the library staffs at North Bengal University, Jadavpur University, National Library Kolkata, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Sikkim University, Indian Council for World Affairs, Institute of Defense and Strategic Analysis, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies for their assistance and cooperation. Finally, I could have not been able to accomplish this assignment without the unconditional love, support and inspiration from my parents Bishnu Chettri and Kishor Roka, my siblings Deeprshika and Deeprekha, my friend Sanjeeb Lama and my uncle Rajendra Pradhan.. Thank you for believing in me, cheering me up and standing by me through the good times and bad. I also thank all my well wishers. Dipmala Roka iv CONTENTS Title Page No. Abstract i-ii Acknowledgement iii-iv List of Figures v Abbreviations vi-ix Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION 1-31 1.1 Constructivist Framework 8-11 1.1.1 Security Perceptions 11-12 1.1.2 Identity Factor 12-13 1.2 Review of Literature 13-21 1.3 Objective of the Study 22 1.4 Research Questions 22 1.5 Methodology 23-24 1.6 Significance and Limitations of the Study 24-25 1.7 Chapterisation 25 1.8 Organisation of the Study 26-28 Notes/References 29-31 Chapter 2: INDIA'S NUCLEAR POLICY: A HISTORICAL 32-64 ANALYSIS 2.1 Phase I: 1947-1964 Building Nuclear Infrastructures 34-38 2.2 Phase II: 1964-1974 Smiling Buddha (Pokhran I) 38-47 2.3 Phase III: 1975-1995 The Long Pause (Nuclear Ambiguity) 47-52 2.4 Phase IV: 1995-1998 Operation Shakti (Pokhran II) 53-57 2.5 Post Pokhran II 57-51 2.6 Conclusion 62 Notes/Reference 63-64 Chapter 3: INDIA'S STRATEGY FOR NUCLEAR 65-89 DETERRENCE 3.1 India's Nuclear Doctrine 66-68 3.2 Use of Nuclear Weapons: The Policy of No-First-Use for 68-70 Retaliation Only 3.3 Number of Nuclear Weapons: Credible Minimum Deterrence 70-72 3.4 Civilian in Control of Nuclear Weapons: Command and 73 Control Structure 3.4.1 National Command Authority 73-74 3.4.2 Command and Custody 75 3.4.3 Command and Control 75-78
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