NOTES

Cannibal Narratives: An Introduction

1. Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum: The History of the English People, ed. and trans. Diana Greenway (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 382; 383. 2. There remain two very common representations of cannibalism that will not be discussed in this book: that of famine cannibalism and the motif of the eaten heart. The way in which descriptions of famine cannibalism are so widespread-from Thucydides through the present day-precludes their usefulness as a category of analysis for medieval English literature. Likewise, the motif of the eaten heart, in which a wronged husband vengefully serves his adulterous wife her lover's heart, falls outside of the range of this study since it was not at all popular in England during this period, but prevalent instead in France and Italy. See R. Howard Bloch, "The Lay and the Law: Sexual/Textual Transgression in La Chasteleine de Vergi, the Lai d'Ignaure, and the Lais of Marie de France," Stanford French Review 14 (1990): 181-210; Fidel Fajardo-Acosta, "The Heart of Guillem de Cabestaing: Courtly Lovers, Cannibals, Early Modern Subjects," Exemplaria 17.1 (2005): 57-102; Madeleine Jeay, "Consuming Passions: Variations on the Eaten Heart Theme," in Violence Against Women in Medieval Texts, ed. Anna Roberts (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1998), pp. 75-96; Mariella di Maio, II cuore mangiato: Storia di un tema dal Medioevo all'Ottocento (Milan: Guerini, 1996). Although the question of famine cannibalism will not be treated at length, it is nevertheless interesting to briefly consider the extent to which "real life" cannibalism may have affected the construction and reception of literary representations of cannibalism. Famine was a constant concern through Europe during the Middle Ages. The prevalence of slash and burn military strategies, in tandem with the climatic fluctuations of the medieval period that impacted crop and livestock production, so commonly produced situations of extreme hardship if not outright famine, that reports of famine cannibalism have been read by modern historians as a "cliche," a shorthand that easily expresses all the appalling aspects of famine. The Great Famine of the fourteenth century, especially linked as it is to the Black Death, is the subject of the bulk of the discussion surrounding the role that famine played in the social and political world of medieval Europe. The Great Famine, however, was not the first by far to hit Europe; nor were the years of the 140 NOTES

Great Famine the first time that Europeans had reportedly, in the face of starvation, resorted to cannibalism. Cannibalism is reported by medieval chroniclers during the famines of 793, 868-869, 1005, 1032, 1146, 1233, 1241-1242, 1277, and 1280-1282 in addition to the years of the Great Famine, 1315-1317. One of the most horrific contemporary expressions of famine cannibalism is given by Rodolphus Glaber in his Historiarum libri quinque concerning the famine of 1033: "Some time later a famine began to ravage the whole earth, and death threatened almost all the human race ...This avenging famine began in the Orient, and after devastating Greece passed to Italy and thence to Gaul and the whole English people. This dearth pressed hard upon all the people; rich men and those of middling estate grew pallid with hunger like the poor, and the brigandage of the mighty ceased in the face of universal want .. .It is terrible to relate the evils, which then befell mankind. Alas, a thing formerly little heard of happened: ravening hunger drove men to devour human flesh! Travellers were set upon by men stronger than themselves, and their dismembered flesh was cooked over fires and eaten. Many, who had fled from place to place from the famine, when they found shelter at last, were slaughtered in the night as food for those who had welcomed them. Many showed an apple or an egg to children, then dragged them to out-of-the-way places and killed and ate them. In many places the bodies of the dead were dragged from the earth, also to appease hunger. This raging madness rose to such proportions that solitary beasts were less likely to be attacked by brigands than men. The cus• tom of eating human flesh had grown so common that one fellow sold it cooked in the market-place of Tournus like that of some beast. When he was arrested he did not deny the shameful charge. He was bound and burned to death. The meat was buried in the ground; but another fellow dug it up and ate it, and he too was put to death by fire" (Rodolphus Glaber, Historiarum Libri Quinque, ed. Neithard BuIst, trans. John France and Paul Reynolds [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989], pp. 187-189). In England, the famine of 1033 was followed by the man-made famine of 1069, a direct result of the scorched-earth policy that William the Conqueror used to subdue the north, a policy about which Orderic Vitalis notes, "for this act .. .I cannot commend him" (Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, vol. 2 [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968], p. 232). See Andrew B. Appleby, "Epidemics and Famine in the Little Ice Age," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 10 (1980): 643-663; William Chester Jordan, The Great Famine: Northern Europe in the Early Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Julia Marvin, "Cannibalism as an Aspect of Famine in Two English Chronicles," in Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, ed. Martha Carlin and Joel T. Rosenthal (London: The Hambledon Press, 1998), pp. 73-86; and Pitirim A. Sorokin, Man and Society in Calamity (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc, 1942). 3. Claude Rawson, " 'Indians' and Irish: Montaigne, Swift, and the Cannibal Question," Modem Language Quarterly 53 (1992): 363 [299-363]. NOTES 141

4. Alan Ambrisco, "Medieval Maneaters: Cannibalism and Community in Middle English Literature," diss., Indiana University, 1999, p. 12. 5. In the iliad too, however, Achilles uses the trope of cannibalism to demonstrate his inhumanity: standing over the dying Hector, he proclaims: "I wish only that my spirit and fury would drive me to hack your meat away and eat it raw for the things that you have done to me" (Homer, iliad, trans. Richmond Lattimore [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951], p. 444). For an inter• esting discussion of cannibalism in Homer, see Mark Buchan, "Food For Thought: Achilles and the Cyclops," in Eating Their Words: Cannibalism and the Boundaries <1 Cultural Identity, ed. Kristen Guest (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 11-34. 6. For a fuller discussion of these themes, see Pierre Vidal-Naquet, "Land and Sacrifice in the Odyssey," in Reading the Odyssey: Selected Interpretive Essays, ed. Seth L. Schein and trans. A. Szegedy-Mazak (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 33-54. 7. In post-medieval literature, cannibalism has become a privileged trope for representing the colonial encounter. The relationship between cannibalism and colonialism has been much studied in the early modem period, partic• ularly in the important studies Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation of the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne by Frank Lestrignant and Cannibalism and the Colonial World, jointly edited by Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iverson. (Frank Lestrignant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation <1 the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. Rosemary Morris [Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997] [originally published in France in 1994 as Cannibales: grandeur et decadence]; Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, Margaret Iverson, eds., Cannibalism and the Colonial World [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998]). The relationship of these studies to the medieval literature considered here is taken up in the postscript to this book. 8. Herodotus, The Histories, trans. George Rawlinson (London: J.M. Dent, 1992), p. 303. 9. Herodotus, The Histories, p. 339. 10. On the availability of these texts in the Middle Ages, see MaIjorie Chibnall, "Pliny's Natural History and the Middle Ages," in Empire and Aftermath: Silver Latin II, ed. T.A. Dorey (Boston: Routledge, 1976), pp. 57-78. 11. M.R. James, ed., Marvels <1 the East: A Full Reproduction <1 the Three Known Copies (Oxford: Roxburghe Club, 1929). The two other seminal studies of this tradition are John Block Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981) and Rudolph Wittkower, Allegory and the Migration <1 Symbols (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977). 12. The Marvels of the East is not a solely literary genre. The monstrous races of literature were commonly represented also visually throughout the Middle Ages in manuscripts (all three ofJames' manuscripts are illustrated), world maps (such as the Hereford and Ebstorf maps), and in sculpture (most 142 NOTES

famously on the tympanum of the Cathedral at Vezelay). Stenuning from ancient Greek texts, these representations of the monstrous races were popular in Arabic texts as well. 13. Asa Simon Mittman's interesting Maps and Monsters in Medieval England (New York: Routledge, 2006) unfortunately appeared too late for me to integrate Mittman's observations, but I believe that many of our discussions are complementary. 14. Berengar of Tours, PL 150:410D-411A. 15. Paul c.Jones, Christ's Eucharistic Presence: A History of the Doctrine, American University Series VII: Theology and Religion. Vol. 157 (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), pp. 79-80. This statement is part of the oath of orthodoxy that Berengar of Tours was forced to swear. For the debate/controversy that lead to this definitive articulation, see Jean de Montclos, Lanfranc et Berengar, la controverse Eucharistique de XIe siecle (Leuven: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, Justus Lipsiusstr, 1971). 16. For discussions of this process, see Henri du Lubac, Corpus Mysticum (Paris: Aubier, 1949); Gary Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period. A Study of the Salvific Function if the Sacrament According to Theologians c. 108{}-1220 (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1984) and Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991). And also chapter three of this book, "Cannibal Kings: Communion and Community in Twelfth-Century England." 17. Rubin, Corpus Christi. 18. See, for example, the discussion in Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period, pp. 28-51. 19. 1 Cor. 12:12-13,27. 20. See especially the discussion in Suzanne F. Wemple, "Claudius of Turin's Organic Metaphor or the Carolingian Doctrine of Corporations," Speculum 49 (1974): 222-237, which begins with a summary of the scholarship. Also Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 199-200. 21. David Hale, The Body Politic: A Political Metaphor in Renaissance English Literature (The Hague: Mouton, 1971), p. 35. 22. Hale, The Body Politic, p. 33. 23. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, p. 199. 24. I discuss the Policraticus in greater detail in chapter three, "Cannibal Kings: Communion and Community in Twelfth-Century England." See also Cary Nederman and Kate Langdon Forhan, eds. Medieval Political Theory-• A Reader: The Questfor the Body Politic, 11O{}-1400 (New York: Routledge, 1993). 25. See, for example, the discussion in Brian Stock, The Implications if Literacy: Written Language and Models if Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983). 26. Caroline Walker Bynum, "Wonder," The American Historical Review 102.1 (February 1997): 23 [1-28]. NOTES 143

27. Augustine, The City of God Against the Pagans, trans. William M. Green, 7 vols. LOEB (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972), p. 56. 28. Augustine, City of God, trans. Henry Bettenson (New York and London: Penguin Books, 1972), p. 983. 29. One important aspect of the medieval tradition of representing cannibals that this book gestures to but does not take up in any substantive way is the question of multi-lingualism. This study is to a certain extent premised on the assumption that medieval authors and scribes had access to a literary tra• dition that takes place in more than one language. I certainly believe that all these authors had access to the Latin mirabilia and theoretical material (Pliny, Augustine). I am necessarily less sure about their access to one another, both in tertns oflanguage and in tertns of the availability of manuscripts. 30. The application of the critical tools of postcolonial studies to societies other than the ones for which they were initially designed raises questions that are as important for postcolonial studies as they are for medieval studies. Stephen Siemon proposes the following set of "talking points": "can you extrapolate a modality of 'colonialism' from one historical moment to the next? Does discursive colonialism always look structurally the same, or do the specifics of its textual or semiotic or representational manoeuvres shift registers at different historical times and in different kinds of colonial encounters? And what would it mean to think of colonial discourse as a set of exchanges that function in similar ways for all sorts of colonialist strate• gies in a vastly different set of cultural locations?" (Stephen Siemon, "The Scramble for Post-colonialism," in The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, eds. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin [New York: Routledge, 1995], p. 48 [45-52]). For the engagement of medieval studies with postcolonial studies, see especially, Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, ed., The Postcolonial Middle Ages (New York: St Martin's Press, 2000); Patricia Clare Ingham and Michelle R. Warren, eds., Postcolonial Moves: Medieval Through Modem (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); Bruce W. Holsinger, "Medieval Studies, Postcolonial Studies, and the Genealogies of Critique," Speculum 77 (2002): 1195-1227. 31. I thus follow Gauri Viswanathan in defining postcolonial criticism as "a study of the cultural interaction between colonizing powers and the soci• eties they colonized, and the trace that this interaction left on the literature, arts, and human sciences of both societies," but more specifically also as the adoption of a certain posture of resistance or, as she terms it, "decentering" (Deepika Bahri and Mary Vasudeva, "Pedagogical Alternatives: Issues in Postcolonial Studies, Interview with Gauri Viswanathan," in Between The Lines: South Asians and Postcoloniality, ed. Deepika Bahri and Mary Vasudeva [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996], p. 54 [54-63]). 32. Timothy Brennan, "The National Longing for Fortn," in Nation and Narration, ed. Homi Bhabha (New York: Routledge, 1990), pp. 45-70. Diane Speed's article, "The Construction of the Nation in Medieval English Romance," in Readings in Medieval English Romance, ed. Carol Meale (Woodbridge, UK: D.S. Brewer, 1994), pp. 135-157 provides further 144 NOTES

discussion of the usefulness of Brennan's fonnulation to medieval studies. Medievalists have adapted these terms to apply throughout the Middle Ages in precisely this way, in work as varied as that of Kathleen Davis and Kathy Lavezzo in the Anglo-Saxon period, to that of John Gillingham and Michelle R. Warren in the high Middle Ages, and Geraldine Heng, Patricia Clare Ingham, and Thorlac Turville-Petre to the later Middle Ages. 33. Even Benedict Anderson, whose concept of the "imagined community" has been appropriated by many medievalists, considers the medieval to be pre-national. In response to these critics, Kathleen Davis crisply notes that "such an assumption of a purely non-national Middle Ages also reifies the very boundaries of the 'modem' that postcolonial criticism seeks to displace" (Kathleen Davis, "National Writing in the Ninth Century: A Reminder for Postcolonial Thinking about the Nation," Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 28.3 (1998): 612 [611-637]). 34. Michelle R. Warren, History on the Edge: Excalibur and the Borders if Britain (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), p. 11. 35. Recently, medieval scholars have been exploiting just these connections and I hope each chapter of Cannibal Narratives will make clear the extent to which this study is endebted to them. Maggie Kilgour's From Communion to Cannibalism: Metaphors if Consumption (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990) paved the way for literary studies of cannibalism along with Frank Lestringnant's Cannibals; Jeffrey Jerome Cohen's Of Giants: Sex, Monsters and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: Univerisity of Minnesota Press, 1999) sparked an upsurge of interest in the signifYing practices of medieval monsters and their relation to the construction of identity. Geraldine Heng's Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003) is a larger ranging study, but one that identifies cannibalism as an impor• tant subtheme in its exploration of the themes of identity, empire, and representation. Alan Ambrisco's 1999 PhD dissertation, Medieval Maneaters, and Merrall Llewelyn Price's Consuming Passions: The Uses of Cannibalism in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (New York: Routledge, 2003) offer book-length studies of cannibalism in a late medieval context. In addition, a series of edited collections on medieval monsters has produced many interesting studies of literary cannibalism. See, for example: Bettina Bildhauer and Robert Mills eds., The Monstrous Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003) (which ends with a helpful annotated bibliography); Albrecht Classen, ed. Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages (New York: Routledge, 2002); Guest, Eating Their Words; Timothy S. Jones and David A. Sprunger, eds., Marvels, Monsters and Miracles: Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Imaginations (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2002); Liz Herbert McAvoy and Teresa Walters, eds., Consuming Narratives: Gender and Monstrous Appetites in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2002); K.E. Oulsen and L.A. J.R. Houwen, NOTES 145

Monsters and the Monstrous in Medieval Northwest Europe (Leuven: Peeters, 2001). 36. Stephen Sondheim, Sweeney Todd, the Demon Barber ifFleet Street (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1979), p. 102.

Chapter 1 Self-Eaters: The Cannibal Narrative of Andreas

1. Kenneth R. Brooks, ed., Andreas and the Fates if the Apostles (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961),11. 174a-177a; S.AJ. Bradley, Anglo-Saxon Poetry (London: Everyman, 1982), p. 116. Throughout the text, citations of Andreas will be given in parentheses with the line number from Brooks' Old English edition and the page number from Bradley's English translation; I have noted where the translation is my own. 2. William Arens, The Man-Eating Myth: Anthropology and Anthropophagy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979). 3. There is an extended discussion of the controversy in the introduction to Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iverson, eds., Cannibalism and the Colonial World (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998). An article by Arens, also revisiting the controversy, is included in the same volume. 4. There are three Old English versions of the life of Saint Andrew extant: Andreas, the homily in Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 198, and the Blickling Homilies. The immediate sources of all three of these versions are unclear. Because of uncertainties of dating, all three Old English versions are potentially each other's sources. There are two Latin versions of the story that fit the appropriate time scheme-the Recensio Vaticana and Casanatensis-along with a Greek version, called the Praxeis. See MichaelJ.B. Allen and Daniel Calder, Sources and Analogues if Old English Poetry: The Major Latin Texts in Translation (Cambridge, UK: D.S. Brewer, 1976), pp. 140-150. The Praxeis' version is closest to Andreas, but it seems unlikely to have been known in Anglo-Saxon England. Therefore, a lost exemplar is posited for the poem. See also Marie Walsh, "St Andrew in Anglo-Saxon England: the Evolution of an Apocryphal Hero," Annuale Medievale 20 (1981): 97-122. 5. To borrow the title of Robert Boenig's book-length study of the poem (Robert Boenig, Saint and Hero: Andreas and Medieval Doctrine (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 1991). 6. Robert E. Bjork, The Old English Verse Saints' Lives (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), pp. 11o-111;John Casteen, "Andreas: An Old English Poem and Its Contents," diss., The University of Virginia, 1970, p. 20. 7. Frederick M. Biggs, "The Passion of Andreas: Andreas 1398-1491," Studies in Philology 85.4 (1988): 413-427. 8. Constance Hiett, "The Harrowing of Merrnedonia: Typological Patterns in the Old English Andreas," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 77 (1976): 49 [49-62]. 146 NOTES

9. James Earl, "The Typological Structure of Andreas," in Old English Literature in Context, ed.J.D. Niles (Cambridge, UK: D.S. Brewer, 1980), pp. 66-89. 10. Thomas D. Hill, "Figural Narrative in Andreas," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 70 (1969): 261-273. 11. Penn R. Szittya, "The Living Stone and the Patriarchs, Andreas ll. 706-810," Journal if English and Germanic Philology 72 (1973): 167-174. 12. See too John Casteen, "Andreas: Mermedonian Cannibalism and Figural Narration," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 75 (1974): 74-78. 13. Marie Nelson, "The Old English Andreas as an Account of Benign Aggression," Medieval Perspectives 2.1 (1987): 81 [81-89]. 14. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (London: Vintage, 1994), pp. 59-60. 15. I am using "England" throughout as a short-hand term for the more or less unified Anglo-Saxon England that was coming into being in response to exactly those political pressures of the ninth and tenth centuries to which I am suggesting Andreas responds. 16. Steven F. Kruger, "Conversion and Medieval Sexual, Religious, and Racial Categories," in Constructing Medieval Sexuality ed. Karma Lochrie, Peggy McCracken, and James A. Schultz (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), pp. 158-179. 17. For precisely this reason, later in the Middle Ages moments of conversion abound in texts that more clearly foreground the goal of territorial acquisition• Middle English crusade romances, for instance. Geraldine Heng has written in the latter context about conversion as cultural imperialism, arguing that "cultural capture" steps in to replace military capture when the latter has failed in imaginative literature of the fourteenth century (Geraldine Heng, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics ifCultural Fantasy, [New York: Columbia University Press, 2003], pp. 188-190). While I find her analysis persuasive, extending it more generally, I would resist the priority it assigns to military conquest, following instead Edward Said's suggestion in Culture and Imperialism that culture itself functions on its own as a mode of imperialism alongside other modes. 18. Lesley Abrams, "Conversion and Assimilation" in Cultures in Contact: Scandinavian Settlement in England in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, ed. Dawn M. Hadley and Julian R. Richards (Tumhout: Brepols, 2000), p. 138; 140 nS [135-154]; Alfred the Great: Asser's Life of King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources, intro. and trans. Simon Keynes and Michael Lapidge (New York: Penguin, 1983), p. 85. 19. Fred Robinson notes a further interesting aspect to the Mermedonians' capitulation in the poet's strange use of gumcystum: "The striking feature here is that the Mermedonians are said to pledge their obedience not to Andreas, but to gymcystum 'manly virtues.' Editors have coped in various ways with this curious use of an abstract noun to designate the saint ...Kenneth R. Brooks, in the most recent edition of the poem, retains gymcystum with the explanatory note 'gumcystum: lit. "manly virtues," hence (abstract for concrete) "the virtuous one." 'This judgment is sound, I believe, but one might fairly ask what motivated the peculiar abstract-for-concrete NOTES 147

figure at this point in the poem. If, recalling the Anglo-Saxon's general interest in onomastic lore, we turn to the standard medieval authorities on the meaning of Andrew's name, an answer may be at hand ... [Jerome interprets Andrew as] virilitate, ut pugnemus. The Hieronymian interpreta• tion of the name is repeated by Bede, Isidore, Rabanus ...and even the Latin poets of the period pick it up." Fred Robinson, "Some Uses of Name Meanings in Old English Poetry," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 69 (1968): 163-164 [161-171]. 20. Only the Mermedonian practice of drawing lots by casting twigs is described as a "ha:oen-gild," a heathen rite (1102). 21. See the introduction of Robert Boenig, trans., The Acts of Andrew in the Country of the Cannibals: Translations from the Greek, Latin and Old English (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991) for a comparative study of the tradition. 22. Brooks, Andreas, p. xvii. 23. Mermedonia is twice referred to as an island "igland" (15) and "ealand" (28). 24. Quoted in Nicholas Howe, Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), p. 39. 25. Howe, Migration and Mythmaking, p. 39. 26. Evelyn Edson, Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers Viewed Their World (London: The British Library, 1999), pI. IV (The Hereford Map); pI. 1.5 (the Anglo-Saxon World Map). See also pI. 6.3, Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 66, for another representation of the island of Britain at the edges of the world. 27. At least one critic has previously noted this similarity: "In the Andreas, the apostles go to the land of Mermedonia as Vikings on their raids." G.A. Smithson, The Old English Christian Epic: A Study in the Plot Technique of the Juliana, the Elene, the Andreas and the Christ in Comparison with the Beowulf and with the Latin Literature of the Middle Ages, University of California Publications in Modern Philology 1 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1910), p. 314. 28. Brooks notes that this is one of the moments where Andreas seems to mimic Beowulf. "cf Beo 320 street wees stanfah . ..Although the Beowulf-poet is speaking of Denmark, he seems to be thinking of Roman tessellated pavements, examples of which might have still been seen in the England of his time" (Brooks, Andreas, p. 106). 29. P.J. Frankis, "The Thematic Significance of Enta Geweorc and Related Imagery in the Wanderer," Anglo-Saxon England 2 (1973): 254 [253-269]. 30. Beowulf, ed. F. Klaeber 3rd Edition (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1950). 31. The Anglo-Saxon Minor Poems, ed. E.V.K. Dobbie, Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records, vol. VI (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942), ll. 1a-3a, my emphasis; Bradley, Anglo-Saxon Poetry, p. 513. 32. The Exeter Book, ed. E.V.K. Dobbie and G.P. Krapp, Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records, vol. 3 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), ll. 85a-87b, my emphasis; Bradley, Anglo-Saxon Poetry, p. 324. 33. The Exeter Book, la-6a, my emphasis; Bradley, Anglo-Saxon Poetry, p. 402. 148 NOTES

34. The specific lines from the Ruin that most demand the identification with Bath are the following: "There were bright city buildings, many bath• houses, a wealth of lofty gables, much clamor of the multitude, many a mead hall filled with human revelry-until mighty Fate changed that... and the stone courts were standing and the stream warmly spouted its ample surge and a wall embraced all in its bosom where the baths were, hot at its heart. That was convenient. Then they let pour. ..the warm streams across the gray stone ... until the round pool hotly ...where the baths were" (Bradley, Anglo-Saxon Poetry, p. 402). For a long and persuasive argument identifYing the ruins in the poem with those of Bath see R. F. Leslie, Three Old English Elegies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1961), pp.22-28. 35. Michael Hunter, "The Sense of the Past in Anglo-Saxon England," Anglo• Saxon England 3 (1974): 35 [29-50]. 36. See, for example, Ivan Herbison, "Generic Adaptation in Andreas," in Essays on Anglo-Saxon and Related Themes in Memory of Lynne Grnndy, ed. Jane Roberts and Jane Nelson (Exeter: Short Run Press, Ltd., 2000), pp. 181-211, esp. pp. 181-187 for a detailed summary of critical opinion of the poem. 37. Paschasius' treatise is to be found in BL Royal 8.B.ix, a manuscript con• temporary to the Vercelli Book and probably from Worcester (Helmut Gneuss, Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts: A List of Manuscripts and Manuscript Fragments Written or Owned in England up to tOOo [Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2001], p. 82). Although there is no longer an extant Anglo-Saxon version of the opposing De corpora et sanguine domino by Ratramnus, it seems to have been known by JElfric. Boenig suggests that the poem's overt eucharistic imagery may explain its current location in Vercelli Cathedral in northern Italy. He pro• poses that the manuscript was brought to the Vercelli Synod of 1050, which was considering the orthodoxy of Ratramnus's eucharistic theology, in order to be evaluated for orthodoxy itself (Boenig, Saint and Hero, p. 77). 38. See D. Hamilton, "The Diet and Digestion of Allegory in Andreas," Anglo• Saxon England 1 (1972): 147-158 for a discussion of irony in Andreas. 39. The Vercelli Book is dated to the second half of the tenth century (See Neil Ker, Catalogue of the Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957], p. 464), while Andreas is traditionally assigned a ninth-century date of composition. It may be possible, however, that Andreas is more nearly contemporary with its manuscript than has previously been assumed. Anita Riedinger, for example, points out that the tradition of assigning Andreas to the ninth century is, in fact, based largely on tradition alone: "It is possible that a major reason for favoring the ninth century arose from Fritzsche's 1879 study of the poem, which argued both that the Andreas-poet's work was Cynewulfian and that Andreas was modeled on Beowulf. Perhaps because Beowulfhas been so often assigned to the eighth century, Andreas was then merely assumed to belong to the ninth. But the potential Cynewulfian connection seems to have been even more influential in effecting its date; NOTES 149

certainly the connection is an old one. In his first edition of the poem in 1840, Andreas und Elene, Grimm argued that Cynewulf wrote Andreas. Thus scholars both before and long after Fritzsche found that the poem was writ• ten either by Cynewulf or by one of his followers. In 1967, for example, C. L. Wrenn still speaks of a "School of Cynewulf," in which he includes Andreas (Anita Riedinger, "The Formulaic Relationship Between Beowulf and Andreas," in Heroic Poetry in the Anglo-Saxon Period, ed. H. Damico (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1993), pp. 305-306 [283-312]. Riedinger herself accepts the ninth-century date, but her project is not to fix a chronological date, but to establish that the poem is later than Beowulf). Furthermore, the criteria for linguistic dating studied by Ashley Crandall Amos in her influential Linguistic Means if Determining the Dates if Old English Literary Texts allow a date as late as the end of the tenth century• a date contemporary to that of its manuscript (Ashley Crandall Amos, Linguistic Means if Determining the Dates if Old English Literary Texts [Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1980]). This analysis leaves out metrical evidence, which is more controversial than the work of Amos. I should note, however, that one strong objection to this mode of dating Andreas is the metrical analysis ofR.D. Fulk, who argues that" Beowulf, the biblical poems, the Cynewulf canon, and Andreas cannot belong to the tenth century, and probably not to the second half of the ninth either." R.D. Fulk, A History if Old English Meter (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992), p. 337. The debate between these two methods of dating is on-going and will probably remain so. It is for this reason that scholars of Old English have turned to the date of the manuscript as a locus of contextualization. 40. See, for example, the range of approaches to dating Beowulfin Colin Chase, ed., The Dating if Beowulf (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981). 41. See, for example, Fred C. Robinson, "Old English Literature in its Most Immediate Context," in Old English Literature in Context, ed. John Niles, (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1980), pp. 11-29; Roy Michael Liuzza, "The Texts of the Old English Riddle 30," Journal if English and Germanic Philology 87 (1988): 1-15; Katherine O'Brien O'Keefe, Visible Song: Transitional Literacy in Old English Verse (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Douglas Moffat, "Anglo-Saxon Scribes and Old English Verse," Speculum 67 (1992): 805-827. 42. Gary D. Schmidt, The Iconography of the Mouth ifHell: Eighth Century Britain to the Fifteenth (Selinsgrove: Susquehanna University Press, 1995), p. 23. There is evidence of continuous Christian worship from the pre-Viking era straight through to the reconquest of the Danelaw. See Dawn M. Hadley, "Conquest, Colonization and the Church: Ecclesiastical Organization in the Danelaw," Historical Research 69.169 (1996): 109-128 for a discussion of the evidence as well as a discussion of the political uses to which the West Saxon kings put monastic lands in and on the borders of the Danelaw. On this last, see also Robin Fleming, "Monastic Lands and England's Defense in the Viking Age," The English Historical Review 100.395 (1985): 247-265. 150 NOTES

43. John Niles, "Locating Beowulf in Literary History," Exemplaria 5.1 (1993): 91 [79-109]. For a more in-depth treatment of cultural accommodation within the Danelaw, see the essays in Hadley and Richards, ed., Cultures in Contact. 44. See also R. 1. Page, "The Audience of Beowulf and the Vikings," in The Dating if Beowulf, pp. 113-122, esp. 117-120. 45. The third history associated with Alfred is, of course, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. On this topic, see A. Scharer, "The Writing of History at King Alfred's Court" Early Medieval Europe 5 (1996): 177-206. 46. This is a common move, which Asser may have borrowed from the Anglo• Saxon Chronicle. See R.1. Page, "A Most Vile People": Early English Historians on the Vikings (London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 1987) and Lesley Abrahms, "The Conversion of the Danelaw," in Vikings and the Danelaw: Select Papers from the Proceedings if the Thirteenth Viking Congress, Nottingham and York, 21-30 August 1997, ed. James Graham-Campbell, Richard Hall, Judith Jesch, and David N. Parsons, (Oxford: Oxbow, 2001), pp.31-44. 47. Alfred the Great: Asser's Life if King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources, intro. and trans. Simon Keynes and Michael Lapidge (New York: Penguin, 1983), p. 80. 48. The Old English Martyrology uses a similar formulation in its life of Saint Christopher. Christopher's native race of dog-headed cannibals are described as, "ofp;ere eoroan on p;ere ;eton men hi selfe" (of the country in which men eat themselves). G. Herzfeld, ed., An Old English Martyrology EETS os 116 (London: Longman, 1900), pp. 66-69. 49. Paul Lyons, "From Man-Eaters to Spam-Eaters: Literary Tourism and the Discourse of Cannibalism from Herman Melville to Paul Theroux," Arizona Quarterly 51 (1995): 41 [33-62]. 50. These terms are Mary Louise Pratt's in Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Roudedge, 1992).

Chapter 2 Eotonweard: Watching for Cannibals in the Beowulf-Manuscript

1. Michael Lapidge, "Beowulf and the Psychology of Terror," in Heroic Poetry in the Anglo-Saxon Period: Studies in Honor ifJess B. Bessinger,Jr, ed. Helen Damico and John Leyerle (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute, 1993), pp. 373-402. 2. Beowulf, ed. F. Klaeber 3rd Edition, (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1950), ll. 720a-727a; Beowulf, ed. and trans., Howell Chickering (New York: Anchor Books, 1977) p. 90. Throughout the text, citations of Beowulfwill be given in parentheses with the line number from Klaeber's edition and the page number from Chickering's English translation; I have noted where the translation is my own. There have been several more recent translations of Beowulf, including those of Ray Liuzza and Seamus Heaney: the hard-cover edition of Heaney's Beowulf (London: Faber and Faber, 1999) also offers a facing page translation. I have chosen to cite from Chickering's volume NOTES 151

both because of the accessibility of its facing-page format and its widespread use as a classroom text. 3. See Kathryn Hume, "The Concept of the Hall in Old English Poetry," Anglo-Saxon England 3 (1974): 63-74. 4. Seth Lerer, "Grendel's Glif," English Literary History 61: 4 (1994): 723 [721-751]. Lerer's focus on the body argues for the whole and the dismem• bered body in Beowulf as the site of poetic expression. 5. The standard edition of these first three is Three Old English Prose Texts in MS Cotton Vitellius A. xv. ed. S. Rypins (Oxford: EETS, 1924). For the Wonders of the East and The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle there is also the more recent Andy Orchard, Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beowulf• manuscript (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995) with trans• lations. For judith, the edition of Mark Griffith (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1997). There is disagreement among scholars as to whether judith was originally intended to be part of the collection. The general arguments here are that, while judith was clearly copied by Scribe B of the Beowulf-manuscript, and while it demonstrates certain thematic sympathies with the rest of the collection, 1) it is incomplete at the beginning, and the loss is difficult to explain if it was intended to have followed Beowulf in the collection; 2) the last folio of Beowulf shows signs of wear and tear, which imply it was at some point the last page of the book; 3) the scribe of Beowulfhas relineated the last page of the folio in an attempt to fit the end of the poem on the page with• out having to start a new folio, an action that he surely would not have needed to undertake if he would need a new folio anyway to copy judith. The poem's inclusion in the codex as it has come down to posterity is accounted for, by those who do not believe it to have originally been a part of the compilation, by the fact that Scribe B of the manuscript also copied judith. It has therefore seemed reasonable to many that an early modern anti• quarian noticed this fact and "filed" judith in the Beowulf-manuscript for that reason. judith is also noted to be anomalous among the texts of the manuscript for not including monsters, and therefore sometimes excluded from consid• eration as part of the collection on thematic grounds. For a fuller discussion of this topic, see Kevin Kiernan, Beowulf and the Beowulf-manuscript (N ew Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1981); Andy Orchard, Pride and Prodigies; and Kenneth Sisam, Studies in Old English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953). This study will treat judith as if it were a planned part of the compilation, but the argument of the chapter would not be affected were this not the case. 6. The Life of Saint Christopher is set in Samos, the Letter of Alexander to Aristotle in India and farther East, the third text, the Wonders of the East, is named after its location. judith is set in the Eastern city of Bethulia, coveted by the Assyrian king Nebuchadnezzar for his empire. It is tempting here to look to Edward Said's insight in Orientalism that in Western discourses the East tends to figure as an ideological space rather than as a geographic space. I am not sure, however, if we can assume that a contemporary audience would have 152 NOTES

made this distinction, or would have registered the Mediterranean past as more foreign than the Germanic. 7. Kenneth Sisam, "The Compilation of the Beowulf-manuscript," in Studies in the History of Old English Literature, 96. See too, on the tradition of monster• themed manuscripts, William E. Brynteson, "Beowulf, Monsters and Manuscripts," Res Publica Litteramm 5.2 (1981): 41-57. 8. Nora Chadwick, "The Monsters and Beowulf," in The Anglo-Saxons: Studies In Some Aspects Of Their History And Culture Presented To Bmce Dickens, ed. Peter Clemoes (London: Bowes and Bowes, 1959), p. 199. A good deal of evidence from the manuscript itself suggests that the version of Beowulf that has come down to posterity was copied, as were the other texts in the manuscript. While most scholars agree that these texts were probably all brought together for the first time in the Beowulf-manuscript, there is no consensus on which of the texts might have previously shared an exemplar. For a summary of the scholarship see Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 2-5. For a radically di1ferent view, that Beowulf was composed for the manuscript, see Kieman, Beowulf and the Beowulf-man• uscript. The assumption of this study will be that whether from a single exem• plar, five di1ferent sources, or any combination thereof, the planner of the compilation saw the thematic potential in the collection of these texts. 9. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, p. 27. 10. Kiernan, Beowulf and the Beowulf-manuscript, p. 139. 11. Catherine E. Karkov, Text and Picture in Anglo-Saxon England: Narrative Strategies in the Junius 11 manuscript (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 17. 12. Karkov, Text and Picture in Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 10-11. 13. Jill Frederick, " 'His Ansyn W;es Swylce Rosan Blostma': A Reading of the Old English Life of Saint Christopher," Proceedings of the Patristic, Medieval, and Renaissance Conference 12-13 (1989): 137-148; George Herzfeld, ed., An Old English Martyrology (London: Pub. for the Early English Text Society by K. Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd., 1900), pp. 66-69. Joyce Tally Lionarons sees a "general scholarly consensus" that the missing section of Christopher's story in the Beowulf-manuscript identified the saint as a cynocephalus ("From Monster to Martyr: the Old English Legend of Saint Christopher," in Marvels, Monsters, and Miracles: Studies in the Medieval and Early Modem Imaginations, ed. Timothy S. Jones and David A. Sprunger (Kalamazoo, MI: Western Michigan University Press, 2000), p. 168 [167-182]). And Andy Orchard notes that elements of the version in the Beowulf-manuscript likewise suggest an assumption of Christopher as a cyno• cephalus: "he is described as 'twelve fathoms tall' (twelf fceoma lang) and 'the worst of wild beasts' (wyrresta wi/deor)" (Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, p. 14). 14. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, p. 14. Saint Christopher's dog head highlights the question of whether the cannibals of the Beowulf-manuscript are quite human enough to be considered cannibalistic rather than simply monstrous. I would suggest that it is precisely this borderline between self and other that the manuscript is interested in exploring. 15. Cotton Tiberius B. v. is a dual-language version and Oxford Bodleian Library 614 is in Latin. NOTES 153

16. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 192; 193. 17. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, p. 64. 18. Robert Reynolds has previously suggested that Grendel is modeled on the Hostes ("Note on Beowulf's Date and Economic-Social History," Studi in onore di Armando Sapori (Milan: Instituto editoriale cisalpino, 1957), pp. 176-177 [175-178]. Visually similar images of the devil-represented in the likeness of a man but with exaggerated hair and claws and associated with a hell mouth-are to be found in Oxford Bodleian Junius 11, Oxford Bodleian 614, London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius C. vi. and Cotton Tiberius B. v., and the Winchester Liher Vitae. The image of the entrance to hell as a monstrous mouth, so common on the tympana of twelfth-century cathedrals (there are hell mouths in the central tympanum Last Judgment scenes on the cathedrals at Amiens, Paris, and Vezelay among others-at Vezelay the tympanum is surrounded by carved images of the monstrous races), may have been pioneered in early eleventh-century England and so contemporary with the Beowulf-manuscript. See Joyce Galpern, "The Shape of Hell in Anglo-Saxon England," PhD Dissertation (University of California, Berkeley, 1977). 19. The illustrations of the Donestre in Cotton Vitellius A. xv. and Cotton Tiberius B. v. do, however, share the detail of emphasizing the Donestre's genitalia, a detail not mentioned in the texts. 20. Since the beginning to the Christopher text is lost, it is possible that another text, or texts, originally preceded it in the manuscript. Peter Lucas argues that Judith may originally have stood at the beginning of the manuscript. Peter J. Lucas, "The Place ofJudith in the Beowulf-Manuscript," Review of English Studies 40.164 (1990): 463-478. 21. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, p. 17. This reading has to be reconstructed from the Latin vita--the Old English manuscript is damaged here and the line is lost. 22. Judith's actions are tied in, too, with the themes of the manuscript collection. Like Alexander in the camp of King Porus, she enters an enemy camp in disguise. Like Beowulf she beheads her enemy and displays the head in a gesture of triumph. 23. Heide Estes notes that Judith's absence at the meal is important to the char• acterization ofJudith in several ways: "In the poem, however, Judith is not invited to this feast; this absence avoids the issue of what she will and will not eat, and thus the issue of her (Jewish) religious observance, as well as the suggestion that she takes an active role in seducing Holofernes rather than being simply the passive object of his lust" (Heide Estes, "Feasting With Holofernes: Digesting Judith in Anglo-Saxon England," Exemplaria 15.2 [2003]: 333 [325-350]). 24. Estes, "Feasting With Holofernes," p. 350; Susan Kim argues that this image is evocative of pregnancy (Susan Kim, "Bloody Signs: Circumcision and Pregnancy in Old EnglishJudith," Exemplaria 11.2 [1999]: 285-307). 25. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, p. 117. Kenneth Sisam argued in Studies in Old English Literature that it is precisely Alexander's successful empire building that interested the Old English redactor. He felt that this aspect of Alexander's character was intended to evoke in the mind of the Anglo-Saxon reader the 154 NOTES

image of King Alfred the Great. However, Margaret Bridges, in her article "Empowering the Hero: Alexander as Author in the Epistola Alexandri ad Aristotelem and its Medieval English Versions" (The Problema tics of Power: Eastern and Western Representations of Alexander the Great, ed. M. Bridges and J. Ch. Burgel [New York: Peter Lang, 1996), pp. 45-59), disagrees with Sisam's identification of Alexander, in this instance, with Alfred. 26. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 226; 227. 27. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 242; 243. 28. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 240; 241. 29. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 184; 185. 30. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 196; 197. 31. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies, pp. 192; 193. 32. John Block Friedman, The Monstrous Races: In Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 23. 33. George Clark notes, "The first three lines nicely anticipate the ruling themes of the poem's first section: antiquity, power, dynastic succession, and overlordship. The ancient Danish rulers are 'peodcyningas'-great or national, rather than local, kings ... the prefix 'peod'-can commonly be translated as 'great,' 'national,' or 'universaL'" George Clark, Beowulf (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1990), p. 47. 34. The end of the manuscript is badly damaged and several of these readings are conjectural. See Chickering, Beowulf, p. 240 for a summary of critical consensus on the emendations. 35. Fred Robinson uses them as characteristic examples of what he terms Beowulf's "appositive style." (Beowulf and the Appositive Style [Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985]). 36. Or perhaps, rather than a series of lays, we should understand one lay, in honor of Beowulf, including the stories of Beowulf, Sigemund, and Heremod. 37. This, at least, is the most commonly accepted interpretation of the events. As Tolkien described it, "in less than ninety lines a full-length story is told in terms so allusive that it could have made immediate sense only to those already familiar with the sequences of events" (Finn and Hengest: The Fragment and the Episode. ed. Alan Bliss [London: George Allen and Unwin, 1982]). This is the generally, although not universally, accepted under• standing of the plot of the larger story that the episode in Beowulf refers to. Donald K. Fry, however, has argued that Hengest planned his revenge all along ("Finnsburh: A New Interpretation," The Chaucer Review 9 [1974]: 1-14). The Fight at Finnsburg episode is especially interesting because a fragment of another version exists: "A single manuscript leaf containing a fragment from another Old English poem concerning the same event survived long enough for a transcript to be printed in 1705 (after which the leaf was lost)." Later editors have identified it by a number of names, including "The Finnesburg Fragment" (Beowulf, with the Finnesburg Fragment, ed. c.L. Wrenn [London: Harrap, 1958], pp. 213-215), "The Battle of Finnesburh" (R.W. Chambers, Beowulf; An Introduction to the NOTES 155

Study oj the Poem With a Discussion oj the Stories of Offa and Finn [Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1921], pp. 212-215), and "The Battle of Finnsburg" (Klaeber, pp. 231-238). "The forty-eight lines that comprise the fragment are enough to show it is clearly an episode from a single poem" (Donoghue, Old English Literature, p. 36). Robinson notes that the Fragment highlights the extent to which Beowulf recasts the plot as Hildeburgh's personal tragedy ("Beowulf and the Appositive Style," p. 26). 38. Using this word without offering a translation seems the best way to highlight its use in the poem, see also the discussion in Jacqueline Stuhmiller, "On the Identity of the Eotenas," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 100.1 (1999): 7-14. 39. R.E. Kaske, "The Eotenas in Beowulf," in Old English Poetry, ed. Robert P. Creed (Providence, R.I.: Brown University Press, 1967), p. 299 [421-431]. 40. Kaske "The Eotenas in Beowulf," p. 299. 41. Although which side the eotena fought on is not entirely clear. The problem is the moment when a sword is given to the Danish Hengest, the edges of which were well-known among the eatena. This may imply that many eotena had been killed by the sword, but it is possible to infer just the opposite. For a summary of opinion, see Chambers, Beowulf, pp. 249-250. 42. The capitalization of Eotena in this and other editions is an editorial decision that further reflects scholars' conviction that in these instances the word must be a proper noun referring to an ethnic group. 43. Jane A. Leake, The Geats of Beowulf: A Study in the Geographical Mythology oJ the Middle Ages (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967), p. 105. In the opening section of the Historia Ecclesiastica, however, where Bede describes the tripartite division of the island of Britain among the three most important German tribes-the Angles, the Saxons, and the Jutes-the Old English redactor translates Bede's "Jutes" with "Geata" (The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England, 1.15, J.A. Giles, [1859], p. 24; Leake, The Geats oJBeowulf, p. 99). Leake argues, however, that the sub• stitution of Geats for Jutes reflects not a Beowulf legend, but rather the translator's own conflation of Geats and Goths. 44. Williams writes, "The question is raised by the occurrence in the text of the Episode of the word eotena three times, and eotenum once. Of these eotena is ambiguous because it might come either from eoton 'giant' or Eote (-as, -an) 'Jutes.' Unfortunately the situation does not decide the matter one way or the other, since it contains no unambiguous indication, which is the preferable meaning of eotena. On the other hand eotenum is not ambiguous. So long as we remain within the circle of historically given fact it can only be regarded as the dative plural of eoton." (R.A. Williams, The Finn Episode in Beowulf [Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1924], p. 139). 45. Stuhmiller, "On the Identity of the Eotenas," p. 7. While Williams was opposed to translating 'Jutes," even a staunch advocate of the choice of "Jutes," ].R.R. Tolkien, admitted of the contested form eotenum: "A dative plural in -(e)num is of course not a usual or natural form in Beowulf for the name of the Jutes or for any other weak noun" (Tolkien, Finn and Hengest, p. 62). Tolkien thought it most likely that the form was attributable to 156 NOTES

scribal error due to the proximity of the form eoten (Tolkien, Finn and Hengest, p. 63). But Tolkien was arguing backwards, from the premise that in this context Jutes were far more desirable than giants: "Certainly the atmosphere of the Finn-story is heroic, 'historical' and political and bound up with the history of warring peoples, and especially of the Danes and Frisians (beyond doubt). No people are antecedently more likely to figure in a story of Danish and Frisian policies at this date than Jutes. No creatures are less likely to have any concern in the story than 'trolls,' and only reluc• tantly and in the face of conclusive evidence should we admit them" (Tolkien, Finn and Hengest, p. 60). 46. Bandy connects the exegetical tradition of Cain-where Cain is represented as gigantic, bestial, and as an archetype of superbia with the descent of Beowulf's eotena from the race of Cain. He argues more specifically that the Beowulf-poet distinguishes between eotena and the Latin derived gigantes: "On the three occasions when the word gigant is found, it designates either the race of men who wieJ gode wunnon, or the swords that were giganta geweorc (1562) or the giganta cyn (1690) that perished in the Flood. These are in any case antediluvian giants. Yet, though Grendel is called an eoten (761), never once does the poet use the form of gigant for him. The scant evidence in Beowulf may not prove the case, but it suggests that the poet, far from ignorant of a distinction between the two words, attempted to stay within scriptural limits by restricting gigant to the race which perished in the Deluge. In reserving the Latin loan-word for the antediluvian giants, he follows to the letter the scriptural statement--so often cited by the Fathers-that the 'gigantes non resurgent' (Isa. 26:14)" (S. Bandy, "Cain, Grendel and the Giants of Beowulf," Papers on Language and Literature 9 [1973]: 240 [235-291]). 47. Stuhmiller suggests that the presence of eotena in the Finnsburg is a subtle way of taking Beowulf down a peg by reminding him that the Danes also have a proud tradition of giant killing. Kaske has argued that in the Finnsburg episode eoten must mean "giant" but be understood as a derogatory epithet for the Frisians. In support of this argument he adduces evidence that the word giant was used as an insulting term for a man in Old Norse (ON jotnar) and points also to the use of the word "giant" (OF jaianz) to describe the Saracens in the Song of Roland. He notes further that in the later Middle Ages the Frisians had acquired a reputation for largeness (Kaske, "The Eotenas in Beowulf"). Chickering, in his edition, accepts "Frisians" for eo ten (Chickering, Beowulf, p. 110, note to 1. 1072a). 48. Stuhmiller, "On the Identity of the Eotenas," p. 7. 49. Signe M. Carlson, "The Monsters in Beowulf. Creations of Literary Scholars," Journal of American Folklore 80 (1967): 360 [357-364]. 50. Stuhmiller, "On the Identity of the Eotenas," p. 7. 51. Chickering, Beowulf, p. 284. See also the note in Klaeber's glossary (Klaeber, Beowulf, p. 325). 52. After the Fight at Finnsburh episode, no more people are referred to as eotena, although Eofor kills Ongentheow with an "ealdsweord eotonisc." NOTES 157

53. This interpretation also makes sense of the fact that Grendel's mother is never referred to as an eoten, nor is she ever represented as eating anyone. Her attacks on Heorot are of a completely different nature from those of her son; she seeks only revenge. Grendel's mother uses the body of.!Eshere in a manner very different from the one in which Grendel uses that ofHondscio and it signifies differently. She reestablishes the bodily integrity of her son by reclaiming his arm even as she dismembers the body of .!Eschere in her symbolic revenge. 54. Brian McFadden, "The Social Context of Narrative Disruption in The Letter

Viking raids, as no Anglo-Saxon poet would have spoken of the Danes in such a complimentary fashion after their raids had begun. This is also the opinion Klaeber gives in the introduction to his edition. George Clark takes a different approach, arguing that "the poem locates the power and the glory of the Danes in the audience's ancestral past, which implies that Beowulf was already on parchment and somewhat resistant to re-creation and updating by the time the Viking Age began in earnest" (Clark, Beowulf, p. 46). Kevin Kiernan argues, on the other hand, that the poem may have been composed during the reign of Cnut (Kiernan, Beowulf and the Beowulf-manuscript, pp. 171-278). 60. Neil Ker, Catalogue if Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), p. xx. 61. David Dumville, "Beowulf Come Lately: Some Notes on the Paleography of the Nowell Codex," Archiv fiir das Studium der neurem Sprachen und Literaturen 225 (1988): 49-63. See too, John Niles, "Locating Beowulf in Literary History," Exemplaria 5.1 (1993): 79-109, for a discussion of the cultural situatedness of Beowulf in this Anglo-Scandinavian context. 62. Chase, The Dating of Beowulf. 63. Niles, "Locating Beowulf," p. 94.

Chapter 3 Cannibal Kings: Communion and Community in Twelfth-Century England 1. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in Two if the Saxon Chronicles, Parallel, ed. Charles Plummer and John Earle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), p. 235. 2. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, trans. Dorothy Whitelock (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1961), p. 176. 3. For the identification of Tirel as the shooter, see William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum: The History ifthe English Kings, ed. and trans. R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson, and M. Winterbottom, vol. 2. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), pp. 377-379; Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronici, ed. Benjamin Thorpe, vol. 2, (London: Publications of the English Historical Society, 1848-1849), p. 45; Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. MaIjorie Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968-1980), pp. 288-290. For the account of William falling on the arrow, see Eadmer, Vita Sancti Anselmi, ed. R.W. Southern (London: T. Nelson, 1962). 4. Richard and his horse collided with a tree. 5. See William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, p. 332; Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, p. 45; Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, p. 391. Some mod• ern historians have argued that the circumstances surrounding William's death are, in fact, odd enough that they suggest a conspiracy against William led by his younger brother (and, as it turned out, heir) Henry I. For their arguments, see C. Warren Hollister, "The Strange Death of William Rufus," NOTES 159

Speculum 48.4 (1973): 652-653 [637-653]; A.L. Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 1087-1216 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955). 6. The prevalence of these prophesies, in fact, has been mooted as evidence for a conspiracy given the hint that the "prophets" may have known about a plot (Hollister, "The Strange Death of William Rufus," 639). Hollister points out that it is more likely that the prophecy stories were intended by medieval historians as evidence of God's providence working in history (Hollister, "The Strange Death of William Rufus," 641-642). 7. Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 286, 288. 8. Vitalis Ecclesiastical History, pp. 287, 289. 9. Eadmer, Vita Anselmi, p. 124; William of Malmesbury, Cesta regum Anglorum, p. 573. 10. William of Malmesbury, Cesta regum Anglorum, pp. 572; 573. 11. Mynors et aI., Cesta regum Anglorum, p. 22. 12. William of Malmesbury, Cesta regum Anglorum, pp. 572; 573. 13. Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Chronique des dues de Normandie, ed. Francisque Michel, 3 vols. Collections de Documents Inedits sur I'Histoire de France (Paris: Imprimerie Royale), pp. 327-328. 14. The dating of the De nugis curialium (Courtiers' Trifles) is complicated by the wealth of internal, but contradictory, datable information that the text itself offers. Its most recent editors suggest the following solution: "The bulk of it was drafted in 1181 and 1182, and it lay for a number of years in loose quires, roughly arranged in the order dist. iv, v, I, ii, iii. It was still a draft, not a finished work, and included two versions of the satire on the court; some chapters were never completed. From time to time the author added insertions small and large on slips of vellum; in 1183 he provided the whole work with a prologue. At some date unknown, he decided to make the satire on the court the opening of the book, and so cut his loose quires like a stack of cards, arranging the material in approximately its present order. He does not seem to have added new material after ca. 1193, and it may be that he lost interest in the book at about that date." Walter Map, De nugis curialium: Courtiers' Trifles, ed. and trans. M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. xxix-xxx. 15. Gundulf is an interesting character to appear in William's dreams, as Norman Cantor notes, "Gundulf of Rochester (1077-1108) had been brought from Bee by Lanfranc to serve as the diocesan ordinary of Canterbury. He was a friend and disciple of Anselm and he was more or less required by reason of his office to be loyal to the Archbishop in all cases. Only Wulfstan of Worcester, the only remaining pre-Conquest bishop in office and Gundulf gave Anselm any support in the Archbishop's dispute with William Rufus." Norman Cantor, Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England, 1089-1135 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), p. 35. Wulfstan predeceased William in 1095. 16. Walter Map, De nugis curialium, pp. 466; 467. 17. Walter Map, De nugis curialium, pp. 467, 471. Anselm was unlucky enough to be forced into exile by two kings: William Rufus and Henry 1. 160 NOTES

18. Gerald of Wales, De principis instrnctione, ed. George F. Warner, Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, Vol.8 Rolls Series 21 (London: Longman, 1891), p. 323; Gerald of Wales, On the Instrnction ifPrinces, trans. Rev. Joseph Stevenson, The Church Historians of England Vol. 5, part 1 (London: Seeleys, 1858), p. 238. 19. Gerald of Wales, De principis instrnctione, p. 323. 20. Gerald of Wales, On the Instrnction of Princes, p. 238. 21. Both Philippe Buc (in L'Ambiguite du Livre: Prince, pouvoir, et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au Moyen Age [Paris: Beauchesne Editeur, 1994]) and Paul Freedman (in Images of the Medieval Peasant [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999]) read this dream as an illustration of William Rufus's tyrannical oppression of his subjects. Buc goes on to discuss the use of metaphors of eating to symbolize good and bad government. See especially L'Ambiguite du Livre, pp. 206-231. 22. In 1 Corinthians 12; Romans 7.4-7.5, Ephesians 4.15-16. 23. For the vast literature on the metaphor of the body politic in the twelfth century see, Georges Duby, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); Paul E. Dutton, "Il/ustrus Civitatis Et Populi Exemplum: Plato's Timaeus and the Transmission from Calcidius to the End of the Twelfth Century of a Tripartite Scheme of Society," Mediaeval Studies 45 (1983): 79-119; David Hale, Body Politic: A Political Metaphor in Renaissance Literature (Paris: Mouton, 1971); Jacques Le Goff, "Head or Heart? The Political Uses of Body Metaphors in the Middle Ages," in Fragments for a History if the Human Body, Part Three, ed. Michael Feher (New York: Zone Books, 1989), pp. 13-26; Timothy E. Powell, "The 'Three Orders' of Society in Anglo-Saxon England," Anglo-Saxon England 23 (1994): 103-132; Winthrop Wetherbee, Platonism and Poetry in the Twelfth Century: The Literary Influence of the School of Chartres (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972). 24. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, abr., ed. and trans. Murray F. Markland (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing, 1979), pp. 60-61. 25. Cary Nederman, "Social Bodies and the Non-Christian 'Other' in the Twelfth Century: John of Salisbury and Peter of Celle," in Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 193-194 [192-201]. 26. Frank Lestrignant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation if the Cannibal From Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. Rosemary Morris (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), p. 8. 27. Seneca, Thyestes, ed. and trans. John G. Fitch, The Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), pp. 304; 305. I cite Seneca here because his is the most dramatic account and because of Seneca's renewed popularity in the twelfth century (See L.D. Reynolds, Texts and Transmission: A Survey if the Latin Classics [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983], pp. 359, 379). The myth was also familiar from Ovid and from Servius's popular fourth-century commentary on the Aeneid (I am grateful to Elizabeth M. Tyler for this reference). NOTES 161

28. In a modern extension of this metaphor, Marx uses cannibalism to theorize the tyranny of capitalism in Das Kapital. 29. J. Roger Dunkle, "The Greek Tyrant and Roman Political Invective of the Late Republic," Transactions of the American Philological Association 98 (1967): 151 [1-171]. 30. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 236. 31. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 176. Modern historians have nuanced this perception of William's reign, and rehabilitated his kingship. The rise and fall of William's reputation is traced by Thomas Callahan,Jr. ("The Making of a Monster: The Historical Image of William Rufus," Journal of Medieval History 7 [1981]: 175-186) and Emma Mason ("William Rufus: Myth and Reality," Journal ifMedieval History 3 [1977]: 1-20). Barlow gives a measured account of his reign, writing, "The importance of the reign of William Rufus is that it prevented the reign of Robert Curthose and also assured the reign of Henry 1. ..William ...passed on an efficiently administered, even perhaps a well-governed kingdom to his successor. He had made Scotland once more a client state and had begun the reconquest of Wales. He had recovered Maine for Robert. Only in the Vexin had he failed, and that problem had also defeated his father. In truth, the French Vexin was too near Paris to be an easy prey ...William Rufus's historical reputation suggests that the recorded facts do not properly convey his qualities and superiority, his slightly diabolical charisma, and that only through the partial untruth of anecdotage can his true stature as a man and king be measured. It is the collection of his sayings which brings him out distinctly, words recounted by chroniclers against their better judgment, dicta of which they half disap• proved, half marveled at. Here we have the blunt, rough commander, but shrewd and sometimes generous, always capable of emotion, even the gift of tears; always a gentleman, and that, despite the limitations, in no pejorative sense; always close to the popular image of a king." Frank Barlow, William Rufus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 433-436. 32. The term "sodomy" had a much wider semantic range in the Middle Ages than it does today: "sodomy came to refer to any emission of semen not directed exclusively toward the procreation of a legitimate child within matrimony and the term included much-ifnot most-heterosexual activity. " John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), p. 202. For an extensive bibliography of the meaning of "sodomy" in the Middle Ages, see Lee Patterson, "Chaucer's Pardoner on the Couch: Psyche and Clio in Medieval Literary Studies," Speculum 76.3 (2001): 638-680. 33. Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, PL 159:377B-377C. 34. Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, trans. Geoffrey Bosanquet (London: The Cresset Press, 1964), p. 50. 35. Maggie Kilgour, From Communion to Cannibalism: Metaphors of Consumption (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 7. 36. Geraldine Heng, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), p. 98. See below 162 NOTES

note 90 for Heng's reading of the relationship between royal cannibalism and homosexuality. 37. Heng, Empire if Magic, p. 97. 38. Rebecca Bushnell describes "the cultural association between femininity and the desire for pleasure. The marks of the feminine in Greek culture-• irrationality, appetite, and the power of mimesis-are also tyrants' charac• teristics." Rebecca Bushnell, Tragedies of Tyrants: Political Thought in the English Renaissance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), p. 20. 39. Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, PL 159:376D. 40. Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, p. 49. 41. A. Queffelec, "Representation de la chasse chez les chroniqueurs anglo• normands du douzieme siecle," La chasse au Moyen-Age, Actes du colloque de Nice 22-24 juin 1979, Paris, 1980, pp. 423-432. 42. Buc, L'Ambiguite du Livre, p. 225. 43. In Genesis 10:9. Anne Rooney, Hunting in Middle English Literature (Cambridge, UK: Boydell and Brewer, 1993), p. 39. 44. Boswell notes that 'John of Salibury and others specifically moralized on the significance of Ganymede's association with hunting" Oohn Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality, p. 253 n37). See also Heng, Empire of Magic, p. 331 n62. 45. Walter Map De nugis curilium, pp. 10; 11. 46. John of Salisbury, Policraticus I-IV, ed. K.S.B. Keats-Rohan, Corpus Christiano rum 118 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1993), p. 38. 47. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. Markland, pp. 6-7. 48. John of Salisbury, Policraticus, ed. Keats-Rohan, pp. 38-39. 49. John of Salisbury, Policraticus ed. Markland, p. 7. 50. Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, p. 322. 51. Gerald of Wales, On the Instruction of Princes, p. 237. 52. Henry apparently took the project away from Wace, the translator and versifier (or, to use a single term, "romancer") of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae. 53. He claims to have spent ten years at Henry's court: even if this is a round number, it still represents a considerable period of time. Robert Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, 1146-1223 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), p. 58 nl. 54. The case of William of Malmesbury's text is anomalous for two reasons: William's narrative of Rufus's cannibal dream differs substantially from the other three accounts, and William wrote under the reign of Rufus's successor, Henry I. Nevertheless, this text may well have been where the other authors drew their inspiration from, and William is also very concerned with the ethical component of history: "History... adds flavor to moral instruction by imparting a pleasurable knowledge to past events, spurring the reader by the accumulation of examples to follow the good and shun the bad" (151; "historiam... quae iocunda quadam gestorum notitia mores condiens, ad bona sequenda uel mala caudenda legentes exemplis irritat" [150]). So William's text also assumes a pedagogic function vis-a-vis its readers and patrons. This is, in fact, a common understanding of the project NOTES 163

of historiography: "Especially in the Middle Ages, historical writing precisely to the degree that it claimed to be full of imaginative elaboration, served as a vehicle of ideological elaboration. The prescriptive authority of the past made it a privileged locus for working through the ideological implications of social changes in the present and the repository of contemporary concerns and desires." Gabrielle Spiegel, Romancing the Past (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 5. The very fact that William's cannibalism takes place in a dream itself implies an instructional aspect. Steven Kruger notes "the dream's affinity for moments of interpretive crisis." Steven Kruger, Dreaming in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 154. Kings are traditionally both the privileged subject and object of dreams. The genre of the dream-vision is prophetic and thus hortatory, instructional: "dream texts were about remaking a world gone wrong, not about making an objective analysis of it." Paul Edward Dutton, The Polities of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), p. 255. 55. Emmanuele Baumgartner, "Penser et ecrire l'histoire: la Chronique des dues de Normandie de Benoit de Sainte-Maure," paper delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Kalamazoo, MI, May 3, 200l. 56. Neither text, however, was intended to come before the eyes of Henry II himself-perhaps for obvious reasons. Walter's text was never circulated during his lifetime, and possibly not even in the Middle Ages (Brooke and Mynors, De nugis curialum, p. xxxi). Gerald's De principis instructione was published in 1218, long after the deaths of Henry II and Richard I, and pos• sibly even after the death of King John (Bartlett, Gerald if Wales, p. 70 n52). The work was, however, conceptualized and begun in the early 1190s. Gerald gives no explanation for this, saying only that the De principis was "begun almost among my first works, published, however, among my last" (Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, p. 69). 57. Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, p. 5. 58. Gerald of Wales, On the Instruction if Princes, p. 133. 59. Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, p. 153. 60. Gerald of Wales, On the Instruction of Princes, pp. 135-136. 61. I should note that Gerald does not disguise his charge of tyranny against William Rufus, stating it openly. Bartlett interprets Gerald's narrative use of the death of William similarly: "The king whom Gerald selected to epitomize Norman tyranny at its worst was William Rufus. Rufus's hard policy toward the church had left its mark on the chronicle record, and the historical tradition was invariably hostile toward him. Gerald introduced the figure of Rufus in the last few chapters of the De principis instructione as a dramatic figure who adumbrated many of the features of Henry II and his son, showing that their tyranny was in the tradition of the kings of England" (Bartlett, Gerald if Wales, p. 93). Gerald, however, was also capable of praising Henry II, in the Topographia Hibernica he calls Henry "our western Alexander"• although this praise is perhaps a double-edged sword given Alexander's own proclivity to tyranny. 164 NOTES

62. William II's reign followed a period designated the Conquest by modern historians; Henry II's reign followed a period designated the Anarchy. 63. Henry II was likewise interested in Aquitaine-he married its famous heiress, Eleanor. 64. Gerald of Wales, Joumey Through Wales, trans. Lewis Thorpe (New York: Penguin Books, 1978), p. 169. 65. Henry had somewhat less luck in Wales, although he was lord of the Southern provinces and at least nominal suzerain of the Northern principality. 66. Gerald of Wales, On the Instruction of Princes, 170; 175. This was, of course, a common accusation that clerics leveled against all the nobility. 67. Marie de France, Fables, ed. and trans. Harriet Speigel, Medieval Academy Reprints for Teaching 32 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), p. 7. 68. Marie de France, Fables, p. 28; my translation. 69. Marie de France, Fables, p. 256-259. 70. "Romulus, ki fu emperere" (Marie de France, Fables, p. 28). 71. Marie de France, Fables, p. 256. 72. Marie de France, Fables, p. 256. R. Howard Bloch has pointed out, how• ever, the dangers of assuming anything about Marie in The Anonymous Marie de France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). 73. Several historians have noted the inclusion of a number of fables in both Marie's collection and in the decorative border of the Bayeux Tapestry, which is another suggestion of the special interest a post-Conquest audience may have taken in Marie's themes. See Helene Chefneux, "Les fables dans la Tapisserie de Bayeux," Romania 60 (1934): 1-35, and Leon Herrmann, "Apologues et anecdotes dans la tapisserie de Bayeux," Romania 65 (1939): 376-382. 74. Marie de France, Fables, pp. 76-79, 79-81, 100-107. 75. Marie de France, Fables, p. 43. 76. Marie de France, Fables, p. 35. 77. Speigel, trans., Fables, p. 9-10. For a more extensive discussion of the rela• tionship between Marie's Fables and the political scene, see Bloch, The Anonymous Marie de France, especially the chapter titled, "Marie's Fables and the Rise of the Monarchic State." 78. Brian Stock, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Tweifih Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), p. 274. 79. Paul H.Jones, Christ's Eucharistic Presence: A History of the Doctrine, American University Series VII: Theology and Religion, vol. 157 (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), pp. 83-84. See also R. W. Southern, "Lanfranc of Bec and Berengar of Tours," Studies in Medieval History Presented to F. M. Powicke, ed. R.W. Hunt, W.A. Pantin and R.W. Southern (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948), pp. 27-48. It is an interesting footnote to this brief history that Anselm, Lanfranc's former pupil at the monastery at Bec and successor as Archbishop of Canterbury, never once mentions this debate. R.W. Southern remarks: "In view of the importance and notoriety of the debate, it is a striking fact that Anselm never mentioned the subject. Indeed, he never NOTES 165

mentioned the eucharist in any of his writings for the next forty years; even then, the words he used are consistent with either of the views developed in the dispute." R.W. Southern, Saint Anselm: A Portrait in a Landscape (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 45-46. 80. Berengar of Tours, PL 150:410C-411A. 81. Jones, Christ's Eucharistic Presence, pp. 79-80. 82. Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 118. 83. William pays specific attention to eucharistic miracles in his treatise on the "Miracles of the Virgin Mary." See Peter Carter, "The Historical Content of William of Malmesbury's Miracles of the Virgin Mary," in Writing of History in the Middle Ages, ed. R.H.C. Davis and J.M. Wallace-Hadrill (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), pp. 127-166; and Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999). 84. "In Gerald's chapter [of the Gemma Ecclesiastical, 'Of examples which affirm the faith' tales follow a line of associations; old and new stories mixed and merged in an edifice of danger and relief to the eucharist" (Rubin, Gentile Tales, p. 32). 85. Rubin, Gentile Tales, p. 10. Brian Stock suggests that the renewed interest in eucharistic theology had as much to do with the spread of literacy and the rise of Scholasticism as it did with any sense of religious urgency: "It is dif• ficult to say why the issue arose when it did. The answer, to the degree that any complex intellectual movement can be traced to a starting point, is that the debate called into question the meaning of 'sacrament' itself, or, more precisely, the Latin sacramentum, at a critical phase of its evolution from the later classical to the medieval world. The crossroads was reached at the point at which customary, unwritten or genuinely oral elements in medieval the• ology were also being challenged by the logic of written texts" (Stock, The Implications if Literacy, p. 253). As may be expected in an intellectual atmos• phere where the meaning of the eucharist was thrown into question, other aspects of the definition were also in flux. Kantorowicz, for example, notes the shifting significations of the terms corpus mysticum and corpus Christi during the same period: "Corpus mysticum, in the language of the Carolingian the• ologians, referred not at all to the body of the Church, nor to the oneness and unity of Christian society, but to the consecrated host. This, with few exceptions, remained, for many centuries, the official meaning of the 'mystical body,' whereas the Church or Christian society continued to be known as the corpus Christi in agreement with the terminology of St. Paul. It was only in the course of a strange and perplexing development-un curieux chasse-crois~that finally, around the middle of the twelfth century, those des• ignations changed their meaning. The change may be vaguely connected with the great dispute of the eleventh century about transubstantiation ... [T]he Pauline term originally designating the Christian Church now began to desig• nate the consecrated host; contrariwise, the notion corpus mysticum, hitherto used to describe the host, was gradually transferred-after 1150-to the 166 NOTES

Church as the organized body of Christian sociery united in the Sacrament of the Altar. In short, the expression 'mystical body,' which had originally had a liturgical or sacramental meaning, took on a connotation of sociological content." Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton Universiry Press, 1957), p. 196. 86. Heng, Empire of Magic, p. 314 n23. 87. Hugh of Saint Victor, PL 176:465. 88. Hugh of Saint Victor, On the Sacraments of the Christian Faith (De Sacramentis), trans. Roy J. Deferrari (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1951), p. 307. 89. Geoffrey of Monmouth, The Historia regum Brittannie, ed. and trans. Neil Wright, vol. 5 (London: D. S. Brewer, 1985), pp. 262; 263. See, however, Heng's discussion of the treatment of cannibalism in the variant versions of the Historia (Heng, Empire of Magic, p. 60). 90. Heng, Empire of Magic, p. 53. Heng offers a provocative series of readings of this episode, arguing that it provides a satisfactory closure for the canni• balism that threatened the king in the giant of Mont St Michel episode (53-54); that the meat taken from Brian's thigh may euphemistically refer to sexual relations between the two men (55-56); and that Brian may be identified with Brian Fitz Count, a partisan of the Empress Matilda (57). 91. Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, pp. 227-228. 92. Gerald of Wales, On the Instruction of Princes, p. 18I. 93. Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, pp. 322-323. 94. Gerald of Wales, On the Instruction of Princes, p. 237. 95. Decorative historical murals in churches were increasingly popular throughout the twelfth century. T.S.R. Boase, English Art, 1100-1216 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), p. 277. 96. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, p. 249.

Chapter 4 Tartars and Traitors: The Uses of Cannibalism in Matthew Paris's Chronica majora

1. For a more detailed account of the rapid Mongol expansion in the thirteenth century, see JJ. Saunders, The History of the Mongol Conquests (London: Routledge, 1971); Dennis Sinor, "The Mongols and Western Europe," in A History of the Crusades, ed. Harry W. Hazard, vol. 3 (Madison: Universiry of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp. 513-544; Claude Cohen, "The Mongols and the Near East," in A History of the Crusades, ed. R. L. Wolff and Harry W. Hazard, vol. 2 (Madison: Universiry of Wisconsin Press, 1955), pp. 715-734. 2. The historical question of whether or not the arrival of the Mongols was a missed opportuniry for one or both sides is undecided. In support of the tra• ditional opinion that it was, Sinor writes: "It would seem that for the Moslems and Christians of Outremer, accustomed to each other's presence, the Mongols were welcome intruders, spoil-sports as it were, bringing NOTES 167

a new disquieting dimension to the old familiar conflict, breaking the pattern of what had become routine warfare. It is important to note that attempts to seek an alliance with the Mongols were made by princes of France or England rather than by the rulers of the Latin states, entangled as these were in dissensions that clouded not only the real issues, but also the means to solve them" (Sinor, "The Mongols and Western Europe," p. 513). For a rebuttal of this view, arguing that it is only possible with hindsight, see Peter Jackson, "The Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260," English Historical Review 95 (1980): 481-513. 3. Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, ed. H.R. Luard (7 vols. Rolls Series, 1872-1883), v. 4, p. 338.J.A. Giles, Matthew Paris's English History, (3 vols. 1852-1854), v. 1, p. 523. All in-text citations will be from these texts since they are the most accessible versions, although Giles was not translating from Luard's edition. The first numbers in parentheses give the volume and page number of Luard's edition, followed by the volume and page number of Giles's translation. 4. The text and textual history of the Chronica majora are too complex to be given justice here. For studies that do just that, see Richard Vaughan, Matthew Paris (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1958) and Suzanne Lewis, The Art if Matthew Paris in the Chronica Maiora (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). 5. Lewis, The Art if Matthew Paris, pp. 282-283. 6. Matthew Paris's treatment of the Mongols has been ably discussed by J.J. Saunders, "Matthew Paris and the Mongols," in Essays in Medieval History Presented to Bertie Wilkinson, ed. T.A. Sanquist and M.R. Powicke (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), pp. 116-312; and C.W. Connell, "Western Views of the Origin of the Tartars," Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 3 (1973): 115-137. The only study, as far as I am aware, to focus on Western portrayals of Mongol cannibalism is Gregory Guzman, "Reports of Mongol Cannibalism in Thirteenth-Century Latin Sources: Oriental Fact or Western Fiction?" in Discovering New Worlds: Essays on Medieval Exploration and Imagination, ed. Scott Westrem (New York: Garland, 1991), pp. 31-68, which discusses the historicity of these views. With this chapter, I hope to add to these more historical discussions by emphasizing the way that Mongol cannibalism functions as a literary trope in the Chronica majora. 7. James Powell, "Matthew Paris, the lives of Muhammad, and the Dominicans," in Dei gesta per francos: etudes sur les croisades dediees aJean Richard, ed. Michel Balard, Benjamin Z. Kedar, and Jonathan Riley Smith, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), pp. 65-69. 8. Luard, v. 5, p. 655; Giles, v. 3, p. 251. 9. The texts ofJohn of Plano Carpini and William of Rub ruck are collected in Dawson's Mission to Asia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980). Simon of Saint-Quentin's Historia Tartarorum was copied into the Speculum maius of Vincent of Beauvais and extracted by Jean Richard, Simon de Saint• Quentin: Histoire des Tartares (Paris: Librarie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1965). 168 NOTES

On the texual tradition of Simon's text, see Gregory Guzman, "The Encyclopedist Vincent of Beauvais and His Mongol Extracts From John of Plano Carpini and Simon of Saint-Quentin," Speculum 49.2 (1974): 287-307. Andrew ofLongjumeau's mission is described in Joinville's Life of Saint Louis, trans. Margaret Shaw, Chronicles of the Crusades (New York: Penguin, 1963). Marco Polo's adventures are translated by Ronald Latham, as The Travels of Marco Polo (New York: Penguin, 1958). News traveled also by word of mouth: Matthew reports the disruption of the Yarmouth fish trade in 1238 by rumors of the Mongol threat in the North Sea area (Giles, v. 1, p. 131). 10. Gregory Guzman notes that it is only in Western sources that the accusation is made and never in the Eastern sources which might be expected, on account of proximity, to have had a better knowledge of Mongol customs. Guzman further notes that Matthew's accounts are by far the most graphic. (Gregory Guzman, "Reports of Mongol Cannibalism.") 11. A. van den Wyngaert, ed. Sinica Franciscana, vol. 1, Itinera et relations fratrum minorum saec XIII et XIV (Quaracchi: Franciscan Press, 1929), p. 47. 12. John of Plano Carpini, History of the Mongols, trans. Chrisopher Dawson, in Mission to Asia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), p. 16. 13. Simon de Saint-Quentin, Histoire des Tartares, p. 38; translation Guzman, "Reports of Mongol Cannibalism," p. 36. 14. Maurizio Peleggi argues that, with increased contact over time, these repre• sentations were modified (Maurizio Peleggi, "Shifting Alterity: The Mongol in the Late Middle Ages," The Medieval History Journal 4 [2001]: 15-34). 15. Hans-Eberhard Hilpert, Kaiser- und Papstbriife in den Chronica majora des Matthaeus Paris (London: Publications of the German Historical Institute, 1981), p. 162 n54a. 16. For a discussion of the authenticity of the terms "Mongol," "Tartar," and "Tatar" see Antti Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols in the Middle of the Thirteenth Century: Encountering the Other (Helsinki; Annales Academiae Suentiarum Fennicae, 2001), p. 33 n57. 17. Likewise, for example, "haec enim gens est feralis et exlex, humanitatis ignara" [this race of people is wild, outlawed and ignorant of the laws of humanity] (4.150; 1.344). 18. Matthew's monastic home of St Albans was a center for the production of illuminated manuscripts of the apocalypse, and Suzanne Lewis situates him firmly in the mainstream of thirteenth-century millenarianism (Lewis, Reading Images: Narrative Discourse and Reception in the 13th Century flluminated Apocalypse. [Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995], p. 225). The importance of St Albans in the production of illuminated apocalypse manuscripts is also discussed by M.R. James in The Apocalypse in Art (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1931) where he suggests a connection both between the thirteenth-century illustrated Apocalypse and St Albans, but also specifically with the artistic style of Matthew Paris (49-50). I am grateful to Sandra Pierson Prior for this reference. NOTES 169

19. In Matthew's case, see his extensive consideration of the ongms of the Tartars (Giles, v. 1., p. 312), or his inclusion in the Additamenta of a letter from a Hungarian bishop, who has purportedly had the opportunity to interview two captive Mongols, and who subsequendy identifies the Mongols as the tribes of Gog and Magog (Giles, v. 3, p. 449). For the con• nection between the Mongols and Gog and Magog see the dicussion in Andrew Runni Anderson, Alexander's Gate, Gog, Magog, and the Inclosed Nations (Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America, 1932), pp. 61-81. 20. The classic account of the legends of Gog and Magog is Anderson, Alexander's Gate. See also Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Of Giants (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); Richard Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages (Seatde: University of Washington Press, 1981); Andrew Gow, The Red Jews: Anti-Semitism in an Apocalyptic Age, 1200--1400 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995); Robert Lerner, The Power of Prophecy: The Cedar of Lebanon Vision from the Mongol Onslaught to the Dawn of the Enlightenment (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 1-36; and Scott Westrem, "Against Gog and Magog" in ed. Sealy Gilles and Sylvia Tomasch, Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 54-75. The question of who exacdy Gog and Magog were was a perennially pressing question for Christendom. 21. Gow, The Red Jews, p. 23; See also the discussion in George Cary, The Medieval Alexander (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1956). 22. Lewis, Reading Images, p. 232. 23. See especially, the passage at Giles, v. 1, p. 312. Here Matthew cites Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica for the information that the Tartars are those Jews who were enclosed by Alexander, which he then doubts, considers, and comes to accept (Luard, v. 4, p. 47). 24. Connell, "Western Views of the Origin of the Tartars," p. 123. 25. Suzanne Lewis notes that a copy ofWilliarn ofTyre's Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, one of the most important contemporary sources on the Assassins, was given to the monastery of St Albans by the bishop of Winchester, Peter des Roches, on his return from the Holy Land (Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Maiora, p. 507 n680). 26. One historian of the Mongols notes: "The whole story does strike an improbable note, and its truth has often been doubted. But intriguing support has come from numismatic evidence. The records show that in 1241 gold coins of ten pennyweights were in the possession of Henry Ill's government; and it appears that the only known coins of around that date of the right weight are certain coins of the Ghurid Sultans, struck at Ghazna in Afghanistan in the early thirteenth century. There is no certain answer to the question of how such coins might have found their way to England, but one of Professor Grieson's suggestions is that they could possibly have come with the embassy of 1238" (David Morgan, The Mongols [Oxford: Blackwell, 1990], p. 176). 170 NOTES

27. Bernard Lewis, Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam (New York: Basic Books, 1968). 28. Saunders, "Matthew Paris and the Mongols," pp. 120-121. 29. "] am the good shepherd, ] know my own and my own know me, just as the Father knows me and] know the Father. And] lay down my life for the sheep. ] have other sheep that do not belong to this fold. ] must bring them also, and they will listen to my voice, so there will be one flock, one shepherd" (John 10.14-16). 30. "] myself will be the shepherd of my sheep, and] will make them lie down, says the Lord God. ] will seek the lost, and] will bring back the strayed, and ] will bind up the injured, and] will strengthen the weak, but the fat and the strong] will destroy. ] will feed them with justice" (Ezekiel 34. 15-16). 31. Ezekiel 38.14-16. 32. Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris, p. 349. 33. A very similar plot on the life of Henry's son Edward is described in the Continuation of the Chronica (Giles, v. 3 pp. 378-379). Here, Edward is stabbed in his bedchamber by an assassin who uses a poisoned dagger. 34. Lai d'Haveloc, ed. A. Bell (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1925); The Lay of Have/ok the Dane, eds. W.W. Skeat and K. Sisam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963). 35. David Staines, "Havelok the Dane: A Thirteenth Century Handbook for Princes," Speculum 51 (1976): 607 n5 [602-623]. 36. Staines, "Havelok the Dane," pp. 620-621. Judith Weiss makes a similar argument that "the poem's preoccupation with the nature of the ideal ruler and, to a lesser extent, with the nature of government, also seems natural against the background of the baronial struggles for reform." ("Structure and Characterization in Havelok the Dane," Speculum 44 [1969]: 251 [247-257]). 37. Staines argues that the Middle English lay was written under Henry's son Edward and it is, of course, impossible to say which of the many versions influenced which. The story also seems to suggest a slur on the legitimacy of Henry's own rule. Henry's legitimacy was not otherwise in doubt, and he very nearly underwent a Havelock narrative of his own in the struggles of his minority. 38. Sophia Menache, "Tartars, Jews, Saracens, and the Jewish-Mongol 'Plot' of 1241," History 81 (1996): 319-342. 39. Giles, v. 1, p. 356. 40. Menache adds, however, "Matthew's report, if not a reflection of actual reality, does faithfully reflect the thirteenth-century climate of opinion among Christians-and Jews, too-at least with regard to three central issues: the Jew's desire for revenge; the Jew's messianic hopes; and the Jew's view of the Mongols as a means provided by providence to compensate for their long distress among Christians. These postulates highlight some assumptions common to Jews and Christians, both sharing prophetic expec• tations (though from different perspectives), the role expectations of the NOTES 171

Jews being quite similar in both groups" (Menache, "Tartars, Jews, Saracens, and the Jewish-Mongol 'Plot' of 1241," p. 340). 41. H. Bresslau, ''Juden und Mongolen in 1241," Zeitschriftfur die Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland (1887): 100 [99-102). 42. Thinking about the Jewish presence in England is one of the major themes of the Chronica majora. The episode of the "Jewish-Mongol Plot of1241" is yet another example of Matthew's dangerous attitudes toward the Jews. Characteristic of this stereotyping tendency is his treatment of some of the most notoriously anti-Semitic narratives of the Middle Ages: the Wandering Jew, the martyrdom of Hugh of Lincoln, as well as the Jewish• Mongol Plot of 1241. Sylvia Tomasch has righdy described the way in which stories like this one were complicit in creating a social climate that condoned violence against, and ultimately the expulsion of, EuropeanJews ("Chaucer and the Virtual Jew" in The Postcolonial Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), pp. 243-260). For a full treatment of Matthew Paris's representation of the Jews, see Sophia Menache, "Matthew Paris's Attitudes toward Anglo• Jewry," Journal of Medieval History 23 (1997): 139-162. 43. It begins by noting that the hostile armies have retreated. 44. Giles, v. 3, p. 296. 45. Given the extent to which Matthew tends to use the tropes of the Marvels of the East in his representations of the Mongols, and given that such a disaster-or even such a siege--is not mentioned elsewhere, I am inclined to treat the letter as largely, if not entirely, composed by Matthew himself. The most recent criticism on the episode also leans in this direction. Peter Jackson points out that it is remarkable that such a siege is not mentioned elsewhere (Jackson, "The Crusade Against the Mongols, 1241," pp. 8-9); Hilpert argues, largely on the basis of its implausibility, that the siege is Matthew's invention (Hilpert, Kaiser- und Papstbriife, pp. 162-163); and Peter Segl suggests that the letter reflects current rumors rather than truths (Peter Segl, Ketzer in Osterreich [Vienna: Ferdinand Schoningh, 1984), p. 10 1). 46. The location of the siege, which may never have happened, is a matter of some question, and Matthew names it simply as "Nova Civitas." Some scholars propose Wiener-Neustadt, others Vienna itself. For the argument in support of Vienna, see G. Strakosch-Grassman, Der Einfall der Mongolen in Mitteleuropa in denJahren 1241 und 1242, (Innsbruck, 1893), p. 144 n5. Since I take the report to be largely fictional, I've retained the designation of the text, although the narrative does clearly draw on the real threats of the Mongols along the Danube. 47. The letter refers to "Tattars" instead of "Tartars" for reasons, which Matthew claims not to know (Giles, v. 1, p. 467). 48. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 16, fo!' 166; figure 180 in Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris, p. 286. 49. This seeming rejection of the Franciscans and the Dominicans is interesting in light of the Chronica's apocalypticism: Lerner writes that "many observers 172 NOTES

in the second quarter of the thirteenth century believed that the two new orders together, or one of them alone, would playa special role in renewing the Church and in saving the world at the end of time" (Lerner, The Powers cif Prophecy, p. 23). The apocalyptic thought ofJoachim of Fiore in particular was understood to offer the Franciscans a special role in salvation history, and it also held out an olive branch to the Jews. When Joachim uses John 10.16 ("one shepherd and one fold") he uses it to refer to the reuniting of the Jews and the Gentiles (Robert E. Lerner, The Feast cif St Abraham: Medieval Millenarianism and the Jews [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001], pp. 23-43). A further Joachite position that Matthew toys with but seems to reject is the equation of Emperor Frederick II with Antichrist. 50. Peter Jackson traces this rumor: Peter Jackson, "The Crusade Against the Mongols, 1241," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 1-18. Although see Vaughan, Matthew Paris, p. 135 for Matthew's habit of ascribing his own opinion to "others." 51. Giles, v. 3, p. 70. 52. Giles, v. 2, p. 30. This fear is not simply Matthew's paranoia. The Mongols evidendy "came to conceive the world as the Mongol empire-in-the-making, whose leaders by heavenly appointment were Chingis Khan's successors. Even though many nations were still outside the Great Khan's control, they were nevertheless regarded as potential members of this universal Mongol empire" (I. de Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys to the Great Khan [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1971], p. 104).

Chapter 5 The Flesch of a Sarazeyn: Cannibalism, Genre, and Nationalism

1. "An extended massacre scene showing Herod and his soldiers on the left, executioners stabbing their victims in the center, and mourning women at the right was an established type in the Western iconographic repertoire from the Ottonian period onward." Kristine Edmondson Haney, The Winchester Psalter: An Iconographic Study (Leicester: University of Leicester Press, 1986), p. 103. Haney offers as examples of prototypes of this scene in the tradition of Ottonian-influenced psalter illumination Nuremberg, Germanisches-Nationalmuseum, MS 156142, fol. 19v (Haney's figure 97) and Paris, BN MS copte 13, fol. 6v (Haney's figure 100). 2. Carol Crown, "The Winchester Psalter: Iconographic Sources and Themes of the Virgin Mary, Kingship and Law," diss., Washington University, 1976, p. 87. 3. I discuss the Marvels of the East tradition in much greater detail in the intro• duction to this book. 4. The seminal discussion of the crusades as a colonizing movement is Joshua Prawer, The Crusaders Kingdom (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1972). See also Robert Bartlett, The Making cif Europe: Conquest, Colonization and NOTES 173

Cultural Change, 950-1350 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) on the distinctive character of medieval colonization. 5. Alan Ambrisco, "Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion," Journal if Medieval and Early Modem Studies 29.3 (1999): 501-528. 6. Geraldine Heng, Empire ifMagic: Medieval Romance and the Politics if Cultural Fantasy, New York: Columbia University Press, 2003. Although see her discussion at p. 334 n3. 7. For more specific and nuanced accounts of the ideological investments of chanson de geste, see Sarah Kay, The Chansons de Geste in the Age ifRomance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) and Robert M. Stein, Reality Fictions: Historiography, Romance and Political Power in Twelfth-Century Narrative (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006). 8. Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regem Brittaniae, to take one example, has African Islamic forces invading and subduing the South of England. 9. C. MeredithJones, "The Conventional Saracen in the Chansons de Geste," Speculum 17 (1942): 205 [201-225]. 10. This set of monstrous characteristics is not the only portrayal of the Saracen in the twelfth-century tradition. Alongside the monstrous Saracen is the noble Saracen, whose very nobility rebukes the ignoble or treacherous among the Christian knights, and also the Saracen princess who may betray her birth family out of love for the Christian knight who opposes them. (Lynn Tarte Ramey, Christian, Saracen and Genre in Medieval French Literature [New York: Roudedge, 2001], p. 9). See also Paul Bancourt, Les Musulmans dans les Chansons de Geste, 2 vols. (Aix-en-Provence: Universite de Provence, 1982); Jacqueline de Weever, Sheba's Daughters: Whitening and Demonizing the Saracen Woman in Medieval French Epic (New York: Garland, 1998). 11. Vicomte de Santarem, Essai sur l'histoire de la cosmographie et de la cartographie pendant Ie Moyen-Age, 3 vols., ed. Martin de Albuquerque (Lisbon: Administrayao do Porto de Lisboa, 1989), p. 294; see also Michael Uebel, "Unthinking the Monster: Twelfth-Century Responses to Saracen Alterity," in Monster Theory: Reading Culture, ed. Jeffrey J. Cohen (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 284 n18 [264-291]. 12. Alfred Foulet proposes a date for the Roman between 1150 and 1200 certainly, with the possible specification of 1175-1185. (Alfred Foulet, "La date du Roman de Toute Chevalerie," in Melanges cifferts aRita Lejeune, ed. F. Dethier, 2 vols. [Gembloux: Duculot, 1969]: 1205-1210). 13. For a discussion of the generic designation of the Roman de Toute Chevalerie, see Martin Godman, "Le Roman de Toute Chevalerie et Ie public vise: la legende au service de la royaute," Neophilologus 72.3 (1988): 335-343 and Catherine Gaullier-Bougassas, "Alexandre et Candace dans Ie Roman d'Alexandre d'Alexandre de Paris et Ie Roman de Toute Chevalerie de Thomas de Kent," Romania 112 (1991): 18-44. Many of the manuscripts of Alexander's travels in the East are illuminated with images of the monstrous races that he encounters (Wittkower, Allegory and the Migration if Symbols (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977], p. 58; D.J.A. Ross, Alexander historiatus: a guide to medieval illustrated Alexander literature (London: Warburg Institute, 1963). 174 NOTES

14. Thomas of Kent, The Anglo-Norman Alexander (Le Roman de Toute Chevalerie), ed. Brian Foster and Ian Short (London: Anglo-Norman Text Society, 1976), 11. 6349; my translation. Chapter four of this book discusses the association of Gog and Magog with the lost tribe of Israel. In later medieval literature the figure of Magog is "saracenized"-perhaps due to this shared set of characteristics. Thus, as Scott W estrem summarizes: "In the late medieval lowbrow comic work Rauf Coilyear, Magog is a Saracen enemy riding a camel through northern France, whom Rauf, not one of Europe's brighter heroes, cannot distinguish from the Christian Roland (lines 804-972). This Magog owes very little to the frightening figure of Scripture: he eagerly agrees to 'forsaik Mahoun and tak me to [Christ's] micht' (line 938) and even gives his orthodox opponents a lesson in proper conversion by rejecting what amounts to a bribe from Roland. A more sin• ister Magog ('Mergot') is figured along with Muhammed as one of several idols to which pagan sailors appeal in a storm on the Mediterranean in the Pearl-poet's telling of the Jonah story (Patience, 167)" (Scott Westrem, "Against Gog and Magog," in Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the Middle Ages, ed. Sealy Gilles and Sylvia Tomasch (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), p. 58 [54-78]). 15. Thomas of Kent, The Anglo-Norman Alexander, 11. 6019-6025. 16. My translation. 17. Aliscans, ed. Claude Regnier, 2 vols. (Paris: H. Champion, 1990), l. 6676. 18. "E Ii reis de Nubie eli guerreres Tomas. / Chascun d'e!s ont mil homes de sa part, / Si manglient la gent cun dragun e leppart" (La Chanson de Guillaume, ed. and trans., Franc,:ois Suard (Paris: Bordas, 1991), ll. 1715-1717). 19. La Chanson de Guillaume, ll. 3170-3177. 20. La Prise d'Orange, ed. C. Regnier, 4th ed. Bibliotheque franc,:aise et romane (Paris, 1972), 1. 341. 21. Floovant, ed. F. Guessard and H. Michalant (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1860), 11.1839-1843. 22. My translation. The clear implication here is that the Saracens will ingest the "poudre." 23. Fierabras, ed. A. Kroeber and G. Servois (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1860), 11. 5039-5043. 24. de Weever, Sheba's Daughters, p. 57. See also Joan M. Ferrante, intro. and trans., Guillaume d'Orange: Four Twelfth-Century Epics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), p. 27; and Jones, "The Conventional Saracen in the Chansons de Geste," p. 205. 25. Wittkower, Allegory and the Migration if Symbols, p. 56. Wittkower further notes: "It is not surprising that the idea oflooking at the monsters as 'moral prodigies' was evolved in the later Middle Ages when the allegorical aspect and interpretation of the world, as conceived by M. Capella and other late antique authors, was extended into a comprehensive system. This is the time that saw moralizations of the Bible and of Ovid's Metamorphoses, of the gods of antiquity, of history and science" (56). NOTES 175

26. Dorothee Melitski, The Matter of Araby in Medieval England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 192. 27. Uebel, "Unthinking the Monster," p. 274. 28. Nonnan Daniel notes that "Considered in relation to Crusade, the poems fall into four classes. There are those, which are set in Spain (including that what we now call southern France) in the time of Charlemagne, or his son, or in another remote time. There are those that consist of adventures in the East, set in a remote period or otherwise. There is the second Crusade cycle, which is too fantastic to be considered close to actual events. There is the first Crusade cycle, which has many of the characteristics of the chan• sons de geste, but which is recognizably close even in detail to the events" (Nonnan Daniel, Heroes and Saracens: An interpretation of the Chansons de Geste [Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1984]), p. 111). 29. Amin Maalouf, in The Crusades Through Arab Eyes, offers the perspective that the Muslims were using similar representational strategies. (trans. Jon Rothschild [London: Al Saqi Books, 1984], p. 39). 30. R.F. Cook, "Crusade Propaganda in the Epic Cycles of the Crusade," in Journeys Toward God: Pilgrimage and Crusade, ed. Barbara Sargent-Baur, Medieval Institute Publications vol. 30 (Kalamazoo, MI: Western Michigan University, 1992), p. 157. 31. Cook, "Crusade Propaganda in the Epic Cycles of the Crusade," pp. 159-160. 32. Anouar Hatem, Les Pormes Epiques des Croisades (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1932), p. 32. 33. Raoul de Cambrai, ed. and trans. Sarah Kay (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). Crusade imagery is a characteristic not just of chanson de geste, but of other genres as well. Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae famously (and anachronistically) represents King Arthur as a crusader king. 34. R.W. Southern, Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962), p. 18. 35. Peter Hulme, "Introduction," in Cannibalism and the Colonial World, eds. Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iverson (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 34. 36. Because the earliest chansons de geste and the earliest crusade narratives are roughly contemporary, it is very difficult to reconstruct possible lines of influence. 37. Because the only eye-witness accounts of Urban's first sennon calling for crusade were written in the aftermath of the conquest of Jerusalem, the sermon's exact content is unrecoverable. William here may participate in the same tradition as the chansons de geste. 38. William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum anglorum, ed. and trans. R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson, and M. Winterbottom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), pp. 600; 601. 39. Jill Tattersall, "Anthropophagi and Eaters of Raw Flesh in French Literature of the Crusade Period: Myth, Tradition, and Reality," Medium Aevum 57 (1988), p. 248 [240-253]. 176 NOTES

40. Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hieroslimitanorum, ed. and trans. Rosalind Hill (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1962), p. 80. 41. Raymond d'Aguiliers, Le "Liber" de Raymond d'Aguiliers. Historia Francorum qui Ceperunt Iherusale, ed. John Hugh Hill and Laurita L. Hill (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1969), p. 10l. 42. Raymond d' Aguiliers, Historia Francorum Qui Ceperunt Ierusalem, trans. John Hugh Hill and Laurita Hill (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968), p. 81. 43. Fulcher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana, ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer, (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1913), pp. 266-267; Fulcher of Chartres, Chronicle oj the First Crusade, ed. and trans. Martha Evelyn McGinty. Translations and reprints from the original sources of history, 3rd series, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941), p. 59. 44. The accounts discussed here do not exhaust the widespread reports of cannibalism committed by the crusaders. See also Amin Maalouf, The Crusades Through Arab Eyes; Heng, Empire oj Magic, pp. 21-25; and for cannibalism during siege warfare in France: Leona F. Cordery, "Cannibal Diplomacy: Otherness in the Middle English Text Richard Coer de Lion," Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 156 [153-171) and Kate Norgate, A History oj England Under the Angevin Kings, 2 vols. (London: MacMillan and Co., 1887), p. 418. 45. Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. Matjorie Chibnall (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 140; 141. 46. For a full discussion of the problems in ascertaining the ethnicity of the Tafurs see Lewis A.M. Sumberg, "The 'Tafurs' and the First Crusade," Mediaeval Studies 21 (1959): 224-246. 47. Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds oJGod Through the Franks, PL 156:811B-812; trans. Robert Levine (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1997), p. 146. 48. La Chanson d'Antioche, ed. Suzanne Duparc-Quioc, Documents relatifs a l'histoire des croisades, 11 (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1976), ii, 7-8. 49. Heng, Empire oJMagic, p. 2. 50. This information, however, comes from William ofMalmesbury and Wace: two twelfth-century sources. 51. Suzanne Conklin Akbari, "The Hunger for National Identity in Richard Coer de Lion," in Reading Medieval Culture: Essays in Honor oj Robert W. Hanning, ed. Robert M. Stein and Sandra Pierson Prior (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2005), pp. 198-227; Arnbrisco, "Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion"; Geraldine Heng, "The Romance of England: Richard Coer de Lyon, Saracens, Jews, and the Politics of Race and Nation," in The Postcolonial Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey J. Cohen (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000), pp. 163-164 n8 [135-172) and Empire oj Magic, pp. 63-113; Nicola McDonald, "Eating People and the Alimentary Logic of Richard Coeur de Lion," in ed. Nicola McDonald, Pulp Ficions oj Medieval England: Essays in Popular Romance (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), pp. 124-150. NOTES 177

52. For further discussion of the representation of cannibalism in Morte Arthure see Heng, Empire of Magic, pp. 115-179; for the Siege ofJerusalem, see Merrall Llewelyn Price, Consuming Passions: the Uses of Cannibalism in Late Medieval and Early Modem Europe (New York: Routledge, 2003). 53. The only complete modern edition of the poem is that of Karl Brunner (1910). Brunner's is a composite edition based on Gonville and Caius College Cambridge MS 175 supplemented by Wynkyn de Worde's 1509 edition. Karl Brunner, ed. Der Mittelenglische Versroman uber Richard Lowenherz, Wiener Beitrage zur Englischen Philologie 42 (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumiiller, 1913). 54. This division into "a" and "b" versions-as well as the necessary dependence on Brunner's edition-inevitably simplifies a complex manuscript tradition. A full discussion of the manuscript history of Richard Coer de Lyon may be found in the introduction to Brunner's edition. For a discussion of the manuscript tradition that focuses on the romance elements see McDonald, "Eating People and the Alimentary Logic of Richard Coeur de Lion," esp. pp. 129-130. An early attempt to isolate an "original" text from later accre• tions is Gaston Paris, "Le Roman de Richard Coeur de Lion," Romania 26 (1897): 353-393. 55. This story of Richard the Lionheart's legendary parentage is quite remarkable in that it elides the quite obvious historical fact that Richard's mother was Eleanor of Aquitaine. This dismissal of Eleanor may be a part of the romance's fourteenth-century rejection of the Frenchness of England's royal family in the thirteenth century. Broughton traces the source of the Cassiodorien narrative to a legend about the wife of Richard's ancestor, Fulk ofAqjou recounted in Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione: "In that legend, Fulk married a damsel of unknown origin. This woman possessed an unearthly kind of beauty that attracted attention to the fact that she refused to remain in church for the Consecration of the Host. Her husband's men, suspicious of the unseemly conduct, urged him to force his wife to remain in church. He agreed. Then, as the service was about to be stopped to allow her to leave as she usually did, Fulk's men blocked her way and attempted to detain her by force. As they grasped her mantle, she shook it loose from her shoulders, clutched her two children under her arms, and soared out through a high window of the church" (Bradford Broughton, ed. and trans., Richard the Lion-Hearted and Other Medieval English Romances [New York: E. P. Dutton, 1966], p. 245). 56. The story of Richard's love affair with a German princess seems to originate in Richard Coer de Lyon, although it may have originated as a response to Richard the Lionheart's extended imprisonment in Germany, as Martin Jones somewhat whimsically notes: "We may be sure that there need not have been any actual association of Richard with a German princess for a romancer to have invented the story of Richard and Margery, but on the other hand, who can tell what may have happened to stimulate a storyteller's imagination or what female hearts may have been set fluttering by Richard during his time in German captivity?" (Martin H. Jones, "Richard the 178 NOTES

Lionheart in German Literature of the Middle Ages," in Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth, ed. Janet Nelson (London: King's College London, Centre for Late Antique and Medieval Studies, 1992), p. 92 [70-116]). John Gillingham recalls Richard's continuing status as a heart• throb into the sixteenth century: In Shakespeare's play King John (Act 1, Scene 1), when Lady Falconbridge tells her son Philip that his father was not her husband Sir Robert Falconbridge but King Richard, Philip sees no cause to blame his mother: "Madam, I would not wish a better father I He that perforce robs lions of their hearts I May easily win a woman's" (John Gillingham, Richard Coeur de Lion: Kingship, Chivalry and War in the Twelfth Century [London: The Hambledon Press, 1994], p. 184). 57. Here I am oversimplifYing the interesting discussions by Paul Strohm in "The Origin and Meaning of Middle English Romance," Genre 10.1 (1977): 1-28 and "Storie, Spelle, Geste, Romaunce, Tragedie: Generic Distinctions in Middle English Troy Narratives," Speculum 46 (1971): 354-356. Strohm also makes the important point that the use of these terms changed over the course of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. The point I want to make, however, is that Middle English romance as a genre is inclusive of the varieties of narratives which, in earlier time periods, are characterized separately. 58. Carol Fewster, Traditionality and Genre in Middle English Romance (Cambridge, UK: D.S. Brewer, 1987), p. 4. 59. John Finlayson suggests, on the contrary, that the heroes Richard Coer de Lion itemizes in its opening lines are essentially historical rather than romantic figures-or at least would have been understood in this way by a medieval audience-and that with these lines the romance is announcing an allegiance to historical veracity ("Richard, Coer de Lyon: Romance, History, or Something in Between?" Studies in Philology 87 [1990]: 156-180; for a similar comment, see Strohm, "Origins," 21). It seems to me, however, that in this instance the poem is situating itself within a particular tradition of writing about these heroes, one that was predominantly fabulous, and that one of the generic markers of romance is its self-presentation as history. 60. This association of "Modard" with "Modred" is supported by Jones, "Richard the Lionheart in German Literature of the Middle Ages," p. 71 n3. 61. This episode does not invent, but rather explains the sobriquet "Lionheart," which was used in Richard's own lifetime. Ambroise refers to him as "Ie preuz reis, lequor de lion" (Ambroise, L'Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, ed. Gaston Paris [Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1897], 1. 2310) and Richard ofDevizes as "leo ille teterrimus" (Richard ofDevizes, Chronicon Richardi Dividensis De Tempore Regis Richardi Primi, ed. and trans. John T. Appleby [London: Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd., 1963], p. 20). 62. "Gerald of Wales tells us that Richard was fond of mentioning the leg• endary descent of the Angevin dynasty from the devil, and contemporaries elaborated this theme. Saladin was told of how 'that devil the king of England' had brought stones of a peculiarly destructive quality all the way from Messina to be hurled against Acre. When Richard was released from NOTES 179

captivity Philip Augustus gave John the famous warning that the devil was on the loose. And William of Newburgh reported the story that the devil, after making mischief during the crusade, had returned from Germany with Richard, was in the king's immediate entourage, and was watching over his treasures at Chinon." (].O. Prestowich, "Richard Coer de Lion: Rex Bellicosus," in Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth, ed. Janet Nelson [London: King's College London, Centre for Late Antique and Medieval Studies, 1992], pp. 2-3 [1-16]). 63. It is tempting to see in this elderly knight an alumnus of the cannibalism of the First Crusade. 64. This scene perhaps echoes William of Tyre's Chronicon, where Bohemund stages a crusader cannibal banquet for the benefit of enemy spies within the camp. Adhemar of Chabannes likewise tells about Roger of Normandy who, during his invasion of Moorish Spain, lets a prisoner escape after he has witnessed a mimicked cannibal feast. The cannibalism is play, but the strategy is both real and effective (Ambrisco, "Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion," 526 n24). Richard Coer de Lyon is alone in attributing crusade cannibalism to Richard the Lionheart. 65. Heng, Empire of Magic, pp. 74-75. 66. This episode is also, of course, a clever rewriting of history. Richard was arrested by Duke Leopold of Austria and imprisoned by the Emperor Henry VI on his return from crusade. 67. "The pagans are wrong and the Christians are right," (Song of Roland, ed. and trans. Glyn Burgess [New York: Penguin Books, 1990], 1. 1015). 68. Ambrisco, "Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion," p. 517. Richard Coer de Lion is not, of course, the only English text to express anti-French sentiments in the context of the Third Crusade. Richard of Devizes describes "the whole army of foreigners, from every nation of Christian name under the heavens, who had already come to the siege before the arrival of the kings, received King Richard as their leader and lord. Only the French who had come with their king sat idle and apart with their paltry king of the French" [Totus igitur exercitus alienigenarum, qui ex omni natione qui sub celo est nominis Christiani, iam pridem et ante regum aduentum conuenerat ad obsidionem ... Ricardum regem in ducem recepit et dominum. Soli qui dominum suum secuti fuerant Franci resederunt cum suo paupere rege Francorum). (Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes, ed. and trans.].A. Giles [London:]. Bohn, 1841) pp. 42-43). 69. In making this point I am drastically simplifying the cultural work per• formed by chanson de geste. Here, I am isolating one aspect of chanson de geste, that it, its engagement with Islam through the representation of the Saracen. 70. Ambroise, L'Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, ed. Paris, vv. 8479-8514; Ambroise, L'Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, intro. John L. La Monte and trans. Merton Jerome Hubert, The Crusade of Richard Lion-Heart, Records of Civilization 34 [New York: Columbia University Press, 1941], pp. 324-325. 180 NOTES

71. Ambrisco, "Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion," p.518. 72. John Lydgate, The Minor Poems of John Lydgate, ed. Henry Noble MacCracken. pt. 2. Secular Poems. EETS os 192 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934), p. 714. I am grateful to Michelle Warren for this reference. 73. Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 95. 74. Ambrisco, "Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion," p. 523.

Postscript

1. The "Diario" of Christopher Columbus's First Voyage to America, 1492-1493. trans. Oliver Dunn and James E. Kelley, Jr. (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), p. 113. For Columbus's reading, see Valerie Flint, The Imaginative Landscape of Christopher Columbus (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). 2. In the introduction to his translation of the Travels, Charles Mosely notes that "by 1400 some version of the book was available in every major European language; by 1500 the number of manuscripts was vast-including versions in Czech, Danish, Dutch and Irish-and some three hundred have survived." (The Travels of Sir John Mandeville, intro. and trans. Charles Mosely [New York: Penguin Books, 1983], pp. 1-2. 3. The Travels of Sir John Mandeville. ed. P. Hamelius. Vol. 1 EETS (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), pp. 118-119. 4. Diario, pp. 132; 133. 5. Diario, pp. 182; 185. 6. Diario, pp. 166; 167. 7. John Block Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, 1492-1797 (London and New York: Methuen, 1986). 8. Friedman, The Monstrous Races, p. 198. 9. Friedman, The Monstrous Races, p. 199. 10. Not the least of which is the coining of a word to define these man-eating races. The Modern English word "cannibal" came into the language as a perversion of the name for the local Carib Indians. The political import of the term is reflected in the fact that it came to define not just this one people, but also the entire region, the "Caribbean." In an act of what might be characterized as verbal colonization, "cannibal" supplanted its only predecessor in the Western European languages, the Greek "anthropophagite. " NOTES 181

11. If not Columbus, then Vespucci. 12. Lestrignant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation of the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans., Rosemary Morris (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997), p. 15. 13. Hulme, Colonial Encounters, p. 20. 14. Michel de Montaigne, Essais, trans., ].M. Cohen (New York: Penguin Books, 1958), p. 113. 15. Montaigne, Essais, p. 119. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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}Elfric 57, 148 n37 Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Chronique des Aesop 71 dues de Normandie 10,61,69,71, }Ethelred 56, 57 73, 77 Alan of Lille 63 Beowulf 10, 26, 27, 28, 30, 35-40, Alexander the Great 85, 93, 108, 43-4, 49-58 153 n22, 163 n61, 50 Beowulf-manuscript 10,27,35,37-58 Alexander's Letter to Aristotle 27,37, see also Beowulf, Christopher, Saint, 43-7,49,56,57, 108-9, 151 n6 Judith, Letter of Alexander to Alfred 19,31,71-2, 153-4n25 Aristotle, Life if Saint Christopher, Aliseans 107, 109 Wonders of the East Ambrisco, Alan 107, 130-1, 144 n35 Berengar of Tours 74-5 Ambroise, Estoire de la guerre sainte Bernard Silvestris 63 123, 129-30, 178 n61 bestiary 110 Andreas 10, 15-33 Black Death 139 n2 Andrew ofLongjumeau 82, 167-8 n9 see famine Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 31,59,65, body 2,8,66,73 150 n45 of Christ 5-8,28,62-3,73-8, 124 Anglo-Scandinavian England 30, 33, see also eucharist 56, 58 somatic imagery 6-7, 8, 36, 52-5, Anselm 60-1,65,70,164-5 n79 78-80,92-3,96,111 Antichrist 86,95,99-100,171-2 n49 see also body politic Antioch 112,114-15,123 body politic 2, 7-8, 11, 36-8, 55, 60, apocalypse 84-5, 89, 94, 168 n18 63-4, 79-80, 82, 86, 91-2, 93, apocalypticism 171 n49 102, 160 n23 Arens, William 15, 145 n3 Brian 77 assassins 87-93, 169 n25 British Library MS Cotton Vitellius A. Asser 31-2 xv Atreus 1,3, 64 see Beowulf-manuscript see also Thyestes Augustine 7, 8 Cadwallo 77 cannibalism Bede 7 cannibal banquet 1, 64, 86, 95-6, Historia Eeclesiastiea 19, 23, 31, 53 98,118-19,125,126-8 200 INDEX cannibalism-continued Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia cannibal as other 3-5, 29, 31, 44, 65--6 105 eaten heart 139 n2 chanson de geste 5, 11, 105, 106-14, Edward the Confessor 116,119-31,173 n7 Edwin 77 La Chanson d'Antioche 107, 112, 116, eoten 35, 50-6 118-20 ethnography 3, 84, 87, 88, 106, 108 La Chanson de Guillaume 107, 109, see also Marvels of the East 112 eucharist 2, 7, 8, 11,29,60, 73-80, Christopher, Saint 10, 37, 39-40, 121, 123-4, 136-7 42-3,44,56-7 eucharistic miracle tale 63, 75 Chronica majora eucharistic theology 6, 17, 60, see Matthew Paris 73-7 Ciconian 41 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 23 Cnut 2, 58, 157-8 n59 Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome 143 n30, 144 famine 17, 115-18, 139-40 n2 n35 Finn 51,53,55 colonization Finnsburg, fight at 51-6 see imperialism Floovant 107, 109 Columbus, Christopher 133-5, 136, Flor et Blanchiiflor 107 137 Frederick II 87,98-100 communi~ 7,11,28,30,44,60,63, Friedman, John Block 135, 141 nll 73,76-7,79-80,92,117-18, Fulcher of Chartres, Historia 120, 124, 127 Hierosolymitana 114-15 Conquete de Jerusalem 107 conversion 10, 15-22,24,30-1,33, Gaimar 92 39, 44, 146 n17 Ganymede 67 Corpus Christi genre 4-5, 10, 11, 18,21,30, 69, 75, see body of Christ 95,106-8,111,119,120-3, crusades 10,11,70,81,87-9,97-8, 128-31 105-7, 111-31 Geoffrey of Monmouth 77 cultural identi~ 2, 12, 106-7, 111 Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione Cynewulf 16,30, 148-9 n39 10, 61-2, 68, 69, 70, 71-7, 78-9 cynocephali 39,42-3, 46, 108, 110, Gesta Francorum et alienorum 135 Hiersolimitanorum 114-16 ~an~ 5,25-6,35,42-3,52-5,111 Danes 2,30,31-2,36-8,49-53, Gildas, De excidio 13, 23 56, 58 Godfrey of Bouillon 112, 118-19 see also Vikings Gog and Magog 84-6, 89, 93, 95 Decius 39 Grendel 10,27,35-43,49-50,51-2, devil 16, 21-2, 60, 86, 125, 153 n18 54-5, 56-8 dog-headed men Grendel's mother 36, 50, 53, see cynocephali 157 n53 Donestre 27,40-3,48-9 Guibert of Nogent, Gesta Dei per dreams 62-5, 68-9, 73, 76, 80 Francos 116-20 INDEX 201 hagiography 10, 18-21, 30, Life if Saint Christopher 10, 37, 32, 95 39-44, 56-7 Havelock the Dane 92 Louis VII 78-9 Heng, Geraldine 66, 75, 77, 107, 119,127,144 n35, 146 n17 Marco Polo 82, 136 Henry II 61,68-71,78, 121-3 Marie de France 71-3 Henry III 90-2 Marvels of the East 2, 4-5, 11, 15, Henry of Huntingdon 1 27, 43, 83-6, 88, 95, 102, 106, Heorot 27, 35-6, 38, 51-2, 56 107-10 Hereford Mappa Mundi 24,43, 108, Massacre of the Innocents 104, 135 105-6 Hildeburgh 51-2 Matthew Paris 11, 81-103 Holofernes 45 Middle English romance 120-3 Homer, iliad 141 n5 mirabilia Odyssey 3 see Marvels of the East Hondscio 51, 54 Mongols host see Tartars see eucharist monstrous races Hostes 40-3, 48-9 see Marvels of the East Hrothgar 49-51,55 Morte Arthure 120 Hugh of Lincoln 67 Muslim 11,81,88,105-7,111-15, Hugh of Saint Victor 63, 76 128, 131 Hulme, Peter 113, 136, 141 n7 see also Islam, Saracen hunting 61, 64-8 Huon de Bordeaux 107 nation 2,11,12-13,22-4,31,44, 85, 100, 107, 120, 128-31 imperialism 18, 45, 58, 106, 113, national identity 134, 135, 146 n14 see cultural identity, nation Islam 11,87-8, 105-19 Nimrod 67 Itinerarium Regis Ricardi 123 Norman Conquest 1, 10, 13 Ivo of Narbonne 95-8 Old English Martyrology 39, 42 James, M. R. 4 Orchard, Andy 38, 40 Jews 11,86,93-5,97, 100, 134 Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History Joachim of Fiore 86 65,116 John of Plano Carpini 82-3 Orosius, Historia adversos paganos 31 John of Salisbury 8,63,67 Judith 10, 37, 43-5, 56-7 Parzifal 107 Junius manuscript 39 Paschasius Radbertus 6, 28, 75 Paul, Saint 7, 63, 80 Kiernan, Kevin 38 Philip Augustus 78-9, 128-9 Pliny 4,83 Lanfranc 73-5 portents 2, 8-9 Letter of Fermes to Hadrian 49 postcoloniality 12 Uber Monstrorum 27, 38 see also imperialism, nation 202 INDEX

La Prise d'Orange 107, 109 Thomas Becket 70 Psalter of Henry of Blois Thyestes 1, 64 see Winchester Psalter The Travels of Sir John Mandeville 5, 133-6 Raoul de Cambrai 112 Troy 13 Ratrarnnus of Corbie 6 ryranny 10,60,64-71 Raymond d' Aguiliers, Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem Varro 9 114-15,118 Vercelli Book 10, 16,30,33, 148 Richard Coer de Lyon 11,106-7, n37, 148 n39 120--31, 136 Vikings 10,13,19,25,30,31, Richard ofDevizes 123,179 n68 56-7 Roger of Howden 123 see also Danes roman antique 108 Le Roman de Toute Chevalerie 5, 107, Walter Map 10,61,67,69-73,77 108-9 William of Conches 63 William of Malmesbury 10,13,61, Said, Edward 18, 151 n6 65, 75, 114 Saracen 11,87-90, 105-31 William of Rub ruck 82 see also Islam, Muslim William Rufus 10,59-80 Siege rifJerusalem 120 William the Conqueror 59 Sigemund 51-6 Winchester Psalter 104-6 Simon of Saint-Quentin 82-3 Wittkower, Rudolph 110,141 nll sodomy 65-7 Wonders rif the East 10, 27, 37, 38-9, 40--3,44,47-9,56,57 Tafurs 117-19 Wulfstan of Worcester 13,57 Tartars 11,81-103 Wynkyn de Worde 121, 136