Cannibal Narratives: an Introduction

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Cannibal Narratives: an Introduction NOTES Cannibal Narratives: An Introduction 1. Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum: The History of the English People, ed. and trans. Diana Greenway (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 382; 383. 2. There remain two very common representations of cannibalism that will not be discussed in this book: that of famine cannibalism and the motif of the eaten heart. The way in which descriptions of famine cannibalism are so widespread-from Thucydides through the present day-precludes their usefulness as a category of analysis for medieval English literature. Likewise, the motif of the eaten heart, in which a wronged husband vengefully serves his adulterous wife her lover's heart, falls outside of the range of this study since it was not at all popular in England during this period, but prevalent instead in France and Italy. See R. Howard Bloch, "The Lay and the Law: Sexual/Textual Transgression in La Chasteleine de Vergi, the Lai d'Ignaure, and the Lais of Marie de France," Stanford French Review 14 (1990): 181-210; Fidel Fajardo-Acosta, "The Heart of Guillem de Cabestaing: Courtly Lovers, Cannibals, Early Modern Subjects," Exemplaria 17.1 (2005): 57-102; Madeleine Jeay, "Consuming Passions: Variations on the Eaten Heart Theme," in Violence Against Women in Medieval Texts, ed. Anna Roberts (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1998), pp. 75-96; Mariella di Maio, II cuore mangiato: Storia di un tema dal Medioevo all'Ottocento (Milan: Guerini, 1996). Although the question of famine cannibalism will not be treated at length, it is nevertheless interesting to briefly consider the extent to which "real life" cannibalism may have affected the construction and reception of literary representations of cannibalism. Famine was a constant concern through Europe during the Middle Ages. The prevalence of slash and burn military strategies, in tandem with the climatic fluctuations of the medieval period that impacted crop and livestock production, so commonly produced situations of extreme hardship if not outright famine, that reports of famine cannibalism have been read by modern historians as a "cliche," a shorthand that easily expresses all the appalling aspects of famine. The Great Famine of the fourteenth century, especially linked as it is to the Black Death, is the subject of the bulk of the discussion surrounding the role that famine played in the social and political world of medieval Europe. The Great Famine, however, was not the first by far to hit Europe; nor were the years of the 140 NOTES Great Famine the first time that Europeans had reportedly, in the face of starvation, resorted to cannibalism. Cannibalism is reported by medieval chroniclers during the famines of 793, 868-869, 1005, 1032, 1146, 1233, 1241-1242, 1277, and 1280-1282 in addition to the years of the Great Famine, 1315-1317. One of the most horrific contemporary expressions of famine cannibalism is given by Rodolphus Glaber in his Historiarum libri quinque concerning the famine of 1033: "Some time later a famine began to ravage the whole earth, and death threatened almost all the human race ...This avenging famine began in the Orient, and after devastating Greece passed to Italy and thence to Gaul and the whole English people. This dearth pressed hard upon all the people; rich men and those of middling estate grew pallid with hunger like the poor, and the brigandage of the mighty ceased in the face of universal want .. .It is terrible to relate the evils, which then befell mankind. Alas, a thing formerly little heard of happened: ravening hunger drove men to devour human flesh! Travellers were set upon by men stronger than themselves, and their dismembered flesh was cooked over fires and eaten. Many, who had fled from place to place from the famine, when they found shelter at last, were slaughtered in the night as food for those who had welcomed them. Many showed an apple or an egg to children, then dragged them to out-of-the-way places and killed and ate them. In many places the bodies of the dead were dragged from the earth, also to appease hunger. This raging madness rose to such proportions that solitary beasts were less likely to be attacked by brigands than men. The cus­ tom of eating human flesh had grown so common that one fellow sold it cooked in the market-place of Tournus like that of some beast. When he was arrested he did not deny the shameful charge. He was bound and burned to death. The meat was buried in the ground; but another fellow dug it up and ate it, and he too was put to death by fire" (Rodolphus Glaber, Historiarum Libri Quinque, ed. Neithard BuIst, trans. John France and Paul Reynolds [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989], pp. 187-189). In England, the famine of 1033 was followed by the man-made famine of 1069, a direct result of the scorched-earth policy that William the Conqueror used to subdue the north, a policy about which Orderic Vitalis notes, "for this act .. .I cannot commend him" (Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, vol. 2 [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968], p. 232). See Andrew B. Appleby, "Epidemics and Famine in the Little Ice Age," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 10 (1980): 643-663; William Chester Jordan, The Great Famine: Northern Europe in the Early Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Julia Marvin, "Cannibalism as an Aspect of Famine in Two English Chronicles," in Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, ed. Martha Carlin and Joel T. Rosenthal (London: The Hambledon Press, 1998), pp. 73-86; and Pitirim A. Sorokin, Man and Society in Calamity (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc, 1942). 3. Claude Rawson, " 'Indians' and Irish: Montaigne, Swift, and the Cannibal Question," Modem Language Quarterly 53 (1992): 363 [299-363]. NOTES 141 4. Alan Ambrisco, "Medieval Maneaters: Cannibalism and Community in Middle English Literature," diss., Indiana University, 1999, p. 12. 5. In the iliad too, however, Achilles uses the trope of cannibalism to demonstrate his inhumanity: standing over the dying Hector, he proclaims: "I wish only that my spirit and fury would drive me to hack your meat away and eat it raw for the things that you have done to me" (Homer, iliad, trans. Richmond Lattimore [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951], p. 444). For an inter­ esting discussion of cannibalism in Homer, see Mark Buchan, "Food For Thought: Achilles and the Cyclops," in Eating Their Words: Cannibalism and the Boundaries <1 Cultural Identity, ed. Kristen Guest (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), pp. 11-34. 6. For a fuller discussion of these themes, see Pierre Vidal-Naquet, "Land and Sacrifice in the Odyssey," in Reading the Odyssey: Selected Interpretive Essays, ed. Seth L. Schein and trans. A. Szegedy-Mazak (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 33-54. 7. In post-medieval literature, cannibalism has become a privileged trope for representing the colonial encounter. The relationship between cannibalism and colonialism has been much studied in the early modem period, partic­ ularly in the important studies Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation of the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne by Frank Lestrignant and Cannibalism and the Colonial World, jointly edited by Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iverson. (Frank Lestrignant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation <1 the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. Rosemary Morris [Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997] [originally published in France in 1994 as Cannibales: grandeur et decadence]; Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, Margaret Iverson, eds., Cannibalism and the Colonial World [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998]). The relationship of these studies to the medieval literature considered here is taken up in the postscript to this book. 8. Herodotus, The Histories, trans. George Rawlinson (London: J.M. Dent, 1992), p. 303. 9. Herodotus, The Histories, p. 339. 10. On the availability of these texts in the Middle Ages, see MaIjorie Chibnall, "Pliny's Natural History and the Middle Ages," in Empire and Aftermath: Silver Latin II, ed. T.A. Dorey (Boston: Routledge, 1976), pp. 57-78. 11. M.R. James, ed., Marvels <1 the East: A Full Reproduction <1 the Three Known Copies (Oxford: Roxburghe Club, 1929). The two other seminal studies of this tradition are John Block Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981) and Rudolph Wittkower, Allegory and the Migration <1 Symbols (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977). 12. The Marvels of the East is not a solely literary genre. The monstrous races of literature were commonly represented also visually throughout the Middle Ages in manuscripts (all three ofJames' manuscripts are illustrated), world maps (such as the Hereford and Ebstorf maps), and in sculpture (most 142 NOTES famously on the tympanum of the Cathedral at Vezelay). Stenuning from ancient Greek texts, these representations of the monstrous races were popular in Arabic texts as well. 13. Asa Simon Mittman's interesting Maps and Monsters in Medieval England (New York: Routledge, 2006) unfortunately appeared too late for me to integrate Mittman's observations, but I believe that many of our discussions are complementary. 14. Berengar of Tours, PL 150:410D-411A. 15. Paul c.Jones, Christ's Eucharistic Presence: A History of the Doctrine, American University Series VII: Theology and Religion. Vol. 157 (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), pp. 79-80. This statement is part of the oath of orthodoxy that Berengar of Tours was forced to swear. For the debate/controversy that lead to this definitive articulation, see Jean de Montclos, Lanfranc et Berengar, la controverse Eucharistique de XIe siecle (Leuven: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, Justus Lipsiusstr, 1971). 16. For discussions of this process, see Henri du Lubac, Corpus Mysticum (Paris: Aubier, 1949); Gary Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period.
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