A Fresh Start for Myanmar's Economy
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International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu
Asia-Pacific Conference in Fukuoka 2018 International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu Date: May 11th 2018 (Fri) Venue: Kyushu Dental University, Kitakyushu, Japan Organized by Kyushu Dental University Asia-Pacific Conference in Fukuoka 2018 International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu Kyushu Dental University, Kitakyushu, Japan May 11th, 2018 Organizing Committee: Tatsuji Nishihara, President Kenshi Maki Tetsuro Konoo Katsumi Hidaka Keisuke Nakashima Kou Matsuo Yuji Seta Tatsuo Kawamoto Hiroshi Takeuchi Atsuko Nakamichi Naoki Kakudate Wataru Ariyoshi Koji Watanabe Organized by Kyushu Dental University 1 Table of Contents Welcome message 3 Program 4 International Symposium 6 Congratulatory speeches by guests of honor 8 International Symposium 11 Partnership Activities of Kyushu Dental University with Universities in Myanmar 14 Poster Presentations 16 * Young Investigator Award Competition 16-31 2 3 Welcome message Tatsuji Nishihara, D.D.S., Ph.D. Chairman and President Kyushu Dental University Welcome to Asia-Pacific Conference in Fukuoka 2018. It is our great honor and pleasure to inform the International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu. I am inviting you to participate in this exciting conference with valuable information on Oral Education and Research of Asia-Pacific countries. We are delighted to announce the special lectures in this conference. Present state of dental education in Asian countries as well as Myanmar will be introduced by the invited distinguished speaker, Professor Dr. Paing Soe, M.D., Ph.D., President of Myanmar Dental Council, The Republic of the Union of Myanmar. We are also very happy to hear on dental education system in Europe from Dr. -
Yangon Region Gov't, HK-Taiwan Consortium Ink Industrial Zone Deal
Business Yangon Region Gov’t, HK-Taiwan Consortium Ink Industrial Zone Deal Yangon Region Minister for Planning and Finance U Myint Thaung delivers the opening speech at a press conference at the Yangon Investment Forum 2019. / The Global New Light of Myanmar By THE IRRAWADDY 29 April 2019 YANGON—The Yangon regional government will sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with a consortium of Hong Kong and Taiwan companies next month to develop an international-standard industrial zone in Htantabin Township in the west of the commercial capital. Worth an estimated US$500 million (761.2 billion kyats) the Htantabin Industrial Zone will be implemented on more than 1,000 acres and is expected to create more than 150,000 job opportunities, said Naw Pan Thinzar Myo, Yangon Region Karen ethnic affairs minister, at a press conference on Friday. The regional government and the Hong Kong-Taiwan consortium, Golden Myanmar Investment Co., are scheduled to sign the MoU at the 2nd Yangon Investment Fair on May 10, which will showcase about 80 projects across Yangon Region in an effort to drum up local and foreign investment. It is expected to take about nine years to fully implement the Htantabin Industrial Zone. The MoU is the first to be implemented among 11 industrial zones planned by the Yangon regional government in undeveloped areas on the outskirts of Yangon. A map of the Htantabin Industrial Zone / Invest Myanmar Summit website At the country’s first Investment Fair in late January, the Yangon government showcased planned international-standard industrial zones in 11 townships: Kungyangon, Kawhmu, Twantay, Thingyan, Kyauktan, Khayan, Thongwa, Taikkyi, Hmawbi, Hlegu and Htantabin. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy Updated May 17, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44804 Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy Summary Despite a campaign pledge that they “would not arrest anyone as political prisoners,” Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) have failed to fulfil this promise since they took control of Burma’s Union Parliament and the government’s executive branch in April 2016. While presidential pardons have been granted for some political prisoners, people continue to be arrested, detained, tried, and imprisoned for alleged violations of Burmese laws. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), or AAPP(B), a Thailand-based, nonprofit human rights organization formed in 2000 by former Burmese political prisoners, there were 331 political prisoners in Burma as of the end of April 2019. During its three years in power, the NLD government has provided pardons for Burma’s political prisoners on six occasions. Soon after assuming office in April 2016, former President Htin Kyaw and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi took steps to secure the release of nearly 235 political prisoners. On May 23, 2017, former President Htin Kyaw granted pardons to 259 prisoners, including 89 political prisoners. On April 17, 2018, current President Win Myint pardoned 8,541 prisoners, including 36 political prisoners. In April and May 2019, he pardoned more than 23,000 prisoners, of which the AAPP(B) considered 20 as political prisoners. Aung San Suu Kyi and her government, as well as the Burmese military, however, also have demonstrated a willingness to use Burma’s laws to suppress the opinions of its political opponents and restrict press freedoms. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and US Policy: in Brief
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy: In Brief name redacted Specialist in Asian Affairs June 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44804 Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy: In Brief Summary With Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) in control of Burma’s Union Parliament and the government’s executive branch, prospects may have improved for ending the arrest, detention, prosecution, and imprisonment of political prisoners in Burma, a reality which has overshadowed U.S. policy toward Burma for more than 25 years. Burma’s military, or Tatmadaw, however, may not support the unconditional release of all political prisoners in Burma, and potentially has the power to block such an effort. The 115th Congress may have an opportunity to influence Burma’s future efforts to address political prisoner issues. Whether by providing technical or other forms of assistance to address the underlying causes of political imprisonment, or by restricting relations with Burma until political prisoners have been released, Congress potentially could influence the behavior of the NLD-led government and the Tatmadaw with respect to political prisoners. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), or AAPP(B), a Thailand- based, nonprofit human rights organization formed in 2000 by former Burmese political prisoners, there were 305 political prisoners in Burma as of the end of April 2017. On the eve of Burma’s second “21st Century Peace Conference,” which brought together representatives of Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, the Burmese military and some of the nation’s ethnic armed groups in Naypiytaw, on May 24-29, 2017, President Htin Kyaw granted pardons to 259 prisoners, including 80 political prisoners. -
DASHED HOPES the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS DASHED HOPES The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 5 I. Background ..................................................................................................................... 6 II. Section 66(d) -
Old and New Competition in Myanmar's Electoral Politics
ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |17 December 2019 Old and New Competition in Myanmar’s Electoral Politics Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Electoral politics in Myanmar has become more active and competitive since 2018. With polls set for next year, the country has seen mergers among ethnic political parties and the establishment of new national parties. • The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party faces more competition than in the run up to the 2015 polls. Then only the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) represented a serious possible electoral rival. • The NLD enjoys the dual advantage of the star power of its chair State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and its status as the incumbent ruling party. • The USDP, ethnic political parties, and new national parties are all potential contenders in the general elections due in late 2020. Among them, only ethnic political parties may pose a challenge to the ruling NLD. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He was previously a postdoctoral fellow at the National University of Singapore and Visiting Fellow at the University of Melbourne. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The National League for Democracy (NLD) party government under Presidents U Htin Kyaw and U Win Myint1 and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been in power since March 2016, after it won Myanmar’s November 2015 polls in a landslide. Four years later, the country eagerly awaits its next general elections, due in late 2020. -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
Southeast Asia from Scott Circle
Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Southeast Asia from Scott Circle Volume VII | Issue 6 | March 17, 2016 Southeast Asia Dances to the Tune of Japan’s Inside This Issue Abe Doctrine phuong nguyen biweekly update Phuong Nguyen is an associate fellow with the Chair for Southeast • Myanmar parliament elects president, vice Asia Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies presidents in Washington, D.C. • Philippine Supreme Court allows Grace Poe in stay in presidential race March 17, 2016 • Mahathir, Anwar sign declaration demanding Najib’s resignation In Southeast Asia, Japan can be said to enjoy unrivaled popularity. • Japanese submarine to make port call in According to the 2015 Pew Global Attitudes survey, an average of about 80 Philippines percent of respondents surveyed across four Southeast Asian countries said they hold a favorable view of Japan. While China’s expanding military looking ahead footprint in the disputed South China Sea has a headline-grabbing • The South China Sea: Law, Strategy, and Politics impact, Japan’s influence in this critical region is felt more steadfastly, but increasingly so, in recent years. • China as a Responsible Stakeholder? A Decade Later Since Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe was reelected in 2012, his • Is Indonesia Changing Direction? government has pursued an active policy of forging closer security cooperation with many countries in Southeast Asia, most visibly those locked in territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea such as the Philippines and Vietnam, but also with smaller countries such as Laos and Timor-Leste. To put it into a broader context, Abe hopes to forge a geopolitical identity for Japan in Southeast Asia on the foundation of its already established—and still growing—economic presence there. -
San San Win, Dr
Dagon University Research Journal Vol.10 57 Political Development in Myanmar since 2011 San San Win 1 Abstract Since 2011, the new democratic government or semi-civilian government led by President U Thein Sein had conducted democratic reforms which ended fifty years of authoritarian rule. As a result, western countries lifted sanctions and provided economic assistance to Myanmar. Myanmar’s relations with western countries also improved significantly. Besides, under the civilian government since March 2016, a more open democratic environment has emerged. Despite existing challenges, the government has tried hard for democratic transactions under the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. So, this paper focuses on political development in Myanmar since 2011 under the two democratic governments. Keywords: Myanmar, democracy, reforms, politics, development, relations Research Questions The research questions brought up for this paper are: How did Myanmar’s political culture change from authoritarian rule to democratic one? What are the basic causes for development of cordial relations with western countries? How did the situation of politics under the two democratic governments develop? And what are the challenges for both governments in nation building and foreign policy processes? Research Method This research will be conducted through critical analytical method. Most of the analysis will mainly refer to the newspapers of Myanmar, prior researches, books, periodicals, journals, website & online sources. Hypothesis Since 2011, Myanmar’s political culture peacefully changed from authoritarian rule to democratic one, and both the two democratic governments (USDP and NLD) tried to develop nation building, state building and foreign policy processes. Introduction Since early 2011, Myanmar has embarked on a remarkable path of political and economic reforms, departing from five decades of authoritarian rule. -
Elections in November: a Profile of Supporters of Myanmar's Ruling
ISSUE: 2020 No. 94 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 28 August 2020 Elections in November: A Profile of Supporters of Myanmar’s Ruling NLD Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Partisanship is on the rise in the run-up to Myanmar’s 8 November 2020 general election. In this context, the typical supporter of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party is often denigrated by critics and opposition forces as irrationally partisan. • Lumping together all NLD supporters as an irrational, partisan community overlooks the diversity among them. There are at least three types of NLD supporters: o the individually expressive supporters are partisans of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD; o the socially expressive supporters consider voting a social or civic duty; and o the instrumental voters point to the continued dominance of the military in Myanmar’s politics and the potential return of its proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) as reasons for supporting for the NLD. • These three types of voters are not necessarily mutually exclusive; an expressive voter can at the same time be an instrumental voter. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, and Assistant Professor (adjunct) in the Department of Southeast Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. 1 ISSUE: 2020 No. 94 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION In the past five years, the image of the supporter of Myanmar’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party and its chairwoman State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has become rather tarnished. -
Atrocity Crimes Against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State, Myanmar
BEARING WITNESS REPORT NOVEMBER 2017 “THEY TRIED TO KILL US ALL” Atrocity Crimes against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State, Myanmar SIMON-SKJODT CENTER FOR THE PREVENTION OF GENOCIDE United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Washington, DC www.ushmm.org The United States Holocaust Museum’s work on genocide and related crimes against humanity is conducted by the Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide. The Simon-Skjodt Center is dedicated to stimulating timely global action to prevent genocide and to catalyze an international response when it occurs. Our goal is to make the prevention of genocide a core foreign policy priority for leaders around the world through a multipronged program of research, education, and public outreach. We work to equip decision makers, starting with officials in the United States but also extending to other governments and institutions, with the knowledge, tools, and institutional support required to prevent— or, if necessary, halt—genocide and related crimes against humanity. FORTIFY RIGHTS Southeast Asia www.fortifyrights.org Fortify Rights works to ensure and defend human rights for all. We investigate human rights violations, engage policy makers and others, and strengthen initiatives led by human rights defenders, affected communities, and civil society. We believe in the influence of evidence- based research, the power of strategic truth-telling, and the importance of working closely with individuals, communities, and movements pushing for change. We are an independent, nonprofit organization based in Southeast Asia and registered in the United States and Switzerland. The United State Holocaust Memorial Museum uses the name “Burma” and Fortify Rights uses the name “Myanmar” to describe the same country. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs Updated May 17, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44804 Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy Summary Despite a campaign pledge that they “would not arrest anyone as political prisoners,” Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) have failed to fulfil this promise since they took control of Burma’s Union Parliament and the government’s executive branch in April 2016. While presidential pardons have been granted for some political prisoners, people continue to be arrested, detained, tried, and imprisoned for alleged violations of Burmese laws. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), or AAPP(B), a Thailand-based, nonprofit human rights organization formed in 2000 by former Burmese political prisoners, there were 331 political prisoners in Burma as of the end of April 2019. During its three years in power, the NLD government has provided pardons for Burma’s political prisoners on six occasions. Soon after assuming office in April 2016, former President Htin Kyaw and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi took steps to secure the release of nearly 235 political prisoners. On May 23, 2017, former President Htin Kyaw granted pardons to 259 prisoners, including 89 political prisoners. On April 17, 2018, current President Win Myint pardoned 8,541 prisoners, including 36 political prisoners. In April and May 2019, he pardoned more than 23,000 prisoners, of which the AAPP(B) considered 20 as political prisoners. Aung San Suu Kyi and her government, as well as the Burmese military, however, also have demonstrated a willingness to use Burma’s laws to suppress the opinions of its political opponents and restrict press freedoms.