The Connection of Paean with Paeonia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Connection of Paean with Paeonia The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here The Connection of Paean with Paeonia Grace Harriet Macurdy The Classical Review / Volume 26 / Issue 08 / December 1912, pp 249 - 251 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00200711, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00200711 How to cite this article: Grace Harriet Macurdy (1912). The Connection of Paean with Paeonia. The Classical Review, 26, pp 249-251 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00200711 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 193.61.135.34 on 20 Apr 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 249 two inferences is Thucydides the more 'AOrjvalcov AatceSaijiovioi Kal 01 i,vfj\ likely to have meant ? Bvva/iiv does not Kal ra fia/epa Teiyr) Kal TOV Heipaia decide ; I have rendered it by ' power,' KareXafiov. Thucydides often uses a word suggestive of dominion, but Ka,Ta\afi/3dveiv of military occupation, Suva/us implies no more than ' strength' by force or by stealth, by attack or or ' resources,' and when Athens had against the danger of attack. The lost her dominion she still had resources Thebans attempted KaraXafiftdveiv Pla- and strength. The reference to Sparta's taea in 431; when Syracusan ships hegemony, as well as to her territory, KareXafiov Messene in 425, it was on suggests at first sight that the Athenian the invitation of the inhabitants, but Empire, as well as Attica, is to be opposition was feared;3 when Thucy- taken into account; but against the dides hurried from Thasos, ifiovXero assumption of a common ratiox Thucy- <pOd<rai fidXia-Ta fiev oZv TTJV '' A^iiroXiv', dides is adducing a disproportion, and irpiv ri ivhovvai, el Be fiir\, TTJV 'Hiova the greater the disproportion the more irpoKaTaXafidav.* The word is appro- it is to his purpose. Again, the Spartan priate to a coup de main. But the entry half of the sentence, if it could be of the Peloponnesians into the Peiraeus dated, might date the Athenian half; and the Long Walls was under terms but the date of the Spartan half is itself of peace, and no resistance was to be undetermined in spite of much dispute. feared, -nrapeXafiov, ' took over,'6 would 'Ei> Kea> Ti? r/fiepa ; For my own part do, but I propose KaTe/3aXov.e That I find the first of the two inferences a /ca.Te/3a\op can govern TOV Heipaia, in little absurd, and so, by a different road, the sense which Lysias7 expresses more I reach the same conclusion as Herbst, fully by TOV Ueipaiws ret reixv irepiekelv that the passage is subsequent to 404. and TO irepl TOV Heipaia rej^o? irepieXeiv, But what I imagine Thucydides to appears from the actual decree of have imagined that a tourist would the Ephors, recorded by Plutarch,8 imagine as he stood amid the imaginary Ka/3/3a\6vTe<} TOV Uecpaid Kal TO, fiaiepa ruins of Athens, is not evidence; so, o-/ce\r), and from Xenophon's phrase9 if anyone differs from TO T€ i ^ TI VI. E. HARRISON. Before quitting this subject I should Trinity College, Cambridge. like to propose an emendation of the words in which the fate of Athens is mentioned by Thucydides himself :2 3 IV. i. * IV. 104. 5. & ov Tt)v re apxrjv Ka-ckiravirav T&V • Cf. III. 39. 8, 46. 3, 5o. 3; IV. 69. 4! V. 52. 1, etc. Plut. Lys. 15, 6 8' ovv AviravSpos, a>s nap4\a/3e rds re vavs indcras 7rX^v SwSetca Kal 1 Viz. between the strength exercised by a city in its prime, and the impressiveness of its e It is found in a late MS. ruins. 7 XII. 70, XIII. 14. 2 8 V. 26. 1. Lys. j4. 9 Hell. II. 2. 20. THE CONNECTION OF PAEAN WITH PAEONIA. AMONG the derivations proposed for the are points, however, in the scattered name of the Greek god Paeon, or Paean, references to Paeonian legend and ritual that which connects it with the Northern that seem to render it probable that the tribe of Haioves has, I believe, been name of the god is an ethnic adjective mentioned only to be rejected.1 There (like, for example, Maleatas, the god of healing, whose name appears sometimes as an epithet of Apollo), and that this 1 Gruppe, Mailer's Handbuch, 5. 3, pp. 1239- 40. Cf. Walton, Cults of AsTclepios, p. 5, who adjective was applied to the god wor- suggests that the name Paeonia is connected shipped as the Healer among the with the worship of Asklepios. Paeonians, whether the Sun, or Apollo, 250 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW or Asklepios, or a ' Pelasgian medicine Polyaenus6 tells of the reception by the chief god.' 1 Paeonians of their young prince Ariston, The Paeonian tribe occupied in early brought to them by Lysimachus. They time the country afterwards known as gave him the royal lustration of river- Macedon, a name that does not occur water, TO fiao-iXiicbv Xovrpov, according in Homer, whereas the Paeonians ap- to their ancestral rite, and performed pear in the catalogue and in books X., XI., other ceremonies to indicate that he XII., XVI., XVII., XXI. They are now was their rightful king. regarded on the score of language2 as of Concerning the religion of the Paeon- Illyrian origin, and are usually described ians we learn further from Herodotus as Thraco-Illyrian, or (as Niebuhr,3 and that their-women offer to Artemis the Ridgway4 would call them,) Pelasgian. same Upa ivBeBe/ieva iv irvp&v tcaka/iy, They were a river-folk, and their name i.e. offerings tied up in wheaten straw, appears most often in connection with which the Hyperboreans sent from the the Strymon and the Axius. North to Apollo at Delos. Maximus 7 Herodotus gives an account of primi- Tyrius makes the statement that the tive Paeonian Lake-Dwellers on Lake Paeonians worship Helios, and that the Prasias, and Thucydides speaks of their Paeonian image of Helios is a little disk home along the Axius. In the Iliad the above a long pole. The form of Sun- Paeonians are archers or spearmen worship is similar to the rite used at the Daphnephoria in the worship of under two princes, Pyraechmes and 8 Asteropaeus. The point lately made by Apollo, described by Proclus. more than one scholar that the battles In the passage mentioning the wor- in the Iliad are echoes of old tribal ship of Artemis with the same anvapyal victories6 that really took place, though as those offered to Apollo, Artemis has not at Troy, is excellently illustrated by the title fiaa-iXeia, on which Farnell the role played by the Paeonians. It is notes ' queen being probably one of the significant that the two Paeonian princes native titles.' Inscriptions contained are killed by Patroclus and Achilles re- in the third volume of the C. I. L. spectively. In Iliad XVI. Pyraechmes is coming from Moesia Inferior seem sig- the first victim of Patroclus in the armour nificant in this connection, as Paeonia of Achilles. In Iliad XXI. Achilles lies directly below Moesia. Four of them chokes up the stream of the Scamander read Dianae Reginae, and two (from with the bodies of Paeonians whom he Kutlovica) Dianae Reginae et Apolloni. has slain, beginning with Asteropaeus, Inscriptions to Apollo and Diana and ' And many more Paeonians still would to nymphae medicae appear in Pannonia, Achilles swift of foot have slain' had a country constantly confused with not the river-god interposed in wrath. Paeonia, of which Kretschmar says ' the In Iliad XVII. a third warrior, next best later identification of Pannonians and in battle to Asteropaeus, Apisaon, fights Paeonians at least testifies to the close next to Dardanian Aeneas, an old Euro- relationship of the two peoples.' pean neighbour. Asteropaeus, who ap- I suggest that the Sun-god who pears in Iliad XII. as a companion of specialised as God of Healing Waters Sarpedon in his attack on the wall, and in in the North Illyrian and Celtic tribes XXI. in combat with Achilles, has for his became associated among the Paeonians grandfather the wide-flowing Axius, and chiefly with healing herbs, with which as a great-grandfather appears 'A/ct<r<rd-the god Paean is always associated. fievoi, the Healer. Paeonian connection The god appears but twice in the Iliad with rivers appears in later accounts. and in a sense but once. In Iliad V. 899, at the command of Zeus, Paieon heals with magical speed the wound of 1 Anthropology in the Classics, p. 92. Ares, a Thracian god. Earlier in the 2 Kretschmar, Einleitung in die Griechische same book the same verse is used of Sprache. 3 Paieon as curing Hades in the account Lectures on Ancient Ethnography and Geo- graphy, I. 287. 4 Early Age of Greece, I. 353. 8 7 5 Strat. IV. 12, 13. VIII. 8. Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 156. 8 Farnell, Greek Cults, 4. 285. THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 251 given by Dione of various wounds re- for their decoctions and salves (Heca- ceived by gods from mortals. The pas- taeus, ap. Ath. XI. 447), and their ethnic sage has a patchy look.1 Hades does not name is given by Hesychius as syn- belong to Heaven and I should regard nymous with tarpon. Their land was the healing of Ares as the original pas- on the road by which the rose and many sage.
Recommended publications
  • Flowers in Greek Mythology
    Flowers in Greek Mythology Everybody knows how rich and exciting Greek Mythology is. Everybody also knows how rich and exciting Greek Flora is. Find out some of the famous Greek myths flower inspired. Find out how feelings and passions were mixed together with flowers to make wonderful stories still famous in nowadays. Anemone:The name of the plant is directly linked to the well known ancient erotic myth of Adonis and Aphrodite (Venus). It has been inspired great poets like Ovidius or, much later, Shakespeare, to compose hymns dedicated to love. According to this myth, while Adonis was hunting in the forest, the ex- lover of Aphrodite, Ares, disguised himself as a wild boar and attacked Adonis causing him lethal injuries. Aphrodite heard the groans of Adonis and rushed to him, but it was too late. Aphrodite got in her arms the lifeless body of her beloved Adonis and it is said the she used nectar in order to spray the wood. The mixture of the nectar and blood sprang a beautiful flower. However, the life of this 1 beautiful flower doesn’t not last. When the wind blows, makes the buds of the plant to bloom and then drifted away. This flower is called Anemone because the wind helps the flowering and its decline. Adonis:It would be an omission if we do not mention that there is a flower named Adonis, which has medicinal properties. According to the myth, this flower is familiar to us as poppy meadows with the beautiful red colour. (Adonis blood). Iris: The flower got its name from the Greek goddess Iris, goddess of the rainbow.
    [Show full text]
  • Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou
    Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou ACCHYLIDES 17, a Cean commission performed on Delos, has been the subject of extensive study and is Bmuch admired for its narrative artistry, elegance, and excellence. The ode was classified as a dithyramb by the Alex- andrians, but the Du-Stil address to Apollo in the closing lines renders this classification problematic and has rather baffled scholars. The solution to the thorny issue of the ode’s generic taxonomy is not yet conclusive, and the dilemma paean/ dithyramb is still alive.1 In fact, scholars now are more inclined to place the poem somewhere in the middle, on the premise that in antiquity the boundaries between dithyramb and paean were not so clear-cut as we tend to believe.2 Even though I am 1 Paean: R. Merkelbach, “Der Theseus des Bakchylides,” ZPE 12 (1973) 56–62; L. Käppel, Paian: Studien zur Geschichte einer Gattung (Berlin 1992) 156– 158, 184–189; H. Maehler, Die Lieder des Bakchylides II (Leiden 1997) 167– 168, and Bacchylides. A Selection (Cambridge 2004) 172–173; I. Rutherford, Pindar’s Paeans (Oxford 2001) 35–36, 73. Dithyramb: D. Gerber, “The Gifts of Aphrodite (Bacchylides 17.10),” Phoenix 19 (1965) 212–213; G. Pieper, “The Conflict of Character in Bacchylides 17,” TAPA 103 (1972) 393–404. D. Schmidt, “Bacchylides 17: Paean or Dithyramb?” Hermes 118 (1990) 18– 31, at 28–29, proposes that Ode 17 was actually an hyporcheme. 2 B. Zimmermann, Dithyrambos: Geschichte einer Gattung (Hypomnemata 98 [1992]) 91–93, argues that Ode 17 was a dithyramb for Apollo; see also C.
    [Show full text]
  • Dares Phrygius' De Excidio Trojae Historia: Philological Commentary and Translation
    Faculteit Letteren & Wijsbegeerte Dares Phrygius' De Excidio Trojae Historia: Philological Commentary and Translation Jonathan Cornil Scriptie voorgedragen tot het bekomen van de graad van Master in de Taal- en letterkunde (Latijn – Engels) 2011-2012 Promotor: Prof. Dr. W. Verbaal ii Table of Contents Table of Contents iii Foreword v Introduction vii Chapter I. De Excidio Trojae Historia: Philological and Historical Comments 1 A. Dares and His Historia: Shrouded in Mystery 2 1. Who Was ‘Dares the Phrygian’? 2 2. The Role of Cornelius Nepos 6 3. Time of Origin and Literary Environment 9 4. Analysing the Formal Characteristics 11 B. Dares as an Example of ‘Rewriting’ 15 1. Homeric Criticism and the Trojan Legacy in the Middle Ages 15 2. Dares’ Problematic Connection with Dictys Cretensis 20 3. Comments on the ‘Lost Greek Original’ 27 4. Conclusion 31 Chapter II. Translations 33 A. Translating Dares: Frustra Laborat, Qui Omnibus Placere Studet 34 1. Investigating DETH’s Style 34 2. My Own Translations: a Brief Comparison 39 3. A Concise Analysis of R.M. Frazer’s Translation 42 B. Translation I 50 C. Translation II 73 D. Notes 94 Bibliography 95 Appendix: the Latin DETH 99 iii iv Foreword About two years ago, I happened to be researching Cornelius Nepos’ biography of Miltiades as part of an assignment for a class devoted to the study of translating Greek and Latin texts. After heaping together everything I could find about him in the library, I came to the conclusion that I still needed more information. So I decided to embrace my identity as a loyal member of the ‘Internet generation’ and began my virtual journey through the World Wide Web in search of articles on Nepos.
    [Show full text]
  • Names of Botanical Genera Inspired by Mythology
    Names of botanical genera inspired by mythology Iliana Ilieva * University of Forestry, Sofia, Bulgaria. GSC Biological and Pharmaceutical Sciences, 2021, 14(03), 008–018 Publication history: Received on 16 January 2021; revised on 15 February 2021; accepted on 17 February 2021 Article DOI: https://doi.org/10.30574/gscbps.2021.14.3.0050 Abstract The present article is a part of the project "Linguistic structure of binomial botanical denominations". It explores the denominations of botanical genera that originate from the names of different mythological characters – deities, heroes as well as some gods’ attributes. The examined names are picked based on “Conspectus of the Bulgarian vascular flora”, Sofia, 2012. The names of the plants are arranged in alphabetical order. Beside each Latin name is indicated its English common name and the family that the particular genus belongs to. The article examines the etymology of each name, adding a short account of the myth based on which the name itself is created. An index of ancient authors at the end of the article includes the writers whose works have been used to clarify the etymology of botanical genera names. Keywords: Botanical genera names; Etymology; Mythology 1. Introduction The present research is a part of the larger project "Linguistic structure of binomial botanical denominations", based on “Conspectus of the Bulgarian vascular flora”, Sofia, 2012 [1]. The article deals with the botanical genera appellations that originate from the names of different mythological figures – deities, heroes as well as some gods’ attributes. According to ICBN (International Code of Botanical Nomenclature), "The name of a genus is a noun in the nominative singular, or a word treated as such, and is written with an initial capital letter (see Art.
    [Show full text]
  • An Introduction to the Knowledge of Greek Grammar
    AN * INTRODUCTION TO THE KNOWLEDGE or GREEK GRAMMAR. By SAMUEL B. WYLIE, D. D. IN THE WICE PROVOST AND PROFESSOR of ANCIENT LANGUAGES UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. *NWTIET 16). <e) - \ 3} f) iſ a t t I pi} f a, J. whet HAM, 144 CHES NUT STREET. 1838. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1838, by SAMUEL B. Wylie, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. ANDov ER, MAss. Gould & Newman, Printers. **'. … Tº Co PR E FA C E. CoNSIDERING the number of Greek Grammars, already in market, some apology may appear necessary for the introduction of a new one. Without formally making a defence, it may be remarked, that subjects of deep interest, need to be viewed in as many different bearings as can readily be obtained. Grammar, whether considered as a branch of philological science, or a system of rules subservient to accuracy in speaking or writing any language, embraces a most interesting field of research, as wide and unlimited, as the progres sive development of the human mind. A work of such magnitude, requires a great variety of laborers, and even the humblest may be of some service. Even erroneous positions may be turned to good account, should they, by their refutation, contribute to the elucida tion of principle. A desire of obtaining a more compendious and systematic view of grammatical principles, and more adapted to his own taste in order and arrangement, induced the author to undertake, and gov erned him in the compilation of this manual.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bible and Critical Theory, Volume 8, Number 2, 2012 75
    THE B IBLE AND CRITICAL THEORY REVIEWS Review of Philippe Wajdenbaum, Argonauts of the Desert: Structural Analysis of the Hebrew Bible. Copenhagen International Seminar. Sheffield: Equinox Publishing, 2011. Peter D. Miscall The book is based on Wajdenbaum’s 2008 dissertation in Social Sciences-Anthropology from the Université Libre de Bruxelles under the direction of Michèle Broze. Wajdenbaum clearly lays out his assumptions, theses, and method in a 90 page introduction. First, he espouses Lévi-Strauss’ structural analysis of myth, in which a myth exists and reveals itself through all its transformations in variants, including modern translations and interpretations. For Wajdenbaum this justifies his search for narrative and legal parallels in Greek sources to the biblical material in Genesis-2 Kings and it also justifies his use of translations, not original Hebrew, Greek, or Latin texts. “A myth is always a translation” (p. 18; original italics). Lévi-Strauss and his structural method get scant mention in the rest of the book; the discussion serves a purpose in the introduction but not in his actual analyses. His second point is a conglomeration of stances. In short, Wajdenbaum sees Genesis-2 Kings as the work of one author, possibly living in Alexandria, who fashions a national epic as a counter to the powerful Hellenistic culture threatening to displace ancient cultures, particularly that of Judea. The central strategy of this counter-statement is to appropriate the Greek tradition, particularly that of Plato’s Laws and Herodotus’ Histories, to write this national epic and, in a sense, to beat the Hellenistic forces at their own game.
    [Show full text]
  • MAC II in General, All Greek Troops “Constitutionally
    ALEXANDER’S FINAL ARMY An Honors Thesis for the Department of History By Jonathan A. Miller Thesis Advisor: Steven Hirsch Tufts University, 2011 AKNOWLEDGMENTS Alexander the Great is a man with whom many great leaders throughout history have been compared, a model of excellence whose achievements can never quite be matched. 2 My introduction to his legacy occurred in the third grade. Reading a biography of Julius Caesar for a class project, I happened across Plutarch’s famous description of Caesar’s reaction to reading a history of Alexander: “he was lost in thought for a long time, and then burst into tears. His friends were astonished, and asked the reason for his tears. ‘Do you not think,’ said he, ‘that it is a matter of sorrow that while Alexander, at my age, was already king of so many peoples, I have as yet achieved no brilliant success?’”1 This story captivated my imagination and stuck with me throughout my middle and high school years. Once at college, I decided to write a thesis on Alexander to better understand the one man capable of breeding thoughts of inadequacy in Caesar. This work is in many ways a tribute to both Caesar and Alexander. More pointedly, it is an exploration into the designs of a man at the feet of whom lay the whole world. This paper has meant a lot to me. I want to thank all those who made it possible. First and foremost, my undying gratitude goes to Professor Steven Hirsch, who has helped me navigate the difficult process of researching and writing this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Reading Athenaios' Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition And
    Reading Athenaios’ Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition and Commentaries DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Corey M. Hackworth Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Fritz Graf, Advisor Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Carolina López-Ruiz 1 Copyright by Corey M. Hackworth 2015 2 Abstract This dissertation is a study of the Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo that was found at Delphi in 1893, and since attributed to Athenaios. It is believed to have been performed as part of the Athenian Pythaïdes festival in the year 128/7 BCE. After a brief introduction to the hymn, I provide a survey and history of the most important editions of the text. I offer a new critical edition equipped with a detailed apparatus. This is followed by an extended epigraphical commentary which aims to describe the history of, and arguments for and and against, readings of the text as well as proposed supplements and restorations. The guiding principle of this edition is a conservative one—to indicate where there is uncertainty, and to avoid relying on other, similar, texts as a resource for textual restoration. A commentary follows, which traces word usage and history, in an attempt to explore how an audience might have responded to the various choices of vocabulary employed throughout the text. Emphasis is placed on Athenaios’ predilection to utilize new words, as well as words that are non-traditional for Apolline narrative. The commentary considers what role prior word usage (texts) may have played as intertexts, or sources of poetic resonance in the ears of an audience.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dancing Floor of Ares Local Conflict and Regional Violence in Central Greece
    The Dancing Floor of Ares Local Conflict and Regional Violence in Central Greece Edited by Fabienne Marchand and Hans Beck ANCIENT HISTORY BULLETIN Supplemental Volume 1 (2020) ISSN 0835-3638 Edited by: Edward Anson, Catalina Balmaceda, Monica D’Agostini, Andrea Gatzke, Alex McAuley, Sabine Müller, Nadini Pandey, John Vanderspoel, Connor Whatley, Pat Wheatley Senior Editor: Timothy Howe Assistant Editor: Charlotte Dunn Contents 1 Hans Beck and Fabienne Marchand, Preface 2 Chandra Giroux, Mythologizing Conflict: Memory and the Minyae 21 Laetitia Phialon, The End of a World: Local Conflict and Regional Violence in Mycenaean Boeotia? 46 Hans Beck, From Regional Rivalry to Federalism: Revisiting the Battle of Koroneia (447 BCE) 63 Salvatore Tufano, The Liberation of Thebes (379 BC) as a Theban Revolution. Three Case Studies in Theban Prosopography 86 Alex McAuley, Kai polemou kai eirenes: Military Magistrates at War and at Peace in Hellenistic Boiotia 109 Roy van Wijk, The centrality of Boiotia to Athenian defensive strategy 138 Elena Franchi, Genealogies and Violence. Central Greece in the Making 168 Fabienne Marchand, The Making of a Fetter of Greece: Chalcis in the Hellenistic Period 189 Marcel Piérart, La guerre ou la paix? Deux notes sur les relations entre les Confédérations achaienne et béotienne (224-180 a.C.) Preface The present collection of papers stems from two one-day workshops, the first at McGill University on November 9, 2017, followed by another at the Université de Fribourg on May 24, 2018. Both meetings were part of a wider international collaboration between two projects, the Parochial Polis directed by Hans Beck in Montreal and now at Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, and Fabienne Marchand’s Swiss National Science Foundation Old and New Powers: Boiotian International Relations from Philip II to Augustus.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexander's Successors
    Perdiccas, 323-320 Antigonus (western Asia Minor) 288-285 Antipater (Macedonia) 301, after Ipsus Lysimachus (Anatolia, Thrace) Archon (Babylon) Lysimachus (Anatolia, Thrace) Ptolemy (Egypt) Asander (Caria) Ptolemy (Egypt) Seleucus (Babylonia, N. Syria) Persia to Alexander the Great Atropates (northern Media) 315-311 Alexander’s Seleucus (Babylonia, N. Syria) Eumenes (Cappadocia, Pontus) vs. 318-316 Cassander Cassander (Macedonia) Laomedon (Syria) Lysimachus Daniel 11:1-4 Antigonus Demetrius (Cyprus, Tyre, Demetrius (Macedonia, Cyprus, Leonnatus (Phrygia) Ptolemy Successors Cassander Sidon, Agaean islands) Tyre, Sidon, Agaean islands) Lysimachus (Thrace) Peithon Seleucus Menander (Lydia) Ptolemy Bythinia Bythinia Olympias (Epirus) vs. 332-260 BC Seleucus Epirus Epirus “And now I will tell you the truth. Behold, three more kings are going to arise Peithon (southern Media) Antigonus Greece Greece Philippus (Bactria) vs. Aristodemus Heraclean kingdom Heraclean kingdom Ptolemy (Egypt) Demetrius in Persia. Then a fourth will gain far more riches than all of them; as soon as Eumenes Paeonia Paeonia Stasanor (Aria) Nearchus Olympias Pontus Pontus and others . Peithon Polyperchon Rhodes Rhodes he becomes strong through his riches, he will arouse the whole empire against the realm of Greece. And a mighty king will arise, and he will rule with great authority and do as he pleases.” (Dan 11:2-3) 320 330310 300 290 280 270 260 250 Antipater, 320-319 Alcetas and Attalus (Pisidia ) Antigenes (Susiana) Antigonus (army in Asia) Arrhidaeus (Phrygia) Cassander
    [Show full text]
  • CROSSJNG the STRAITS: the PERSIANS in THRACE' Jan P. Stronk Tn Or Shortly Before 5131, King Darius Collected a Large Fleet From
    TALANTA XXX-XXXJ (1998-1999) CROSSJNG THE STRAITS: THE PERSIANS IN THRACE' Jan P. Stronk Tn or shortly before 5131, King Darius collected a large fleet from among the Greek cities in Asia Minor and sent it to the Pontic coast. A Greek engineer, Mandrocles, constructed a boat-bridge across the Bosporus. As Herodotus states (Hdt. IV.87), two marble memorial ste­ lae commemorated this feat in Greek and "Assyrian characters", by which he can have meant Old Persian, Elamite, or Akkadian. The Persian army crossed the bridge and entered Thrace, following the fleet. People from the West Pontic coast until the Ister, including Greek colonies and Thracian tribes, submitted to the Persians without resist­ ance. Without problems the army continued its march to the Ister. Meanwhile a pontoon bridge had been constructed across the river. Darius crossed the Danube and started a campaign against the Scythians of the South Russian steppes. As Bury puts it: "Cyrus had conquered the eastern coasts of the Mediterranean; Cambyses had completed and secured that conquest on the south side by the subjec­ tion of Egypt; it remained for Darius to complete and secure his empire on the north side by the reduction of Thrace" (Bury 1970, 238). A key function in this policy was preserved for "The Straits", the Bosporus and the Dardanelles. Control of the Straits was in more than one respect important for Persia. First because the Straits connected rather than divided the Thracians living on either sides of the Straits (cf. Stronk 1995, 59-60), second because mastery of the Straits facili­ tated the hegemony of the Ionian states in the Euxine region,2 third * In 1994, I submitted a paper with this title to the Thracia Pontica VI conference at Soz.opol (Bulgaria).
    [Show full text]
  • A Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins
    CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Cornell University Library CJ 237.H64 A handbook of Greek and Roman coins. 3 1924 021 438 399 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924021438399 f^antilioofcs of glrcfjaeologj) anU Antiquities A HANDBOOK OF GREEK AND ROMAN COINS A HANDBOOK OF GREEK AND ROMAN COINS G. F. HILL, M.A. OF THE DEPARTMENT OF COINS AND MEDALS IN' THE bRITISH MUSEUM WITH FIFTEEN COLLOTYPE PLATES Hon&on MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY l8 99 \_All rights reserved'] ©jcforb HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE The attempt has often been made to condense into a small volume all that is necessary for a beginner in numismatics or a young collector of coins. But success has been less frequent, because the knowledge of coins is essentially a knowledge of details, and small treatises are apt to be un- readable when they contain too many references to particular coins, and unprofltably vague when such references are avoided. I cannot hope that I have passed safely between these two dangers ; indeed, my desire has been to avoid the second at all risk of encountering the former. At the same time it may be said that this book is not meant for the collector who desires only to identify the coins which he happens to possess, while caring little for the wider problems of history, art, mythology, and religion, to which coins sometimes furnish the only key.
    [Show full text]