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Insights Into a Translucent Name Bead* INSIGHTS INTO A TRANSLUCENT NAME BEAD* [PLANCHES XIII-XIV] BY PETER PAMMINGER Institut für Ägyptologie der Johannes-Gutenberg-Universität Saarstr. 21 (Campus) D-55099 MAINZ Recently, while visiting a private collection in Belgium, I became aware of a rock- crystal bead of quite distinctive qualities, which might once have belonged to the royal entourage of the 25th dynasty King Piye. The object was acquired not long ago on the art market, unfortunately without any proof of provenance. Its owner was kind enough to grant me permission to publish it. The bead itself (diameter 1.8 to 2.5 cm) has been drilled through (the hole 1.0 to 1.1 cm wide), embodying a sheet of gold in its core. One side of the surface being decorated with a raised cartouche bearing the inscription Mn-Ìpr-R{, the opposite side depicting a vulture1 who is carrying in each claw a symbol of {nÌ. Inbetween these two motives are situated two raised circular dots, each obviously representing a sun-disc (fig. + pl. XIII). * Abbreviations generally in accordance with Helck, W. und W. Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie (=LÄ), vol. VII, 1989, p. IX-XXXVIII. In addition: — RMT: Regio Museo di Torino. — Andrews, Jewellery I: C.A.R. Andrews, Jewellery I. From the Earliest Times to the Seventeenth Dynasty. Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum VI, 1981. — Hall, Royal Scarabs: H.R.(H.) Hall, Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, etc., in the British Museum. Vol. I: Royal Scarabs, 1913. — Jaeger, OBO SA 2: B. Jaeger, Essai de classification et datation des scarabées Menkhéperrê (OBO SA 2), 1982. — Kaplony, Rollsiegel II: P. Kaplony, Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reichs II (MonAeg 3), 1981. — Kitchen, TIP: K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-650 BC), 1972, 21986. — Matouk, Scarabée I+II: F.S. Matouk, Corpus du scarabée Égyptien, vol. I+II, (1971 + 1977). — Ward, Sacred Beetle: J. Ward, The Sacred Beetle, 1902. I am indebted to Allison and Harry for correcting my English, to Sabine Hornung for the drawing, once more to Matthias Rochholz for his tireless efforts in preparing the typescript of this paper and last, but not least, to Heike Schmidt for kindly discussing various aspects of the subject. 1 Cf. e.g. the vulture designs Matouk, Scarabée II, p. 133-134 (965-978, 59), p. 347 (664-675), dated exclusively to the NK. RdE 46 (1995) 150 P. PAMMINGER The designation Mn-Ìpr-R{, emerging at first as prenomen of Thutmose III, remained for various reasons en vogue till the Ptolemaic Period. Soon it became an acrophonetic writing for the god Amun2 and as written with a scarab, reflecting the beetle as an incarnation of the sun-god. Therefore the Mn-Ìpr-R{ scarabs brought to effect an allusive designation of ‘Imn-R{, the god who came into being (Ìpr) perpetual3. The Theban highpriest Menkheperre of the 21st dyn. as well as the 25th dyn. local ruler Necho I adopted the name, but also apparently King Piye. As we will see, he seems to be the most likely candidate for this rock-crystal bead. For Piye, Mn-Ìpr-R{ constitutes the first of his three different prenomen — the others being subsequently (the common) Wsr-m{.t-R{ and Snfr-R{ 4 —, hence linking him to the great pharaohs of the 4th, 18th and 19th dyn. respectively, symbols of a golden (and repeat- able) age5. That these three different prenomen refer to one and the same person is a view nowadays generally accepted6 and already proposed for a length of time7, although they have once been the main criteria to distinguish several different ‘Piye’8. Most probably these prenomen reflect the political career of Piye9, who started at Gebel Barkal as a new ‘Thutmose III’, later, by conquering Egypt proper, he turned into a ‘Ramesses II’ and finally he linked himself with one of the ancient heroes after having seized the resisting Memphis10. Thus, he became not only a living incarnation of these great predecessors, but ‘the timeless image of Pharaoh’11 par excellence. Due to its imaginative possibilities of interpretations, the designation Mn-Ìpr-R{ was used e.g. by Piye’s successor, Shabataka (Dunham’s Shebitku), alternately with his own prenomen ∆d-k(.w)-R{, inscribed on a faience necklace from the burial of one of his horses12, 2 Et. Drioton, BSFE 19 (1955), p. 64-66; E.Hornung and E. Staehelin (eds.), Skarabäen und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen (ÄDS l), 1976, p. 175; B. Schlick-Nolte and V. von Droste zu Hülshoff, Liebieghaus - Frankfurt am Main, Ägyptische Bildwerke vol. I: Skarabäen, Amulette und Schmuck, 1990, p. 24. 3 H. Satzinger, Studia Aegyptiaca I (Fs Wessetzky), 1974, p. 331, 332. 4 Cf. J. v. Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen (MÄS 20), 1984, p. 269; K. Priese, ZÄS 98 (1970), p. 24. 5 On Thutmose III and Ramesses II it seems superfluous to cite references, but for Snofru lastly see R. Ventura, in: S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Pharaonic Egypt. The Bible and Christianity, 1985, p. 278-288 and Graefe, in: S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, vol. I, 1990, p. 257-263. 6 Cf. e.g, Kitchen, TIP, p. 153 (§124), 359 (§321), 589 (Table *4). 7 J. Lecant, s.v. Pi(anchi), LÄ IV, col. 1045 w.n. 7 (for references); J.v. Beckerath, MDAIK 24 (1969), p. 58-62. 8 Cf. e.g. F. Petrie, A History of Egypt, vol. III, 31925, p. 268-277, 290-291, 292-294; BAR IV, §941; LR IV, 2-4, 24, 50-52. 9 J. v. Beckerath, MDAIK 24 (1969), p. 62. 10 For the OK links of the Kushite rulers with the Memphite area in general cf. J. Leclant, Mél.Mar., p. 282-83; K. Mysliwiec, Ramesside Traditions in the Arts of the Third Intermediate Period, in: E. Bleiberg and R. Freed (eds.), Frag- ments of a Shattered Visage (Monographs of the Institute of Egyptian Art and Archaeology I), 1991 (1993), p. 112. 11 L. Török in: W.V. Davies (ed.), Egypt and Africa. Nubia from Prehistory to Islam, 21993, p. 195. 12 Ku.209 - RCK I, p. 113 (19-4-71), ill. pl.68.A2; cf. too Ku.210 = op.cit., p. 113 (19-4-91); both cited quite often, but not always with corresponding historical conclusions, cf. e.g. J. Leclant / J. Yoyotte, BIFAO 51 (1952), p. 35 n. 3; v. Becke- rath, MDAIK 24 (1969), p. 59 w.n. 8, p. 61 (bottom); Kitchen, TIP, p. 153 (§124); Jaeger, OBO SA 2, p. 247 (§1512) w.n. 987+988, p. 248-249 (§1517-1518 - Nos. 2764+2765); Leclant, LÄ IV, col. 1050 n. 34; R. Giveon, Egyptian Scarabs from Western Asia from the Collections of The British Museum (OBO SA 3), 1985, p. 168 (6.d). RdE 46 (1995) INSIGHTS INTO A TRANSLUCENT NAME BEAD 151 recalling thus too, most probably, that his predecessor triumphed over Egypt primarily as heir of his father Amun13. This traditional Egyptian relationship may even have been the fore- most reason for Piye to choose this prenomen. From the time of Ramesses II on, Thutmose III was regarded as a conquerer by the grace of Amun — a conception established in that king’s reign14. Revived by Piye, he composed other elements of his titulary also according to the dogmatic claims of Thutmose III15. Certainly this can be seen in correspondence to a ‘search for the best traditions of the past’, as stated recently for the TIP in general by Mysliwiec16. It is in this time that the skilled arts flourished, developing a new style by linking ‘Kushite’ and ‘Egyptian’ elements. For some of the most staggering objects rock-crystal17 was used, a material favoured since predynastic times to create small-scale treasures, mainly ritual vessels18, animal representations19 or beads for jewellery20. Most of these 13 Cf. the Piankhi Stela, passim (esp. lines 13, 24, 84-85, 92-93). The (‘coronation’) stela No. 26 (= Khartoum 1851), G.A. Reisner, ZÄS 66 (1931), p. 92 (lines 17-24). 14 R. Moftah, Studien zum ägyptischen Königsdogma im Neuen Reich (SDAIK 20), 1985, p. 84 – but already indicated in his own time, cf. e.g. the Gebel Barkal Stela, Urk. IV, 1227-1243 passim (e.g. 1237.17 or 1239.5-7). 15 Reisner, ZÄS 66 (1931), p. 93; Priese, ZÄS 98 (1970), p. 24; Kitchen, TIP, p. 359 (§321). A further element cites Mentuhotep II (zm t.wí). 16 Mysliwiec, loc.cit. (n. 10), p. 108. 17 W. Helck, s.v. Bergkristall, LÄ I, co1. 709-710; J.R. Harris, Minerals, 1961, p. 110-111; A. Lucas, Materials, 1962, p. 402-403; Th. De Putter and Ch. Karlshausen, Les pierres utilisées dans la sculpture et l’architecture de l’Égypte pharaonique, 1992, p. 132-133. 18 A. El-Khouli, Egyptian Stone Vessels Predynastic to Dynasty III, 1978, vol. II, p. 845 (index) lists alone for this period 78 crystal vessels (4153 read: 4154; 5893 read: 5793; 5894 read: 5794). Worthy of notice seems to be a small crys- tal vessel of an uncertain date in London, UC (unpublished, without Inv. No. and known provenance, but on exhibition in case J 7). It is inscribed on the outside ( Ìtp-∂j-nj-sw.t r n†r.w) and probably a separate base was intended to be inserted into the vessel due to the hole that has been drilled through it. 19 Cf. from earliest times e.g. the frog Munich, ÄS 5567 = H.W. Müller, MJbK 3. Folge, vol. 21 (1970), p. 182 fig. 3, p. 185 (ex coll.
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