What Price Sovereignty?
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Why Canada Should Join the EU TIMOTHY GARTON ASH
Developed by Jean Monnet Project Studying EU in Canadian High Schools www.carleton.ca/ces/EULearning Teacher’s Attachment B The following summary has been published by The Globe and Mail and available at the newspaper website https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/why-canada-should-join-the- eu/article1105523/ 1. ____________________________________________________________________________ OPINION Why Canada should join the EU TIMOTHY GARTON ASH PUBLISHED JUNE 29, 2006 UPDATED APRIL 23, 2018 Driving through Toronto earlier this week I saw a shiny black 4x4 with an English flag sticking out of one side window and a German flag out of the other. Presumably a Canadian family of mixed English and German origin, so rooting for both teams in the World Cup. A little later I saw a car with the Portuguese flag on one side and the Italian on the other. It occurred to me that this pretty much sums up what we've been trying to achieve in Europe since the Second World War. Welcome to the European Union -- in Canada. In fact, why doesn't the European Union invite Canada to join at once? In most respects, it would be a much easier fit than Ukraine, let alone Turkey. It effortlessly meets the EU's so-called Copenhagen criteria for membership, including democratic government, the rule of law, a well-regulated market economy and respect for minority rights. (Canada's a world leader on that.) Canada is rich, so would be a much-needed net contributor to the EU budget, at a time when the Union has been taking in lots of poorer states. -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
American Exceptionalism at a Crossroads
American Exceptionalism at a Crossroads Seongjong Song The main goal of this research is to review and examine how the narrative of American exceptionalism has evolved over time, inter alia, in different admini- strations of the United States. The frequency in the usage of “American exceptionalism,” which came into use during the twentieth century, has increased exponentially for the last couple of years. The term, which began as a beacon of light and democracy as envisioned in John Winthrop’s “a City upon a Hill” in 1630 has undergone significant changes over the last four cen- turies. American exceptionalism has been used to justify a variety of purpos- es, from territorial expansion, Wilsonian idealism, a global crusade against an “Evil Empire,” to a preemptive strategy, and even as a political weapon for punishing opponents. Lastly, especially in view of the ongoing war on terror- ism, three prominent strands of American exceptionalism are discussed: exemplarism, expansionism and exemptionalism. Key Words: American exceptionalism, foreign policy, ‘shining city on a hill,’ Manifest Destiny, Wilsonianism, Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama, Bush Doctrine, exemplarism, expansionism, exemption- alism merican exceptionalism” is at a crossroads. What started out as a beacon “A of democracy and freedom in John Winthrop’s 1630 sermon “a City upon a Hill,” the term has evolved over a lengthy period of time spanning close to four centuries, during which it has been intermingled and imbued with distinct strands of narratives such as exemplarism, expansionism and exemptionalism. History came full circle when Russian President Vladimir Putin admonished President Obama for evoking “American exceptionalism” as a pretext to launch a military strike against Syria; a phrase, ironically, that had been invented by one *Seongjong Song ([email protected]) is a Visiting Professor at Chungnam National University. -
Dr. Cathal J. Nolan
DR. CATHAL J. NOLAN International History Institute, Boston University 725 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston, Massachusetts 02215 Phone: (617) 353-1165 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] TEACHING AND RESEARCH POSITIONS 1999-> Associate Professor of History, Boston University Executive Director, International History Institute Faculty Associate, Center for International Relations 1995-99 Assistant to the President, Research Associate Professor, International Relations, Boston University 1991-95 Assistant Professor, International Relations, University of British Columbia Research Associate, Institute of International Relations, University of British Columbia, funded (1993-1995), Cooperative Security Program, Department of Foreign Affairs, Canada 1990-91 Assistant Professor, International Relations, Miami University 1989-90 Assistant Professor, International Relations, St. Francis Xavier University 1985-86 External Consultant, Policy Development and Research Division, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), Government of Canada, Ottawa. Researched and wrote two “For the Minister” reports on human rights issues in development aid programs (classified). 1982-83 Researcher & Writer, Wandel Education Ltd., Toronto. 1978-80 Canadian University Service Overseas (CUSO): teaching and & development aid, Kazaure, Kano State, Nigeria. EDUCATION Ph.D. International History and International Relations: University of Toronto, 1989. Minor Field: Political Philosophy. Research language: French. Thesis: National Security and the Idea of Liberty in Democratic -
A 'Reference Culture'
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR HISTORY, CULTURE AND MODERNITY www.history-culture-modernity.org Published by: Uopen Journals Copyright: © The Author(s). Content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence eISSN: 2213-0624 A ‘Reference Culture’ That Divides. America and the Politics of Change in the West From Nietzsche to Soft Power David W. Ellwood HCM 3 (3): 35–52 DOI: 10.18352/hcm.493 Abstract This article seeks to demonstrate that America’s unique ability to invent models of ‘modernity’ lies at the heart of its continuing role as a ‘reference culture’. However, this forceful and dynamic reality has a profoundly dividing effect on every society with which it comes into contact. The consequent cleavages, I suggest, are an enduring outcome of any engagement with America’s power as a reference culture of modernity. Keywords: cleavage, innovation, modernity, soft power Introduction This discussion comes in three parts. In the first I briefly look at the con- cept of ‘reference cultures’, assuming that the kind of reference mecha- nism we are talking about is not simply the perceptions and traditional ways of thinking which identify Greece with the foundations of western philosophy, Italy with the heritage of Rome, India with Hinduism, or Brazil with soccer, but is in some way a model or orientation point for patterns of change, innovation, modernity, whether ‘good’ or ‘bad’, ‘progressive’ or otherwise. In the second part I survey the key formative moments in America’s role as a ‘reference culture’, from the start of the twentieth century HCM 2015, VOL. 3, no. -
THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities
Research project funded by the NATO Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council Individual Research Fellowships – 2000-2002 Programme FINAL REPORT PEACE AND DEMOCRACY: THE REDISCOVERED LINK THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities Sonia Lucarelli Author’s addresses: Sonia Lucarelli, PhD Jean Monnet Fellow Forum on the Problems of Peace and War Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Via G.P.Orsini 44 European University Institute I-50126 Firenze - Italy Via dei Roccettini 9 tel. (+39)055.6800165 I -50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) - Italy Tel. (+39)055.4685.828; Fax (+39)055.4685.804 e-mail: [email protected] FINAL REPORT PEACE AND DEMOCRACY: THE REDISCOVERED LINK THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities Sonia Lucarelli ABSTRACT Since the beginning of the last decade, the major actors of the Western European security community have been putting increasing or new emphasis on the need to develop liberal democracy as a form of foreign and/or security policy in the post-bipolar era. Apparently rediscovering the theory of democratic peace of Kantian memory, all institutions of the so- called European security architecture, plus the US, have dedicated a substantial part of their redefined (external) role to democratisation. This (re)discovered emphasis has clearly been a response to post-bipolar security (lack of clearly defined) challenges but has had implications that have gone beyond the specific interests of each actor involved. The discourse and practice of democracy-export has in fact contributed to creating the conditions for the definition of a system of democratic security communities characterised by different degrees of maturity and tightness (Adler & Barnett 1998), but with a common sense of “us”: liberal democracy. -
The Concept of Security Communities, As One of the Aforementioned Formulations
REVISITING SECURITY COMMUNITIES AFTER THE COLD WAR : THE CONSTRUCTIVIST PERSPECTIVE Hasan Ulusoy* History shows that ‘security, whether defined narrowly or widely, is a scarce commodity’.1 Therefore, it is generally observed that in face of security threat perceptions, states feel the necessity to combine their efforts to strengthen their own security by acting together. This brings us to the concept of collective security, which has been widely debated in the literature of international relations, both in practice and in theory, during which scholars have attempted to provide several formulations to ensure collective security, in the context of international relations theory. This articles revolves around the concept of security communities, as one of the aforementioned formulations. It will focus on the concept in view of theoretical perspectives, in which the constructivist approach will be the main emphasis, with a view to assessing the viability of security communities at the global level 2 in the post-Cold War context. The study, which aspires to examine the theoretical and empirical viability of security communities at global level in view of constructivist approach, is in fact three-fold. * First Secretary, Embassy of the Republic of Turkey, Bern, Switzerland. Ulusoy is also a Phd candidate in the fields of international security. 1 J.C. Garnett, ‘Introduction: Conflict and Security in the new world order’, in M.J. Davis, ed., Security Issues in the Post-Cold War, (Edward Elgar, London, 1996), p.10. 2 Related studies generally argue for the existence of regional formations in different parts of the world that can be regarded as security communities. -
The European Union's Transatlantic Relationship
The European Union’s Transatlantic Relationship EU Diplomacy Papers 2 / 2006 Günter Burghardt Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies www.coleurope.eu Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies EU Diplomacy Papers 2/2006 The European Union's Transatlantic Relationship Günter Burghardt © Günter Burghardt 2006 Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Günter Burghardt About the Author Dr. Günter Burghardt served as the European Union’s Ambassador in Washington, DC, from 1999 to 2004. Earlier, he had held positions at the European Commission as Political Director and Director General for External Relations as well as Deputy Chief of Staff of Commission President Jacques Delors. Dr. Burghardt teaches as a guest professor at the College of Europe in Bruges and at the European Institute of the Law Faculty of Ghent University. He joined the transatlantic law firm of Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw LLP as a Senior Counsel. Editorial Team: Nike Bönnen, Mathieu Briens, Sieglinde Gstöhl, Dieter Mahncke, Kevin O'Connell Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Views expressed in the EU Diplomacy Papers are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect positions of either the series editors or the College of Europe. 2 EU Diplomacy Papers 2/2006 Abstract Since its inception post-World War II, the European unification process has been embedded within a strong transatlantic dimension [Marshall-Plan, Truman/ EisenhowerMonnet, Kennedy/Hallstein]. -
Europe and the Vanishing Two-State Solution
EUROPE AND THE VANISHING TWO-STATE SOLUTION Nick Witney ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: •A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over two hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. • A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Sofia and Warsaw. In the future ECFR plans to open an office in Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. ECFR is a registered charity funded by the Open Society Foundations and other generous foundations, individuals and corporate entities. -
EU-US Future Forum 2021: a Path Forward for Transatlantic Relations
Atlantic Council EUROPE CENTER ISSUE BRIEF EU-US Future Forum 2021: A path forward for transatlantic relations AUGUST 2021 BENJAMIN HADDAD, JÖRN FLECK, LIVIA GODAERT, MICHAELA NAKAYAMA SHAPIRO INTRODUCTION This report is written a few days after US President Joe Biden’s first interna- tional trip, to Europe, where he notably attended the first EU-US Summit in seven years. The summit led to concrete realizations, including the creation of a Trade and Tech Council and a suspension of the Airbus-Boeing dispute. But just as importantly, it spurred new momentum to shape an ambitious transat- lantic agenda to face common challenges: an assertive China, the COVID-19 pandemic and the need for subsequent economic recovery, climate change, technological change, and growing authoritarianism. Beyond the positive de- velopments coming out of the summit, the real test lies ahead: can we forge the policies, norms, and standards that will once again make the transatlantic relationship a force for the defense of liberal democracy across the world? Engaging in constant dialogue between policy makers, experts, and the pri- vate sector will be critical to the success of this endeavor. The Europe Center conducts From May 5 to 7, the Atlantic Council’s Europe Center and the EU Delegation research and uses real-time to the United States partnered to organize the first EU-US Future Forum commentary and analysis to (EUFF), a three-day open conference bringing together policy makers, ex- guide the actions and strategy of perts, and the private sector to address the key challenges facing the transat- key transatlantic decisionmakers lantic relationship in the coming decades.