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ETHIOPIA: the Situation of Human Rights Defenders from Bad to Worse
THE OBSERVATORY for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders L’OBSERVATOIRE EL OBSERVATORIO pour la protection para la Protección des défenseurs des droits de l’Homme de los Defensores de los Derechos Humanos Report International Mission of Judicial Observation ETHIOPIA: The Situation of Human Rights Defenders From Bad to Worse INTRODUCTION . 5 I. THE MAY 2005 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND THE WAVES OF VIOLENCE TRIGGERED . 9 II. THE ”TREASON” TRIAL. 15 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS . 24 ANNEXES . 26 International Federation for Human Rights World Organisation Against Torture 17, Passage de la Main d'Or75 011 Case postale 21 - 8 rue du Vieux-Billard Paris, France 1211 Geneva 8, Switzerland n°463/2 - December 2006 ETHIOPIA: The Situation of Human Rights Defenders From Bad to Worse TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION . 5 A. Rationale and objectives of the mission . 5 B. Working methods and definitions. 5 C. Ethiopia in a nutshell . 6 1) General data. 6 2) History . 7 I. THE MAY 2005 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND THE WAVES OF VIOLENCE TRIGGERED . 9 A. The pre-election context . 9 The constitutional right of NGOs to monitor the elections under threat . 9 B. The May 2005 elections . 9 1) The fairness of the elections under question . 10 2) The Controversial official results . 10 C. The June events . 10 D. The November Events . 11 E. The Inquiry Commission and its controversial findings . 12 1) Composition and mandate of the Inquiry Commission . 12 2) The findings of the "leaked report": the use of excessive force led to the death of 193 civilians . 12 3) The findings of the official report: same civilian death poll but no use of excessive force. -
Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13 -
Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Guinea 2019 Human Rights Report
GUINEA 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Guinea is a constitutional democratic republic in the early stages of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule. In 2015 President Alpha Conde won re-election with 58 percent of the vote. The election was generally regarded as free and fair. Legislative elections, last held in 2013 and scheduled for the end of 2018, have been delayed indefinitely. Municipal elections, originally scheduled for 2010, took place in February 2018. The elections were generally considered free and fair, despite allegations of fraud. Protests erupted throughout the country following the release of the results, and opposition parties alleged the ruling party, the Guinean People’s Assembly, conspired to commit voter fraud. The Ministry of Defense oversees the gendarmerie, and the Ministry of Security oversees the National Police. The gendarmerie and National Police share responsibility for internal security, but only the gendarmerie can arrest police or military officials. The army is responsible for external security but also has some domestic security responsibilities. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. Noteworthy human rights issues included: alleged torture by government security forces to extract confessions; arbitrary arrest and excessive use of force by government security personnel; significant problems with the independence of the judiciary; restrictions on free expression and the press; substantial interference with the rights of peaceful assembly and freedom of association; endemic corruption at all levels of government; frequent rape and violence against women and girls, which rarely led to prosecution; criminalization of same-sex sexual conduct; and forced labor, including forced child labor. Impunity by government authorities remained a problem. -
The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt
Internal Occupation: The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt Allison Spencer Hartnett, Nicholas J. Lotito, and Elizabeth R. Nugent* April 10, 2020 Abstract Robust coercive apparatuses are credited for the Middle East’s uniquely persistent authoritarianism, but little work exists analyzing their origins. In this paper, we present an original theory regarding the origins of coercive institutions in contemporary authoritarian regimes like those in the Middle East. Weargue that post-independence authoritarian coercive capabilities are shaped by pre-independence institution-building, largely dictated by the interests of colonial powers who dictated state develop- ment projects. We depart from existing general theories about the origins of coercive institutions, in which authoritarian leaders have full autonomy in constructing coercive institutions when they come to power, and in which the military is the primary source of the state’s institution. Instead, we argue that authoritarian leaders coming to power in the twentieth century, after major state building occurred, inherit states with certain pre-determined resources and capabilities, and coercive institu- tions. We support our theory with district-level census data from Egypt. Matching districts surveyed in 1897, the rst census conducted under British rule, with those from the last pre-revolution census in 1947, we nd that districts with higher levels of foreigners in the rst decades of colonial rule are more heavily policed on the eve of independence. In later drafts, we will test our hypotheses that these early allocations of the coercive apparatus persisted under post-colonial authoritarian regimes using data on arrests from 2013. *Citations are welcome but please do not distribute without express permission from the authors. -
UN Security Council, Children and Armed Conflict in the DRC, Report of the Secretary General, October
United Nations S/2020/1030 Security Council Distr.: General 19 October 2020 Original: English Children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Report of the Secretary-General Summary The present report, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1612 (2005) and subsequent resolutions, is the seventh report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It covers the period from 1 January 2018 to 31 March 2020 and the information provided focuses on the six grave violations committed against children, the perpetrators thereof and the context in which the violations took place. The report sets out the trends and patterns of grave violations against children by all parties to the conflict and provides details on progress made in addressing grave violations against children, including through action plan implementation. The report concludes with a series of recommendations to end and prevent grave violations against children in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and improve the protection of children. 20-13818 (E) 171120 *2013818* S/2020/1030 I. Introduction 1. The present report, submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1612 (2005) and subsequent resolutions, is the seventh report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and covers the period from 1 January 2018 to 31 March 2020. It contains information on the trends and patterns of grave violations against children since the previous report (S/2018/502) and an outline of the progress and challenges since the adoption by the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict of its conclusions on children and armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in July 2018 (S/AC.51/2018/2). -
Policy Briefing
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°91 Kinshasa/Nairobi/Brussels, 4 October 2012. Translation from French Eastern Congo: Why Stabilisation Failed government improves political dialogue and governance in I. OVERVIEW both the administration and in the army in the east, as rec- ommended by Crisis Group on several previous occasions. Since Bosco Ntaganda’s mutiny in April 2012 and the sub- sequent creation of the 23 March rebel movement (M23), In the short term, this crisis can be dealt with through the violence has returned to the Kivus. However today’s crisis following initiatives: bears the same hallmarks as yesterday’s, a consequence of the failure to implement the 2008 framework for resolu- the negotiation and monitoring of a ceasefire between tion of the conflict. Rather than effectively implementing the Congolese authorities and the M23 by the UN; the 23 March 2009 peace agreement signed by the gov- the reactivation of an effective and permanent joint ver- ernment and the CNDP (National Council for the Defence ification mechanism for the DRC and Rwandan border, of the People), the Congolese authorities have instead only as envisaged by the ICGLR, which should be provided feigned the integration of the CNDP into political institu- with the necessary technical and human resources; tions, and likewise the group appears to have only pretend- ed to integrate into the Congolese army. Furthermore in the addition of the individuals and entities that support- the absence of the agreed army reform, military pressure ed the M23 and other armed groups to the UN sanctions on armed groups had only a temporary effect and, more- list and the consideration of an embargo on weapons over, post-conflict reconstruction has not been accompa- sales to Rwanda; nied by essential governance reforms and political dia- the joint evaluation of the 23 March 2009 agreement logue. -
[Tunisia, 2013-2015] Tunisia
Case Study Series Women in Peace & Transition Processes: [Tunisia, 2013-2015] December 2019 Name of process Tunisia Constituent Assembly (2013-2015) and National Dialogue Type of process Constitution-making The role of women in resolving Tunisia’s post-“Arab Spring” political crisis, which and political reform peaked in 2013, was limited, but not insignificant. Institutionalized influence Modality of women's was very limited: there was no formal inclusion of women’s groups in the main inclusion: negotiations of the 2013/2014 National Dialogue and the influence of organized • Consultations advocacy was also limited in the pre-negotiation and implementation phases. • Inclusive commission For example, the women’s caucus formed in the Tunisian National Constituent • Mass mobilization Assembly (Tunisia’s Parliament from the end of 2011 to 2014, hereafter NCA) Women’s influence could not prevail over party politics and was not institutionalized. However, in the process: individual women played decisive roles in all three phases: one of the four main Moderate influence due to: civil society mediators, who not only facilitated the main negotiations, but also • + The progressive legislation in initiated the dialogue process and held consultations to determine the agenda Tunisia on women's rights and in the pre-negotiation phase, was a woman, (Ouided Bouchamaoui President political participation of the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Crafts (UTICA), from 2011 • + The influential role and status to 2018). A small number of women represented political parties in the of individual women negotiations of the National Dialogue. And women were active in consultations • - The lack of organized and group-specific women's and commissions concerning the National Dialogue, before, in parallel or after involvement the main negotiation period, for example in the consensus committee of the • - The involvement of relatively National Constituent Assembly. -
Dismantling Dissent Intensified Crackdown on Free Speech in Ethiopia
DISMANTLING DISSENT INTENSIFIED CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH IN ETHIOPIA Amnesty International Publications First published in 2011 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2011 Index: AFR 25/011/2011 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. CONTENTS Summary ..........................................................................................................................5 -
Erkenntnisliste Guinea
GUINEA (Stand: 28. April 2021) Dem Gericht liegen folgende Auskünfte und Erkenntnisse vor, die für die Entscheidung von Bedeutung sein können: 2001 Amnesty International Jahresbericht 2001 Dt. Botschaft v. 04.01.2001 Behandlung von HIV, verfügbare Medikamente Auswärtiges Amt v. 24.1.2001 (- RPG, Behandlung in Haft, Rückkehrergefahren 36579) Auswärtiges Amt v. 14.02.2001 Behandelbarkeit psych. Erkrankungen, Kliniken, Hôpital National Donka Auswärtiges Amt v. 27.2.2001 (- Gefängnis Sureté/Conakry 37054) IAK v. 01.03.2001 RPG, Alpha Conde; Sippenhaft nicht auszuschließen; Waise; keine staatliche Unterstützung Auswärtiges Amt v. 09.3.2001 Versorgung von Gefängnisinsassen; Überwachung des (514-516.80/37397) Briefverkehrs mit dem Ausland Dt. Botschaft v. 09.03.2001 Behandelbarkeit von Hypertonie, keine Dialysemöglichkeit Dt. Botschaft v. 09.03.2001 verfügbare HIV-Medikamente Auswärtiges Amt v. 16.3.2001 (- Rückkehrgefahren 37054) Auswärtiges Amt v. 22.3.2001 (- zum Gefängnis Sureté/Conakry 36817) Auswärtiges Amt v. 28.3.2001 Macenta, Dialekt Toma; RPG; Sippenhaft, Waisen, keine 508(514)-516.80/37485 staatlichen Betreuungseinrichtungen Auswärtiges Amt v. 24.4.2001 Länderaufzeichnung Guinea (Stand: 21.02.2001) (303-303.12-GIN) Auswärtiges Amt v. 15.05.2001, Kommunalwahlen 1996 und 2000 508(514)-516.80/37486 IAK v. 21.05.2001 Unruhen 1993, PRP, Ethnie Peul Auswärtiges Amt v. 23.05.2001 Schülerproteste 12/99, Gymnasium Yimbaya (-37634) U.S. Department of State, Guinea: Report on Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or Female 01.06.2001 Genital Cutting (FGC) Auswärtiges Amt v. 16.08.2001, Lycee-Bonfi; keine Sippenhaft 508-516.80/38248 Auswärtiges Amt v. 8.11.2001 (- Rückkehrgefahren, UPR (insbes. -
Thus Spoke Ethiopia's Reeyot!
ethiopanorama.com ethiopanorama.com http://www.ethiopanorama.com Thus Spoke Ethiopia’s Reeyot! By Prof. Al Mariam Date : July 14, 2015 Reeyot Invictus! Thus spoke Reeyot Alemu to the Voice of America- Amharic Service on July 9, 2015, a few hours after she was literally thrown out of the infamous Meles Zenawi Prison in Kality, (Ethiopia’s “Robben Island”) on the outskirts of Addis Ababa: I will continue to fully struggle to make Ethiopia a good place where democracy and justice prevail. Until I can see such an Ethiopia, I will continue my struggle. Reeyot served 4 years and 17 days (that is 1480 days) in prison on a 14-year sentence commuted to 5 years. She was convicted under a so-called terrorism law enacted by the late Meles Zenawi and his gang, the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF). The great Nelson Mandela warned his apartheid oppressors, “You may succeed in delaying, but never in preventing the transition of South Africa to a democracy.” That was pretty much Reeyot’s message to the tyrannical apartheid-style thugtatorship of the TPLF. “I will continue my struggle until democracy and justice prevail in Ethiopia.” 1 / 21 ethiopanorama.com ethiopanorama.com http://www.ethiopanorama.com La luta continua! Mandela also said, “Prison itself is a tremendous education in the need for patience and perseverance. It is above all a test of one’s commitment.” On July 9, fresh out of Meles Zenawi Prison, Reeyot showed her uncompromising commitment to democracy and justice in Ethiopia. But that came at a very high price. -
UN Assistance Mission for Iraq ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة (UNAMI) ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة
ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة UN Assistance Mission for Iraq ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻠﻌﺮاق (UNAMI) Human Rights Report 1 September– 31 October 2006 Summary 1. Despite the Government’s strong commitment to address growing human rights violations and lay the ground for institutional reform, violence reached alarming levels in many parts of the country affecting, particularly, the right to life and personal integrity. 2. The Iraqi Government, MNF-I and the international community must increase efforts to reassert the authority of the State and ensure respect for the rule of law by dismantling the growing influence of armed militias, by combating corruption and organized crime and by maintaining discipline within the security and armed forces. In this respect, it is encouraging that the Government, especially the Ministry of Human Rights, is engaged in the development of a national system based on the respect of human rights and the rule of law and is ready to address issues related to transitional justice so as to achieve national reconciliation and dialogue. 3. The preparation of the International Compact for Iraq, an agreement between the Government and the international community to achieve peace, stability and development based on the rule of law and respect for human rights, is perhaps a most significant development in the period. The objective of the Compact is to facilitate reconstruction and development while upholding human rights, the rule of law, and overcoming the legacy of the recent and distant past. 4. UNAMI Human Rights Office (HRO) received information about a large number of indiscriminate and targeted killings. Unidentified bodies continued to appear daily in Baghdad and other cities.