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Introduction: the Paradoxes of an Enduring Monarchy 1 Notes Introduction: The Paradoxes of an Enduring Monarchy 1. The episode is reported in Anthony Parsons, They Say the Lion: Britain’s Legacy to the Arabs, A Personal Memoir (London: Jonathan Cape, 1986), p. 43. Parson’s Jordanian friend sounds very much like Wasfi al-Tall, a prime minister who cast a long shadow over Jordanian politics from 1959–1971 and looms large in the penul- timate chapter of this book. Insofar as this is a work of historical revision (as I hope will become clearer in chapter 2), it is apt that al-Tall should appear in its first paragraph, for his career is itself the subject of an ongoing revisal that chimes with the approach adopted here. The conclusion of his Israeli biographer, Asher Susser, in On Both Banks of Jordan: A Political Biography of Wasfi Al- Tall (London: Frank Cass, 1994), p. 172, that al-Tall was “the exem- plary representative of the Jordanian Entity and the Trans-Jordanian political elite” has been challenged by the evidence of a number of his contemporaries. Leading members of the left leaning Jordanian National Movement (JNM), including Hamad al-Farhan, Munif al- Razzaz, Jamal al-Sha‘ir and Ya‘qub Zayyadin have portrayed al-Tall as a politician who shared the JNM’s basic aims and social agenda, but differed on Jordan’s stance towards Nasser and its relationship with Hashemite Iraq. A younger generation of leftists has anointed al-Tall as the “canonical” figure of an oppositionist Trans-Jordanian nationalism, as well as the architect of a “Nasserist assabiyah state” geared to dirigiste development policies and socio-political strategies biased towards Jordan’s rural masses, c.f. Nahidh Hattar, “Surat al- Urdunn fi al-Wijdan al-Sha‘bi: Ashbah Wasfi al-Tall,” in his Yasari Urduni ‘ala Jabhatayn (Beirut: Dar al-Farabi, 2009), pp. 134–138. (The idea that al-Tall attempted reforms that amounted to a local ana- logue of Nasserist populism was first mooted by Muwaffaq Mahadin in a talk at the Fuhays Festival in 1997). Zayyadin, for decades “the celebrated head of the underground Jordanian Communist Party”, is among those who now defend al-Tall’s role in the 1970–1971 internal war with the Palestinian guerrillas, arguing that it was the PLO that “destroyed the relationship between Palestinians and Jordanians,” 140 Notes Joseph Massad, Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), pp. 268–269. Whatever the truth of the latter claim, it is certainly the case that the testimony of many of those involved in the conflict, including such figures as Ibrahim Bakr, Khalid al-Hasan, and Munib al-Masri, throws considerable doubt on the idea that al-Tall “co-engineered Black September” (Massad, Colonial Effects, p. 245) in order to eliminate the PLO from Jordan. For revisionist views of al-Tall’s rela- tionship to the Palestine question, and his role in the September 1970 conflict and its aftermath, see the following: Paul Lalor, “Who Killed Wasfi al-Tall?” Unpublished manuscript, St. Antony’s College, Oxford, summer 1988, pp. 8–10; Alan Hart, ‘Arafat: Terrorist or Peace Maker (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1984), pp. 339–346; and Adnan Abu Odeh, Jordanians, Palestinians and the Hashemite Kingdom in the Middle East Peace Process (Washington D.C.: United States Institute for Peace, 1999), pp. 188–189. Usama Hasan ‘Ayish- Salih, “Wasfi al-Tall: I’adat Qira’ah,” M.A. Dissertation, University of Jordan, 1998, is now the most comprehensive study of al-Tall’s politics, and of his first and last terms in office in particular. 2. Parsons, They Say the Lion, pp. 42–47. 3. For another example of British pessimism about Hashemite Jordan by one of Parson’s contemporaries, see James Morris, The Hashemite Kings (London: Faber and Faber, 1959), p. 13. U.S. equivalents include Charles D. Cremeans, The Arabs and the World (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1963), pp. 102–103; Emil Lengyel, The Changing Middle East (New York: John Day, 1960), p. 216. 4. Elizabeth Monroe, Britain’s Moment in the Middle East 1914–1956 (London: Methuen, 1963), pp. 189–190, 207–209. 5. Parsons, They Say the Lion,p.34. 6. Uriel Dann, King Hussein and the Challenge of Arabic Radicalism, Jordan 1955–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989). 7. The term is taken from Lawrence Axelrod, “Tribesmen in Uniform. The Demise of the Fedayeen in Jordan,” The Muslim World,Vol.68 (January, 1978), pp. 25–45. By the time Axerod’s article appeared, the idea that Hussein’s Sharifian origins guaranteed the unquestioning loyalty of a “Bedouin” or “tribal” army had for long been a staple of the “conventional wisdom” fed to diplomats, journalists and aid workers posted to Amman. See for example Richard Nyrop, Handbook of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan (Washington D.C.: The American University, 1974), p. 145. Kamal Salibi supplies a lucid overview of the dynastic history on which such claims are based in The Modern History of Jordan (London: Tauris, 1993), pp. 50–65. A copy of the Hashemites’ official family tree is reproduced in Ahmad Salamah, al- Hashimiyyun wa Falsafat al-Hukm (Amman: Markaz al-Faris, 1990). Notes 141 8. The best account of this struggle remains Malcolm Kerr’s The Arab Cold War. Gamal Abd al-Nasir and His Rivals 1958–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971). 9. See Asher Susser, Jordan. Case Study of a Pivotal State, Policy Paper No. 53 (Washington D.C.: The Washington Institute for New East Policy, 2000), pp. 1–2. 10. The focus on the person of Hussein has been fed by a shelf-full of royal biographies and autobiographies. Together with the memoirs of “king’s men” such as Hazza‘ al-Majali’s Mudhakkarati (Amman: no publisher, 1960), their contents, and those of Hussein’s own Uneasy Lies the Head (London: Heineman, 1962); and Mihnati ka-malik (Jordan: al-Sharikah al-‘Arabiyya li al-Tiba‘a wa al-Nashr, 1978), are recycled in academic form in such places as Majid Khadduri’s chapter on the “Hashemi House” in his Arab Personal- ities in Politics (Washington D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1981), pp. 73–121. The most widely cited of the biographies of Hussein published in the West are Peter Snow, Hussein (London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1972); James Lunt, Hussein of Jordan. A Political Biography (London: Macmillan, 1989); and more recently Roland Dallas, King Hussein:A Life on the Edge (London: Profile Books, 1998). Mention must also be made of the recent work by the well-connected journal- ist Randa Habib, Hussein and ‘Abdullah. Inside the Jordanian Royal Family (London: al-Saqi Books, 2010). All these works are now likely to be superseded in academic circles by Nigel Ashton, King Hussein a Political Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), which is based on access to the king’s personal files as well as exhaustive archival research; and Avi Shlaim, Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace (London: Penguin Books, 2007), which draws on the testimony of palace insiders to provide what is now the most com- plete account of Hussein’s covert relationship with the Jewish state. For a more measured discussion of the relationship between Hussein’s personal qualities and the survival of his regime, see Uriel Dann, King Hussein’s Strategy of Survival, Policy Paper No. 29 (Washington D.C.: The Washington Institute for Near East, 1992); and Nahidh Hattar’s al-Malik Husayn bi-Qalam Yasari Urduni (Amman: Azminah lil- Nashr wa al-Tawzi’, 2003). Hattar’s brief work is the only one of these accounts that gives any attention to the societal context of Hussein’s career. It draws on articles written for the Lebanese press in response to the king’s death, and to Muhammad Hasanayn Heykal’s dismis- sive attitude to Jordan and Jordanian society in his own obituary of the Jordanian monarch, “Shakhsiyyat al-Mailik Husayn. Dururat al-Fihm Qabl al-Hukm wa lakinn ila Mata?” Wijhat Nathar (April 1999), pp. 4–15. 11. The quotations are taken from Dann’s King Hussein and the Chal- lenge of Arab Radicalism, pp. 164, 166. However, Dann’s own work marks an important exception to this neglect, as does that of Asher 142 Notes Susser (notably in chapters 1–2 of his Jordan, op. cit); Lawrence Tal (in his Politics, the Military and National Security in Jordan, 1954– 1967, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002); and Bassel F. Salloukh (in his “State Strength, Permeability and Foreign Policy Behavior: Jordan in Theoretical Perspective,” Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Spring 1996), pp. 39–65). 12. As Eugene Rogan points out, “[t]he social history of Transjordan, the histories and politics of Bedouin, cultivators and townspeople, are only now being written.” Cf. Eugene Rogan and Tariq Tell edi- tors, Village, Steppe and State. The Social Origins of Modern Jordan (London: Tauris, 1994), p. xix. 13. Malcolm Yapp, The Near East Since the First World War (London: Longman, 1991), p. 291; Laurie Brand, “Al-Muhajirin wa-l Ansar: Hashemite Strategies for Managing Communal Identity in Jordan,” in Leonard Binder, editor, Ethnic Conflict and International Poli- tics in the Middle East (Gainesville: Florida University Press, 1999), pp. 282–283. 14. Rex Brynen, “Palestine and the Arab State System: Permeability, State Consolidation and the Intifada” Canadian Journal of Polit- ical Science, Vol. XXIV, No. 3 (September 1991), pp. 615–619; Peter Gubser, Jordan: Crossroads of Middle Eastern Events (Boul- der: Westview Press, 1983), pp. 15–18. It should be noted however, that despite their numbers, Palestinians in contemporary Jordan has remained remarkably quiescent.
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