The Living Arrangements of Older West Indian Migrant Women

Home , Arab Americans, West Indian Americans

THE LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF OLDER WEST INDIAN MIGRANT WOMEN

IN THE UNITED STATES

PETA-ANNE LIVINGSTON BAKER

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Sharon Milligan

Mandel School for Applied Social Sciences

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

January 2006

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of

Peta-Anne Livingston Baker

Candidate for the Ph.D degree*.

Signed Sharon Milligan, Ph.D. . Chair of the Committee

M. C. Hokenstad, Ph.D .

Aloen Townsend, Ph.D. .

Eleanor Stoller, Ph.D. .

(Date) October 19, 2005

*We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material

contained therein.

I grant to Case Western Reserve University the right to use this work, irrespective of any copyright, for the University’s own purposes without cost to the University or to its students, agents and employees. I further agree that the

University may reproduce and provide single copies of the work, in any format other than in or from microforms, to the public for the cost of reproduction.

Peta-Anne Livingston Baker

For my mother Viola, who stayed so that others could go.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 8

Abstract 9

Chapter One – Introduction 11

Minorities in the Older Population of the U.S. 11

Sources of Difference among Minority Elders 14

The Politics of Race and Aging 15

How Many West Indian Immigrants? 21

The Older West Indian Immigrant Population 24

Significance of this Study 27

Purpose of Study 28

Chapter Two – Literature Review 31

Understanding Caribbean Migration 31

West Indian Migrants in the U.S. Labor Market 36

The Importance of Gender 43

In the Field of Migration 43

In the Discussion of Aging 49

The Significance of the Living Arrangements of Older Persons 52

Theoretical Explanations of Living Arrangements 55

The Rational Choice Model 56

The Life Course Perspective 58

Structural/Intergenerational Exchange Model 60

Correlates of Living Arrangements 62

Demographic Correlates 62

Socioeconomic Status and Income 67

Health and Functional Status 68

Kinship Correlates 69

Impact of Immigration on Living Arrangements 72

A Model of the Living Arrangements of Older West Indian

Migrant Women 75

Research Questions 79

Chapter Three – Methodology 80

Research Design 80

Data Collection Setting 80

Sampling 80

Study variables and empirical indicators 87

Hypotheses 96

Research Question 1 97

Research Question 2 99

Research Question 3 101

Data Collection 101

Instrumentation 101

Data Management and Analysis 104

Limitations 109

Chapter Four – Results 110

Sample Characteristics 110

Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics 111

Research Question 1 111

Migration History 118

Hypothesis Testing: Socioeconomic and Demographic Variables 121

Living Arrangements 128

Household roles 129

Kin networks 132

Women living Alone 134

Correlates of Living Arrangements 143

Headship of Shared Households 149

Summary of Results 151

Demographic and Socioeconomic Characteristics 151

Living Arrangements 153

Women Living Alone 154

Correlates of Living Arrangements 155

Chapter Five – Discussion and Conclusions 157

Similarities and differences in the profile of older West

Indian migrant women 158

Living arrangements 161

Correlates of living arrangements 163

Methodological issues 166

Policy and practice issues 167

Service use and benefit policy 167

Social work practice issues 169

Further research 170

Concluding remarks 171

Appendices A. Memorandum of Understanding 173 B. Investigator Respondent Recruitment Guidelines 175 C. Consent Form B (For use by research assistants) 177 D. Consent Form to be used by co-investigator 180 E. Questionnaire 183

References 211

List of Tables

1.1 Size and ratios for the U.S. foreign-born population from the West Indies by country of origin, 2000 22 1.2 Comparison of size (in absolute numbers and as a percentage of the total population) of West Indian ancestry population 1990 and 2000 24 1.3 Percentage of persons aged 55+ and 65+ in the U.S. foreign-born population by region of origin in 2000 25 2.1 Leading industrial sectors for foreign-born West Indians in New York City by gender and year (in percentages) 39 2.2 Niche industries for foreign-born West Indian women in New York City by year 2.3 Theoretical source and propositions regarding variables associated with the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women 76 3.1 Sample size determination 86 3.2 Conceptualization and operationalization of study variables 93 3.3 Statistical tests – Research question 1 105 3.4a & 3.4b Statistical tests – Research question 2 106-107 3.5 Theory based logistic regression models of the likelihood that West Indian migrant women aged 55+ will live in separate households rather than live in a shared household 108 3.6 Statistical tests – Research question 3 108 4.1 Place of birth of study sample (n=107) 110 4.2 Demographic socioeconomic characteristics of study sample compared with 1990 Census (IPUMS) for the state of Connecticut (percentages unless otherwise stated) 113 4.3 Crosstabulations of monthly income of study sample by age group 115

4.4 Poverty status by age group – study sample and 1990 Census IPUMS 115 4.5 Health status by age group – study sample and 1990 Census IPUMS 116 4.6 Crosstabulations for self-rated health, limitations and disability by age group (in percentages) 118 4.7 Migration history of study sample (n=107) 120 4.8 Means and standard deviations for monthly income by age group and migration cohort 122 4.9 One-way analysis of variance for the effects of age group and migration cohort on monthly income 123 4.10 Means and standard deviations for self-rated health, health status index, income, age and highest level of education 126 4.11 Correlation of self-rated health, health status index with income, age and highest level of education 127 4.12 Living arrangements of study sample by age group (in percentages) (n=107) 129 4.13 Respondent roles and family need in shared households by age group (in percentages) (n=66) 131 4.14 Aspects of the kin network of study sample by age group (in percentages) 134 4.15 Occupation (current or last worked) of study sample by living arrangement (in percentages) 137 4.16 Poverty status by age group: study sample and women living alone 138 4.17 Means and standard deviations for self-rated health, health status index, income, age and highest level of education for women who live alone (study sample data in parenthesis) 141 4.18 Comparison of correlations of self-rated health and health status index with income, age and highest level of education for women who live alone and study sample 142

4.19a & 4.19b Intercorrelation for living in a separate household and predictor variables 144-145 Table 4.20. Results of logistic regression analysis using intergenerational exchange theory to identify correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households (N=104) 146 Table 4.21. Results of logistic regression analysis using transnational migration theory to identify correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households (N= 107) 147 Table 4.22. Results of logistic regression analysis of correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households (N=107) 148 4.23 Intercorrelations for R as head of shared household and predictor variables (N=66) 150 Table 4.24 Results of logistic regression analysis of correlates of older West Indian women’s headship of shared households (N=64) 151

Figures

Figure 1 Model of the theoretical framework of the correlates of the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women 78

Acknowledgements

It is impossible to truly acknowledge the many people at home and abroad who have accompanied and supported me on this journey. I would like to acknowledge the contribution of Dr Sharon Milligan, Chair and the other members of my committee, express my appreciation for the assistance and support of the Mandel School for Applied Social Sciences (MSASS), and the School of Graduate Studies, especially with regards ensuring my continued registration in the program.

I must make mention of the Dean and Faculty of the University of Connecticut School of Social Work who enthusiastically admitted me into their ranks and thereby made it possible for me to live in Hartford while collecting my data. I would like to acknowledge the financial and/or organizational support of the Board and staff of the Blue Hills Civic Association, of the Director, Administrator and staff of the Department of Elderly Services of the City of Hartford and of its Deputy Mayor Veronica Airey Wilson.

Of course this study could not have been undertaken without the interest and participation of the West Indian community in Hartford, especially the West Indian Social Club of Hartford and the many churches in the Blue Hills neighborhood.

Finally and very importantly, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to my biological and extended family in the U.S., Jamaica and elsewhere, to my friends and to my colleagues in the Department of Sociology, Psychology and Social Work at the University of the West Indies Mona campus in Jamaica. You were a source of unfailing support. Bless you all.

The Living Arrangements of Older West Indian Migrant Women in the United States

Abstract by Peta-Anne Livingston Baker

The purpose of this study was to extend our knowledge and appreciation of the dimensions of ethnic minority aging by undertaking an exploratory analysis of the older West Indian migrant population in the United States. The study used census and original field survey data to profile the older West Indian migrant population in the state of Connecticut, a region with one of the oldest West Indian communities in the United States. It analyzed the demographic and socio- economic characteristics and the correlates of the living arrangements of 107 community dwelling women, aged 55 years and older, from ten countries in the

English-speaking Caribbean who were resident in the Greater Hartford region of

Connecticut.

The most prevalent household type was that in which the older West

Indian migrant woman lived in a shared household with no spouse present.

Women living alone constituted less than 20% of the study sample. Family need and monthly income emerged as respectively decreasing and increasing the likelihood of respondents living in a separate household. Homeownership proved to be the only significant correlate of the likelihood of the older woman being head of the shared household.

The occupational profile of the study participants reflected the structural characteristics of Caribbean migration, with the majority being in service occupations, especially domestic service and health care support. However a substantial minority were also in the professional or executive occupations. As a consequence income inequality characterized the group with half the participants being in economically vulnerable positions. However, more than half the women owned their own homes, individually or jointly with a spouse. The majority of women in the younger age groups and a substantial minority of those aged 75 years and over rated their health as excellent or very good, despite the presence of limiting or disabling conditions.

The implications of findings such as high levels of homeownership for access to services and benefits when needed are discussed. Recommendations for an approach to practice, which includes community organizing and policy practice with this population and for further research, for example into older West

Indian migrants in other parts of the U.S., are made.

Chapter One - Introduction

Despite their presence in the United States for more than a century (Watkins-

Owens, 2001), and repeated acknowledgement of the importance of paying attention to ethnic minority aging (Capitman, 2002) older West Indian immigrants are routinely omitted from aging discourse and practice in the United States. Several factors lend legitimacy to research into aging in the West Indian migrant community in the United

States. Among these are the considerations of respecting the inherent dignity and worth of every individual set out in international treaties such as the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, which are reflected in the basic principles of the social work profession. At a pragmatic level, there is the tendency for ethnic minority elders to experience disadvantage in several spheres and finally, as I will show later, there is the fact that a larger than usual proportion of the West Indian migrant community in the

United States is over 55 years of age.

In this chapter I address the dramatic changes occurring in the composition of the older American population. I discuss how the processes of institutional racism reflected in official aging policy, the social work academy and social work practice have made one of a number of groups of ethnic minority elders, older West Indian migrants, invisible. I argue that research into this population is necessary in order to lay the foundation for examining the similarities and differences between older West Indians and other groups of older Americans (in similar vein see Salari’s (2002) discussion of the exclusion of older Arab Americans).

Minorities in the Older Population of the US

In 1994, ninety percent of the population of older adults in the United States was of European ancestry. By 2050, this proportion is expected to decline to eighty percent.

Meanwhile the population of older Blacks, Hispanics, Asians and Pacific Islanders and indigenous peoples will double or triple, fueled by large-scale immigration, the increased

longevity of these groups and the declining fertility of the European ancestry population

(US Bureau of the Census, 1995).

Ethnic minority elders have higher rates of poverty and a greater dependence on

Social Security and other income support programs than older Whites (Binstock, 1999).

Only a small proportion of minority elders eligible for assistance actually participate in such programs (Wray, 1991). Black elders are over-represented in state mental hospitals and underrepresented in homes for the aged (Kart and Beckham (1976) cited in Kart, 1993). In fact, low rates of utilization of services and differential access to the various types of services are significant features of the ethnic minority elderly population

(Barresi and Stull, 1993; Binstock, 1999; Harel and Biegel, 1995).

There have been many attempts to identify the reasons for this fact. Language, physical and social isolation, agency policies and staff perceived as “outsiders” (Gelfand and Yee, 1991; Harel and Biegel, 1995), ineligibility (due to non-citizen and migrant status), and inadequate financial resources (Gelfand, 1994; Keith and Jones, 1995;

Wray 1991) are among the most frequently cited barriers.

A study by Hernandez-Gallegos, Capitman and Yee (1993) highlighted several ways, including staffing and a lack of outreach, in which the features of provider organizations created barriers to access to services by minority elders. Miller and Stull

(1993) in a study of Black and White elders’ perceptions of community services supported these findings, reporting that Black elders noted the gate-keeping function of agencies and practitioners.

On the other hand, Schoenberg, Coward and Dougherty (1998) reported that

African American elders reported much higher levels of satisfaction with community- based services than did the white elders in the groups they interviewed in a study conducted in north Florida. It should be noted that most of the services to which the elders referred were located in predominantly black neighborhoods and were staffed

exclusively or primarily by persons of African descent. They were possibly therefore responding to agencies that had characteristics evaluated by Hernandez-Gallegos et al

(1993) as contributing to minority consumer use.

Many discussions of ethnic minority aging proceed with little attention to changes in immigration policy, which have a significant and sometimes contradictory impact on migrant elders and their families. Kramer and Barker (1991) comment on the conflict between the family reunification policies of the Immigration and Naturalization Service

(INS) and welfare reform policies of other parts of the government, which effectively deny newly arriving migrants access to entitlement programs such as Medicare and

Medicaid.

Changes in both immigration and welfare policy also affect migrant elders who have been in the country for some time. Some of the more draconian aspects of the

Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), which would have denied legal migrants who were not citizens, access to certain benefits have been eliminated. However Urban Institute policy analysts Fix and Passel (1999) point to what they call the “chilling effect” of the several pieces of welfare and immigration reform legislation passed in the mid-1990’s. They do note that no statistically significant changes in welfare use by elderly migrants were observed in the period immediately following the passage of the PRWORA. However, they also point to the fact that a lack of understanding of the changes in the law appears to have discouraged some migrants from using needed services.

A second paper (Fix and Zimmerman, 1999) discusses a similar response in

“mixed-status families” where some members of the household are citizens and others are not. In this case the concerns were in relation to more stringent requirements for sponsoring family members, an increased risk of deportation or refusal of re-entry if found to have become a “public charge”. Indeed, I am aware of several Jamaicans

resident in the United States who have refused to travel for fear of being negatively affected, justifiably or otherwise, by this new regulatory situation.

Sources of Difference among Minority Elders

Gelfand and Yee (1991) identify three groups of ethnic minority elders who will become increasingly visible in the coming decades:

One group … include[s] native born blacks, Hispanics, Asians/Pacific Islanders

as well as increasing numbers of American Indians. A second group … consist[s]

of ethnic minority elderly who immigrated when they were children or young

adults…The third group [comprises] immigrants who have come to this country

as older persons (p.7).

While this is generally an accurate representation of the future, especially with respect to the native-born population, this scenario is developing more rapidly in those areas that are major ports of entry for migrants. For example, twenty-five percent of the population of California is foreign born, while 18% of residents in the state of New York are foreign born and 15% of the residents in Florida are similarly foreign-born (Hansen and Faber, 1996;Tumlin, Zimmerman, Ost, 1999). It is noteworthy that these three states also have some of the largest populations of older persons. Hansen and Faber challenge the commonly held perception that most migrants are young. While agreeing that this is the case for the most recent arrivals, they point out that on average foreign- born residents are older than natives and that earlier cohorts of migrants, those entering before 1970, have the greatest age differential with the native population (Hansen and

Faber, 1996).

The implication of this is that there should already be significant numbers of foreign-born elders in the US population. In 2000, foreign-born elders (including persons of European origin) constituted 11% (3.1 million) of the population aged sixty-five years and older (He Wan 2002). The foreign-born population tends to have percentages of

older persons similar to that found for the US as a whole. Approximately 11% of the foreign-born population is aged sixty-five years and over compared to 12.7% of US population in this age group in 2000. Furthermore, similar proportions of the native and foreign-born populations are aged fifty-five years and over – 20% and 21% respectively

(Malone, Baluja & Costanzo, 2003). We should note that the percentages for these age groups among the foreign-born are greater when disaggregated to the regional level.

This is notably the case for the Caribbean population, a feature that will be discussed later in this chapter.

The Politics of Race and Aging

The 2000 US Census found that foreign-born West Indian migrants from four

Caribbean nations made up 3.3% of all foreign-born migrants in the United States.

Countries with populations larger than that of the entire English-speaking Caribbean, such as Japan, Korea and Israel have far smaller proportions of foreign-born residents in the United States, yet they attract considerably more academic and policy attention.

There is an almost identical percentage of persons of Russian ancestry as West Indian ancestry living in the United States. The proportion of persons of Jamaican ancestry is greater than the proportion of those of Finnish ancestry. (US Bureau of the Census; generated by Peta-Anne Baker using American Factfinder, http://factfinder.census.gov.)

Persons belonging to these other groups have no difficulty laying claim to their distinctiveness and differentiation from the European or Asian origin populations as a whole. Some 1.42 million of the 2.95 million foreign-born persons from the Caribbean are Black. Almost one-third of these persons arrived in the United States before 1980.

Yet West Indians and most other foreign-born Blacks however are consistently denied a distinct identity and are “rolled into” the native-born Black population.

The view that West Indians have emerged as a “recognizable presence” in the

United States (Vickerman,1999), is not reflected in relation to the older members of this

community. One possible cause could be the tendency in the field of social work with migrants to focus on the challenges faced by the newly arrived and their acculturation

(see for example Mahoney, 2002).

More than fifteen years ago the academy recognized that “the failure to attend to the variability among black population subgroups may result in biased and distorted research [and policy] [my addition] perspectives on the black aging experience”

(Jackson, 1988:4). Yet there is little evidence of any effort in the black or white academy to investigate the aging experience of West Indian migrants in the United States.

Intensive inquiry has located only one published empirical investigation of this community (Lyons, 1997) and one unpublished qualitative study whose participants included a few older women from the English-speaking Caribbean (Patterson, 2000).

Jackson’s path-breaking study of Black American elders makes no mention of

West Indians. For the contributors to that publication, variability meant differences in socio-economic status, residence (rural vs. urban, central city vs. suburbs) and other such characteristics. A later publication does acknowledge, but does not explore, the fact that one source of diversity in the older black population is that group of persons who came from the Caribbean. Indeed it was only in the year 2000 that the team at the

University of Michigan led by Dr Jackson announced their intention to undertake a new round of investigation that for the first time will deliberately include a sample of 1000 blacks of Caribbean descent. (It is not clear what proportion of this sample will be older persons.) More recently, he has also begun to address the concept of “aging-in-place- of-origin” versus “aging-out-of-place-of-origin” as an approach to developing a better appreciation of the complexity of the aging experience. Of interest is the fact that in his article illustrating this approach, the comparison group for native born Blacks in America is Africans, who have one of the smallest proportions of older persons in the U.S., rather than West Indians (Jackson, 2002).

Fifteen years before the publication of “The Black American Elderly” by Jackson and his colleagues, Bryce-Laporte (1972) pointed to the problem of the invisibility of the black West Indian immigrant. He noted that the black immigrant experience was not of significant concern to mainstream academics. He stated that black immigrants suffer a

“double invisibility…as blacks and as black foreigners [emphases in text]” (Bryce-

Laporte, 1972:54). At that time Bryce-Laporte estimated that some one million West

Indians had entered the United States between 1820 and 1970. While many of these will have died, returned to their countries of origin, especially in the Depression years, or moved to other countries, it can be assumed that a substantial portion remained in the

United States, and many others have joined them in the last three decades. Regrettably,

Black immigrants, overwhelmingly persons from the English-speaking Caribbean, continue to be “lumped together” with native born blacks and designated “African

American”. Grosfoguel and Georas (2000) discuss how West Indians in New York City adopted the frame of ethnicity over race in order to distinguish themselves from what the call the “Euro-American imagination” which attributed “negative symbolic capital” (p.100) to being African American. As a consequence, in discussing the largest West Indian group in the United States, Nancy Foner remarks, “Jamaican immigrants do not become exactly like Americans, black or white” (1997: 967).

Typically, these little-known populations are liable to be overlooked by planners and policy makers of the U.S. aging network. With respect to aging policy, it is worth noting Kramer and Barker’s comments about possible reasons for this situation. Based on Kramer’s experience working in an Area Agency on Aging, which coordinates and contracts services for older Americans, he advances four reasons why smaller ethnic groups receive little attention:

(1) targeting is only mandated for four minority groups (i.e., Hispanics, Blacks,

Native Americans/Native Alaskans, and Asian/Pacific Islanders);

(2) targeting practices “lump” together cultural and ethnic groups under a single rubric…;

(3) targeting practices based on an economy of scale neglect certain ethnic groups’ elderly who constitute a small fraction of the elderly population and, furthermore who have not established a local political power base [my emphasis]; and

(4) planning and policy are uninformed about the conditions and needs of these populations, who have heretofore received little attention from social scientists and gerontologists (Kramer and Barker, 1991:128).

Each of these points is applicable to the Caribbean migrant elder from the

English speaking Caribbean. The racism inherent in the persistent use of the generic designation “Blacks” compared to the specificity allowed the Mexican or Cuban

American, Vietnamese or Hmong is something that has yet to be acknowledged. Donald

Gelfand (1994) for example discusses “African American” or “Black” history in the US only in terms of American slavery and Jim Crow, and without reference to the reality of the recent and not so recent arrivals from the African diaspora. Yet he pays attention to

Italian family structure, Jewish social mobility and the distinctions between foreign born and native-born Asian elders.

My own attempts to understand the aging network’s approach to this population established quite clearly that Caribbean migrant elders from the English speaking

Caribbean are largely an invisible group even in New York City, which has the largest and most visible Caribbean population. Their facility with the English language renders them less “problematic” than non-English speakers. Their shared phenotypic appearance with native-born Blacks provides a ready pigeonhole into which they can be put. I have only to visualize the Caribbean elder dealing with the incredulity, condescension and sometimes suspicion which I encountered, from both African

Americans and Whites, in the course of my research and know that many are likely to be dissuaded from attempting to access services and benefits no matter how badly needed.

Hernandez-Gallegos, Capitman and Yee’s (1993) discussion of the significance of the dynamic interaction between provider and user for user decision making has obvious relevance. In New York City my initial inquiries could produce no planning or policy documents related to the status or service needs of Anglo Caribbean elders. In both New York City and Florida, attention is being given to the Haitian and Hispanic populations. In part this is a consequence of their having “a local power base” (Kramer and Barker, 1991).

Any review of the development of aging policy in the United States reveals how fundamentally political a process it is (Rich and Baum, 1984; Steckenrider, 1998; Villa,

1998). In the pluralistic competitive political environment it is those who are “visible and organized” (Ron Hill, Executive Director, Western Reserve Area agency on Aging, personal communication, June 14, 2000) who receive attention and resources. Haitian and Hispanic groups in both New York City and Florida have raised the issue of the needs of their elderly populations in ways that Anglo Caribbeans have yet to do.

In part this may be because in many parts of Caribbean society itself, the process of aging is still struggling to become a part of public discourse, and the care of older persons is seen as primarily a private family matter. In addition, Bryce-Laporte

(1992) notes that the average West Indian migrant has perhaps bought into the

“American Dream” even more actively than his or her native counterpart, believes strongly in individual self-reliance and harbors a suspicion of government intervention.

(Although I suspect that there are also issues related to immigration status that give rise to a reluctance to take any action that may attract official scrutiny.)

In this regard, the absence of a public discourse about aging both within and outside the West Indian community is like gender and race. There is a need for a degree

of consciousness raising and mobilization, supported by empirical information to place it on the community and public agenda. As Binstock observes, the mainstream aging membership organizations like the American Association of Retired Persons have little impetus to take up the concerns of ethnic minority elders (Binstock, 1999). It is only recently that the AARP has finally decided to establish a special section to address these issues. For minority communities such as the West Indian community, the personal or private must become political and public. An empirical foundation is central to this process.

Gibson and Stoller (1998) argue that the continued effectiveness of applied gerontology requires a shift in paradigm. They urge that rather than focus on majority- minority comparisons, attention also needs to be paid to within group variations. In fact one could argue that in the case of West Indian elders, there are two majorities: the dominant white majority and the native born black majority.

Given these considerations,

It is unfortunate that the West Indian Blacks are so often viewed only vis a vis or

as a part of the larger group of native-rooted American Blacks and sometimes

national Latin American minorities. Consequently, their distinct problems and

unique proclivities are generally overlooked or sublimated vis a vis the large non-

White native minorities of the country…. Given their ambition, Protestant ethic,

and European-colonial acculturation, what would have been their progress,

status, and power in the United States were they not Black or Brown and of neo-

colonial background? Do these particular, non-White immigrants represent a

special prism of American racism or its open mobility structure? Bryce-Laporte

(1992:59-60)

One of the few sources of academic interest in the West Indian migrant population is in analyzing the apparent “success” of this group relative the rest of the

black population of the United States. Some of the most recent attempts to validate the existence of this phenomenon have observed that women from the English speaking

Caribbean appear to earn incomes equivalent to the incomes of white women (Model,

1991). There is a difference of opinion on West Indian Black men, as Model’s study found that men were substantially disadvantaged, whereas a more recent study by

Kalmijn (1996) came to the opposite conclusion. The meaning of these findings for the older West Indian population is not known.

The West Indian migrant population is also noted for the greater proportion of women who migrate independent of spouses or partners (Watkins-Owens, 2001), and for their concentration in service and professional occupations (Model, 2001). Whether this bodes well for the aging experience of this group or is nullified or moderated by the impact of race, gender or migrant status is also not known.

What better place to seek the answer to these questions than among the older population, where theory suggests that the later stages of the life course reflect an individual’s and group’s accumulated successes and failures (Hays and George, 2002)?

These questions motivate this study. They are located in the context of the increased attention being paid to changes in the composition of the older adult population of the

United States.

How Many West Indian Immigrants?

Estimates of the numbers of persons from the Caribbean living in the United

States vary widely. By one estimate, some 1.4 million migrants arrived in the U.S. from the Caribbean between 1961 and 1980. While more than half this number were Puerto

Ricans and Cubans, a little more than 20% (280,000-300,000) were reportedly from

Jamaica and other parts of the English-speaking Caribbean (Portes and Grosfoguel,

1994). Other estimates put the size of the West Indian population itself at significantly

higher levels. Toward the end of the 1980s, Marshall (1987) estimated the number of entrants to be over 800,000.

Persons from the English-speaking Caribbean (including Belize and Guyana) were approximately 38% (1.22 million) of the Caribbean foreign-born population in 2000

(US Bureau of the Census; generated by Peta-Anne Baker using American Factfinder, http://factfinder.census.gov). Table 1.1 estimates the size of the West Indian population in the United States relative to the populations of their countries of origin (following

Wray, 1991). The data in this table also support the observation that between 15% and

20% of the population of countries of the English-speaking Caribbean lives outside of the region (Segal 1987).

Table 1.1. Size and ratios for the US foreign-born population from the West Indies, by country of origin, 2000

% of West % of pop. in No. Indiana pop. in country of (‘000)(1) US origin(2) Bahamas 13 1.2 4.3 Barbados 54 5.2 18.0 Belize 59 5.6 29.5 Dominica 9 0.9 9.0 Grenada 42 4.0 42.0 Guyana 202 19.3 25.3 Jamaica 411 39.3 15.8 Trinidad & Tobago 173 16.6 13.3 Other Caribbeanb 82 7.8 -- TOTAL 1045 100.0 16.9

Source: Computed from (1) U.S. Bureau of the Census March 2000 Current Population Survey – these statistics are estimated at a 90% confidence interval (2) UNDP Human Development Report 2002: Human Development Indicators 2002, 2000 population. Available at http://www.undp.org

Notes: a. All persons of West Indian ancestry, including persons born in US. b. Includes mostly West Indian territories for which no separate country codes existed in the March 2000 CPS.

Of relevance is the fact that some 68%, or a little over 800,000 West Indians had arrived in the U.S. prior to 1990 (supporting Marshall’s estimate). Other 2000 Census data reveal that some 1.9 million persons acknowledged West Indian ancestry in 2000.

(This figure includes persons born in the United States.)

The West Indian migrant population is heavily concentrated in a few metropolitan areas: particularly in the New York-New Jersey-Connecticut region. In fact, Constance

Sutton notes that, “New York [City] forms the largest Caribbean city in the world, ahead of Kingston, Jamaica, San Juan, Puerto Rico, and Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, combined”

(Sutton, 1992:19).

Table 1.2 presents data on the size and distribution of the West Indian ancestry population as a whole and in the top five states. As can be seen, although New York remains the most populous state, Connecticut, Florida and New Jersey have experienced substantial growth in the ten year period 1990 – 2000. In fact Florida has had the most dramatic increase, more than doubling the number of persons signifying their connection to the West Indies, with the result that the proportion of persons of West

Indian ancestry in Florida exceeds that in New York.

Foreign-born West Indians make up the largest single immigrant group in New

York City (8% of the immigrant population) (Kasinitz, 2001), and in 1990, one Caribbean country, Jamaica, was listed among the top ten sources of immigrants to the United

States (Foner, 1998). The other significant concentration of West Indians is in Florida, especially in the Miami, Dade County and Fort Lauderdale areas. Smaller concentrations are located in Connecticut, New Jersey and Washington, DC.

Table 1.2. Comparison of size (in absolute numbers and as a percentage of total population) of West Indian ancestry population 1990 and 2000 for United States and top five states in the U.S.

1990 2000

# % # %

United States 1,155.490 0.4 1,869,504 0.7

New York 476,563 2.2 685,874 3.6

Florida 236,543 1.6 491,783 3.8

Connecticut 32,083 0.8 52,977 1.6

New Jersey 64,473 0.7 116,475 1.4

District of Columbia 6,969 1.1 7,861 1.4

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Summary File 3 and U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990 Census of Population and Housing, Summary Tape File 3 (Sample Data) [Data file]. (Generated by Peta-Anne Baker using American Factfinder, http://factfinder.census.gov)

The scale of Caribbean migration, and within it migration from the countries of the English-speaking Caribbean, is only one of the things that makes it distinctive. In the ensuing section, I will show that the age profile of this group also makes it unusual among non-European immigrant groups.

The Older West Indian Immigrant Population

The West Indian population is part of a larger Caribbean group that is traditionally subsumed within the Latin American region. The percentage of older foreign-born US residents from this meta-region is relatively small. In fact, Latin

American elders are proportionately the smallest group among the regions whose

populations are present in substantial numbers in the United States. However, a very different picture emerges when the Caribbean is disaggregated from Latin America.

Table 1.3 sets out comparative data on the foreign-born populations aged fifty-five years and over and sixty-five years and over from these four regions.

The ratio of older persons from the wider Caribbean is greater than that of the foreign-born population as a whole. The Caribbean ranks second only to the European origin population in the relative size of its older population.

Table 1.3. Percentage of persons aged 55+ and 65+ in the US foreign-born population by region of origin in 2000

TOTAL AGE FOREIGN- BORN LATIN GROUP EUROPE ASIA CARIBBEAN1 POP. AMERICA1 % % % % % 55 years and over 22.5 44.0 21.6 16.5 30.9 65 years and over 12.0 27.6 10.5 8.1 17.1

Source: US Census Bureau (2002). Current Population Survey, March 2002. Ethnic and Hispanic Statistics Branch, Population Division. Table 3.1: Foreign-Born Population by Sex, Age, and World Region of Birth: March 2002; Table 4.1: Latin American Foreign- Born Population by Sex, Age, and Region of Birth: March 2002. (Generated by Peta- Anne Baker using American Factfinder, http://factfinder.census.gov)

1. Census designations include the Caribbean as a sub-set of Latin America. It is treated separately here because of the focus of this inquiry. The percentages for Latin America include the Caribbean population in these age groups.

The numerical size of the older West Indian population in the United States can only be estimated, given the absence of published data for this group. One of the goals of this research is to demonstrate the need for this analysis. A variety of data sources

could be used to estimate the size of the population of older persons from the English- speaking Caribbean, each producing a slightly different statistic. In this case data on the proportion of persons aged fifty-five years and over and sixty-five years and over in the

Caribbean foreign-born population were taken from the Current Population Survey

(CPS) (US Census Bureau, 2002). These ratios were applied to the 2000 estimate of the

West Indian ancestry population (1.87 million).

The logic of this approach rests on two arguments. First, although there has been a surge in migration from the region since 1980, recent Census analyses report a high median age of 43.2 years for the Caribbean foreign-born population (US Census

Bureau, 2002), indicating the impact of a large enough number of older persons within this group. Second, as was discussed previously, Caribbean, including West Indian, migration is not a recent phenomenon. For example, Chaney reports that migration from four Caribbean countries, Jamaica being third among them, along with Mexico, made up some 75% of the Western Hemispheric flow into the United States in the twenty year period between 1961 and 1979 (Chaney, 1992, p.8).

Other sources estimate that close to 40% of the Caribbean foreign-born population and some 28% of the foreign-born Black population have lived in the United

States for twenty years or longer (Schmidley, 2001). Pending an analysis of the primary data, it is not unreasonable to assume that West Indians make up a sizable proportion of the older foreign-born population from the Caribbean.

According to the March 2002 CPS, 29.8% of the Caribbean foreign-born group were aged fifty-five and over and 16% were aged sixty-five and over. I therefore estimate that there may be approximately 557,000 persons of West Indian ancestry aged fifty-five years and over in the United States. Applying the male/female ratios from the same sources, some 310,000 of these persons are female. Similarly, there would be an estimated 300,000 West Indians aged sixty-five years and over.

Although seemingly small in number, it should be borne in mind that the West

Indian population is heavily concentrated in a few states in the North and South Eastern

United States (Schmidley, 2003). In addition, what these estimates reveal is that the demographic profile of the foreign-born West Indian population in the United States is very similar to the profile for the U.S. population as a whole and less “typical” of non-

White immigrant groups. This mirrors the situation in the region itself, where the proportion of older persons in several of the English-speaking territories is more like that of the industrial than developing countries (Braithwaite, 1989; Restrepo and Rozental,

1994).

The significance of this study

A preeminent principle of the social work profession is the recognition of the dignity and worth of every person. The National Association of Social Workers Code of

Ethics calls on American social workers to “to promote sensitivity to and knowledge about oppression and cultural and ethnic diversity” and “ to have a knowledge base of their clients’ cultures”. (Codes of Ethics for the Helping Professions, 2003: 95, 96). The

Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) also seeks to ensure that schools of social work seeking (re-) accreditation pay attention to this issue. A growing number of articles and texts have been produced about the importance of cultural competence and illustrating approaches to developing these competencies within gerontology (see for example Browne, Braun, Mokuaa, McLaughlin, 2002; Galambos, 2003; Hart, 2003).

For over fifteen years scholars and policymakers have highlighted the diversity of

the burgeoning population of older persons in northern industrial countries like the U.S.

(Gelfand & Yee, 1991; Markides & Black, 1996). The US Census now provides an

extensive range of options for persons to define their race and ethnicity, but all persons

of non-Hispanic Caribbean origin are routinely classified as African American (although

there are many white Barbadians and Jamaicans, Indo-Trinidadians and Guyanese who

would be horrified and offended to learn of this). Consequently, older West Indians continue to be rendered doubly invisible in the political economy of race and aging in the

United States. The claims of human dignity and justice, the possibility of acquiring additional insights into the aging process and the demands of effective policy making lend support to the need for and legitimacy of this study.

Purpose of Study

The purpose of this study is to extend our knowledge and appreciation of the dimensions of ethnic minority aging by undertaking an exploratory analysis of selected members of the older West Indian population in the United States. The study draws on census and original field survey data to develop a profile of the older West Indian migrant population in the state of Connecticut, a region with one of the oldest West

Indian communities in the United States. Specifically it analyzes the demographic and socio-economic characteristics and the correlates of the living arrangements of community dwelling women, aged 55 years and older, who were born in the English- speaking Caribbean and who are resident in the Greater Hartford region of Connecticut.

Definitions. The “classic” definitions of the older population have focused on

those persons sixty (Hokenstad, 1999) or sixty-five (Angel &Angel, 1996; Cantor &

Brennan, 2000) years and over, in part because these are the qualifying ages for the

receipt of “old age” entitlements such as pensions and Medicare. Increasingly

researchers and analysts are expanding the scope of their attention to persons aged

fifty-five years and older (see for example Smith & Tillipman (2000) and Wilmoth, 1998).

This shift could be influenced by changes in understanding of the aging process and the

“de-medicalization” of the field. This study follows this emerging trend in examining older

West Indian migrants aged fifty-five years and over.

Throughout this paper the terms West Indian, English-speaking and Anglo

Caribbean will be used interchangeably when referring to persons from countries in and

around the Caribbean Sea that share a common British colonial history. They include the countries in the island archipelago and two nations on the Central and South

American mainland: Belize and Guyana. They exclude countries that are United States,

French or Dutch possessions.

Limitations of population data. This paper uses Census (decennial and survey)

rather than INS data. Immigration data record only those persons who were legally

admitted to the United States. Changes of status, internal migration and undocumented

entrants are not well reflected in official immigration data. On the other hand, Census

data are believed to be better able to “capture” the presence of a population. Census

data also have their limitations however. There are still problems of undercounting,

especially the undocumented who fear detection by immigration authorities.

A working paper from the Census Bureau discusses the difficulty of maintaining

accurate and current estimates of the size of the foreign-born population, especially of

smaller groups such as those from the English-speaking Caribbean (Schmidley and

Robinson, 1998). These difficulties not only result from the number of undocumented

persons in this group, or from the usual errors associated with the use of sample data,

but also from factors such as the way in which a shift from sampling one neighborhood

to another can result in the almost complete exclusion of a minority population. This is

because members of minority populations, especially the foreign-born tend to live in

“ethnic clusters”. In addition, reductions in sample size, such as occurred with the

Current Population Survey (CPS) in 1996, have a potentially negative effect on the

reliability of estimates for small population groups (Schmidley and Robinson, 1998).

These kinds of factors undermine a positive development such as the inclusion of

nativity and citizenship questions in the CPS (beginning in 1994). In one example,

Schmidley and Robinson note that the estimate of the Jamaican population in the U.S.

changed from 506,000 in 1996 to 397,000 in 1997, a negative change of 106,000. They

point out that this apparent decline is not statistically significant and conclude that “in fact, the CPS data cannot tell us whether the foreign born population of [sic] Jamaica changed at all” (Schmidley and Robinson, 1998:10). CPS data are most useful in providing global estimates such as contained in the preceding tables (W.K. Wright,

Bureau of the Census, personal communication, February 24, 2002).

It remains to be seen whether the 2000 Census will produce numbers with any greater accuracy. Already there are reports of dissatisfaction with the handling of data for the Hispanic population where changes in the format of the race and nativity questions appear to have resulted in a substantial undercount of the Dominican and

Colombian population in New York City (New York Times, June 27, 2001).

Chapter Two - Literature Review

In this chapter I will present the conceptual and empirical framework for this study of the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women. First, I will review aspects of the literature that seek to explain the processes that have contributed to the presence of Caribbean migrants in the United States. I will pay particular attention to the labor market experiences that provide the platform for analyzing the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women.

Following this, I will illustrate why a gendered perspective is necessary in the analysis of aging in the immigrant population. I will then discuss the significance of the study of the living arrangements of older persons for policy and practice. I will review selected theoretical frameworks that seem to offer valid explanations of the types of living arrangements found among older populations, especially ethnic minority elders.

Finally, I will propose a model of the correlates of the living arrangements of older West

Indian migrant women in the United States.

Understanding Caribbean Migration

Caribbean migration to the United States, including that from the countries of the

English-speaking Caribbean, has been occurring for more than a century. The United

States is arguably the most popular destination in a larger migratory process that has involved movement from rural to urban areas within individual countries, from less developed to more developed countries within the region, and from countries within the region to metropoles such as London, Toronto and New York (Marshall, 1987; Palmer,

1990).

Natives of the English speaking Caribbean have migrated to the United States in their largest numbers since the early 1960s, but there was already an identifiable presence, notably in New York City from as early as the 1920s (Watkins-Owens, 2001).

While some Caribbean migrant elders belong to the third group of minority elders

previously described by Gelfand and Yee (1991): older persons reuniting with their families, the majority of older Caribbean migrants came to the U.S. as young persons and adults and have grown old here. Data from the 1990 US Census Public Use

Microdata Sample (PUMS) for New York City and southeastern Florida, (which I have analyzed elsewhere), indicate that between two-thirds and one quarter of older West

Indian migrants arrived in the country before 1975.

International migration is traditionally seen as the result of the low waged and unskilled in poor countries being drawn to the jobs available in the rich countries in which labor is in short supply. Thomas-Hope’s “Explanation in Caribbean Migration” (1992) provides empirical support for the challenge that has been mounted to this thesis. She notes that the largest immigrant flows have not come from the poorest countries in the

Caribbean, and that the poorest and least skilled do not figure significantly among those who leave the region. In fact, the relatively high representation of skilled and educated groups in the West Indian migrant population is one of the most frequently noted characteristics of this group (Chaney, 1992; Foner, 1998; Thomas-Hope, 1992).

Voluntary migration occurs when the demand for labor by Caribbean economies is high as much as when these economies are contracting. As the data presented in the previous chapter has shown, the “more developed” countries in the region like Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago lose their citizens in proportions similar to the “less developed” countries like Jamaica.

West Indian migratory behavior accords more readily with the alternative conceptualization of international migration which pays attention to the historic relationship between the sending and receiving countries, and to the character of the global economy into which so called peripheral countries (like Barbados, Jamaica and

Trinidad and Tobago), are integrated.

International migration patterns tend to reflect with notable precision the

character of past [and present] hegemonic actions by global powers…[T]he

emergence of regular labor outflows of stable size and known destination

depends largely on the prior expansion of stronger nation-states into peripheral

sending areas. The social, economic, and cultural institutions of the sending

areas are then remolded until migration to the hegemonic center emerges as a

plausible option. (Portes, 1995, p.20-21)

There is a growing appreciation that Caribbean migration, like migration from many other countries, is a normative (Carnegie, 1987) survival strategy adopted by households, in which individuals are as much “sent” as “leave” (Chamberlain, 1998; deHaan, 2000; Pessar, 1990).

Basch (1994) and others argue that this structural perspective, in which

Caribbean migration is understood as part of the process of the region’s insertion into the world economy provides a more useful theoretical framework. However, we are still advised (Chaney, 1992; Thomas-Hope, 1983, 1992) to see this perspective as a launching pad rather than a comprehensive theory of migration. Indeed Portes argues persuasively that “There is no overall encompassing theory of immigration” (1997: 810)

Caribbean migration history is a good illustration of how the process of capitalist expansion facilitated the flow of immigrants both to the US and to the “mother country”,

England for most of the twentieth century. In fact, the United States was the first metropolitan destination for West Indian migrants from rural, working and middle class backgrounds. They had previously focused on inter-island migration and movement to

Central America. There was a modest flow of immigrants into the US from the beginning of the twentieth century. Many of those who had migrated in the latter part of the nineteenth century, to regional destinations such as Panama, Cuba and Haiti, countries in which the US had established its economic and political dominance, worked for

American companies. This exposure drew them and others to seek opportunity on the

US mainland itself. Several were recruited to work in construction and other sectors that were experiencing growth (Fraser, 1990; Marshall, 1987; Watkins-Owens, 2001). West

Indian workers were consequently exposed to the “social, cultural and economic institutions” of the “hegemonic center” of both Britain, through direct colonial rule, and the United States, through its corporations.

However, this process was suspended (and to some extent reversed) in the years leading up to and including the Depression years. Anti-immigrant sentiment in the

US led to the passage of the 1924 Immigration Act that both restricted immigration and created quotas based on the representation of national origin groups found in the country in the 1890 Census. This produced a distinct racial bias in the composition of migrants and favored European origin groups (Edmonston & Passel, 1994). This was also a period characterized by numerous incidents of violence against the Black population in the US. Many migrants returned to the Caribbean during these years.

There was a limited resurgence of migration to the US in response to domestic labor shortages following America’s entry into World War II in the early 1940s. This too was constrained by new legislation in the post-War period. The 1952 Immigration Act, known as the Walter/McCarran Act removed the more obvious racial barriers of the 1924

Immigration Act, retained the national origin rules and created a preference structure for admissions based on types of family relationship and job-related skills (Edmonston &

Passel, 1994; Marshall, 1987).

In the meantime, British recruitment strategies during World War II, and its pursuit of its geopolitical and economic interests in the immediate post-War years, gave rise to that country briefly replacing the United States as a preferred destination for West

Indian migrants. However large scale migration to Britain was short-lived, lasting between 1948, when West Indian workers were recruited to replace British “manpower”

lost in the war, and 1962, the period when the granting of political independence to the countries of the English-speaking Caribbean began. The 1962 Commonwealth

Immigration Act, like the American 1924 legislation, was in response to the objections mounted by the British public to what they saw as a “black invasion” (Marshall, 1987, p.

27). The British government’s 1965 White Paper on Immigration clearly set out that while her former colonies were considered part of the “family”, those from the predominantly Black countries were not welcome on English soil (Marshall, 1987).

As Britain’s influence in the Caribbean declined, US hegemony increased. The

United States began to replace Britain as a significant trading partner and point of social and political reference for countries in the English-speaking Caribbean. The US government’s 1965 amendment of the 1952 Immigration Act, lifted the restrictions on specific countries (relevant mainly to the Asian countries), increased the categories of relatives exempt from numerical quotas, and gave preferential treatment to relatives of citizens and legal residents (Edmonston & Passel, 1994). Visa applicants from the

English-speaking Caribbean benefited from the newly independent status of their countries as each territory now had its own quota rather than being included in the allocation to Britain. West Indian migration to the United States in the period 1961 to

1970 trebled that of the preceding decade (Marshall, 1987), supporting the idea that there was already a large enough West Indian population in the US able to make use of the changes in the law.

Subsequent legislation, notably the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 and the Immigration Act of 1990 each contributed in various ways to the continued growth of the West Indian population in the United States. The IRCA allowed many undocumented migrants to normalize their status. The early groups of undocumented West Indian migrants tended to fall into that category of persons who originally entered the country legally, for example on a visitor’s visa, and then stayed on

after it expired (Palmer, 1990). The 1990 legislation clearly established the principle of family reunification by allowing an unlimited number of visas for immediate family members, and increased the number of visas available to skilled workers and professionals (Edmonston & Passel, 1994). Although destinations such as Toronto and

Montreal, Canada have been added to the list, US destinations, especially those on the

East Coast, remain the most significant and preferred destination for migrants from the

English-speaking Caribbean. Given the even deeper integration of Caribbean economies into a global economic system dominated by American interests there is no indication that this trend will be slowed or reversed in the near future.

West Indian Migrants in the US Labor Market

Early and continuing interest in West Indian immigrants in the U.S. has focused on their apparent superior socio-economic outcomes relative to the native African

American population. This perceived success has been used by conservatives to support their argument that culture rather than race is the basis of Black underachievement in America.

Studies conducted by Kalmijn (1996) and Model (1991, 1995) challenge the validity of the claim that West Indian Blacks (as a group) have superior socio-economic outcomes to African Americans, as well as the predominantly cultural explanations given for these findings. Indeed the results of such research seem to depend on the cohort and generation of the migrant, with those who came earliest and their offspring appearing to do best (Chiswick, 1979). Gender also has an effect on outcomes (Gordon,

1990; Model, 1991) as do definitional matters such as which national groups are included in the “West Indian” category (Model’s 1991 article included non-English speaking Caribbeans). A review of this literature also reveals differences in the socio- economic outcomes: whether incomes (Gordon, 1990; Kalmijn, 1996), or labor force participation and employment (Model, 1991) are studied.

An additional consideration is the fact that most of the literature focuses on comparisons between foreign and native-born Blacks, and to a lesser extent on comparisons between foreign-born Blacks and the White population. Only latterly has attention been paid to the outcomes of foreign-born Blacks, who are predominantly West

Indian, relative to the experiences of other migrants of whatever racial or national origin.

In part this is a consequence of the tendency of migration studies to ignore Black immigrants.

Recent studies by Cordero-Guzman and Grosfoguel (2000) and Model (2001) use US Census data to provide detailed analyses of immigrant groups in New York City.

Cordero-Guzman and Grosfoguel (2000) present a cross-sectional study of the main differences in the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of selected national groups, including three from the West Indies, in the post-1965 immigrant population of

New York City. They adopt Portes’ perspective that “the political economy of the relationship between the sending country and the US (or receiving country)” (Cordero-

Guzman & Grosfoguel, 2000, p.43) has an impact on who these persons are and where they are located in the city’s social and economic structure.

The three West Indian nations, Jamaica, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago rank second, fourth and eleventh respectively, among the top twenty countries from which immigrants came to New York between 1982 and 1989. The authors add Haiti to this group and designate it the “Caribbean periphery”, in the framework that they outline for classifying the various countries. This framework includes an assessment of the country’s location in the global economy, level of economic development and relations with the United States. With regards the outcomes of migration for these groups they add:

Once these various communities are formed in the receiving country,

transnational factors continue to impact the group … but national class forces,

local labour [sic] market structures, racial dynamics, and political processes

begin to exert an increased influence on a given community’s rate of socio-

economic integration, mobility, and asset accumulation in the receiving society

(p.43).

Regrettably, their analysis, like that of so many others focuses on the so-called

“working age” population, persons in the age group 16 to 64 years. However, the profile presented does provide some sense of the status of the West Indian population as a whole.

Among all immigrant groups, including those from the “core country” group of the

United Kingdom, Germany, Italy and Japan, migrants from the three identified countries of the English-speaking Caribbean had the smallest percentage of persons with less than a ninth grade education and the highest percentage of high school graduates and persons with some college education. West Indian immigrants ranked high among the groups with highest percentage of women (average 57%). The population could be described as being predominantly female, literate in English and having high levels of labor force participation (80%).

Despite an unemployment rate higher than the average for both the US and foreign-born population in New York City, West Indian immigrants have a lower than average rate of poverty, ranking third among all foreign-born groups including those from the “core” countries already identified. They earn modest incomes most of which are derived from wages or salaries rather than from either rents or investments or from social security or public welfare (Cordero-Guzman & Grosfoguel, 2000).

In a study of “where New York’s West Indians work”, Suzanne Model (2001) discusses the labor force characteristics of the West Indian men and women (both those born in the United States and foreign-born) using Census data for 1925, 1970, 1980 and

1990. Table 2.1 uses Model’s data to identify the leading sectors in which the highest

percentage of foreign-born West Indians resident in New York City were employed between 1970 and 1990. Percentages for the total foreign-born population in the sector are included for comparison.

Table 2.1. Leading industrial sectors for foreign-born West Indians in NYC by gender & year. (Number in parenthesis indicates % of foreign-born New Yorkers in specified sector) (in percentages)

MEN WOMEN SECTOR 1970 1980 1990 SECTOR 1970 1980 1990 Manufacturing 21.44 20.50 12.51 Professional 25.94 28.86 33.43 (28.50) (25.56) (17.58) service (15.58) (16.06) (22.05)

Government 13.12 14.54 16.30 Personal 23.10 12.56 8.83 (7.78) (9.37) (9.36) service (9.27) (6.98) (7.61)

Professional 12.01 11.89 11.76 Government 14.58 18.44 17.90 service (6.16) (9.19) (9.83) (6.90) (12.37) (11.52)

Finance, real 10.72 9.74 n.r. Manufacturing 13.16 9.79 n.r. estate, (5.51) (7.01) (7.85) (32.74) (32.85) (20.44) insurance

Transport, 10.54 n.r. n.r. Finance, real 8.77 11.81 13.25 utilities, (6.97) (7.41) (8.16) estate, (7.89) (7.89) (9.70) communications insurance

Construction n.r. n.r. 11.09 Retail n.r. n.r. 9.00 (8.43) (7.34) (9.65) (14.00) (11.68) (14.32)

Retail n.r. 10.54 11.22 (17.83) (17.54) (19.50) Adapted from Model (2001), pp. 61-63.

Notes: n.r. – was not one of the leading industries for specified year/gender

These data support other findings that West Indian immigrants are distinct from other immigrants and native born Blacks (who are not of West Indian ancestry) on a number of counts. For example, both male and female West Indians have a higher than

average representation in sectors such as professional service and government, and are less likely to be found in the manufacturing and retail sectors, which are the traditional industrial locations of New York’s migrant population. It is noteworthy that West Indian women are also “over-represented” in the finance, real estate and insurance sectors from as early as 1970.

Model (2001) finds that foreign-born West Indian women are more disproportionately distributed than all other Black women (among the native born she distinguishes between those with and without West Indian ancestry). In part, this is due to their high representation in government and professional services, but it is also due to their concentration in personal service. Although the proportion of West Indian women in personal service has declined from a high of 75% in 1925 to 8.83% in 1990, the latter is still almost twice the rate for African American women (4.25%), and higher than the average for other foreign-born women in New York City.

In addition, what Model describes as a “small” increase in the proportion of native-born women of West Indian ancestry employed in the personal service sector,

1.61% in 1970 and 3.83% in 1990, actually constitutes a doubling of the proportion of this group of women in this sector (2001, p. 67). One implication of this is that while

West Indians in general and West Indian immigrant women in particular, are located in several of the better paid industries in New York City, a fair sized group continues to occupy the lower rungs of the occupational ladder. Furthermore, in the professional service sector, where jobs are predominantly in the health care field, Model notes that

“less than half of the West Indian women in hospital jobs hold professional posts” (2001, p. 72).

Model also examines the extent to which West Indians are located in niche employment, defined as a sub-industry where more than 2.5% of the particular population works, and where the group’s representation is at least 1.5 times the

proportion of the total New York labor force in that sub-industry. She presents the results of the effect of niche employment on West Indians’ earnings relative to native- born Blacks and other groups. This analysis further illustrates the complex interplay of race, gender and migrant status in relation to this group. Table 2.2 identifies the niches in which foreign-born West Indian women were located in the three Census periods. The figures show the percentage of women employed in the particular niche. The proportions, where applicable, for African American women are presented in parenthesis.

Table 2.2. Niche industries for foreign-born West Indian women in New York City

by year (Numbers in parentheses indicate percentage of African American

women in niche)

INDUSTRY 1970 1980 1990 Private hospital 20.8 21.7 19.4 (7.30) (7.62) (9.32)

Local hospital 3.46 4.86 3.84 (2.29) (3.74) (2.76)

Private household 17.7 9.82 5.79 (9.39) (4.58) (2.22)

Banking 6.33 7.00 6.74

% of group in 48.3 43.4 35.8 niche employment (27.6) (28.2) (25.5) Adapted from Model (2001), pp. 69-71.

Model finds that, “Some of the industries to which West Indians gravitated as early as 1925, such as transportation [a niche for men] and domestic service, continue to absorb a disproportionate number today” (2001, p.78). She notes that immigration law since 1965 facilitated the entry of household workers and nurses. Only native-born

women of West Indian ancestry have higher levels of niche employment (in two of the three periods – 1980 and 1990), than foreign-born West Indian women, so although it can be argued that these are traditional occupations for all Black women, West Indian women are more concentrated in them.

Niche employment has mixed effects for West Indian women. While foreign-born

West Indian women working in private households earned the low wages paid across the board to persons in this sub-industry, in the case of private hospitals, the foreign- born West Indian woman earned more than an equally qualified African American woman. In concluding that niche employment has more positive than negative effects for West Indian women, Model points to the trend out of household employment but cautions that Census data for this sector is less reliable. Indeed evidence indicates that this is an area in which substantial numbers of undocumented women work, often coming to the United States for recurring short-term stays until they are able to legalize their status (Bonnett, 1990).

In summary, Caribbean migration provides support for structural rather than purely economic explanations of immigration. It also brings to the fore the dominance of women in the migration stream and their mixed experiences in the American labor market. In the absence of longitudinal studies and data about mortality and return migration, the findings reported in these articles only allow us to make some inferences about the current status of older West Indians. Specifically these recent analyses suggest that gender and migrant status may partially mitigate the negative effects of race in America, resulting in a relatively positive outlook for the older West Indian population. However, the tendency for the earliest group of immigrants to be concentrated in low waged niches, and the persistence (albeit reduced) of this factor, points to the possible vulnerability of segments of the older West Indian population.

The Importance of Gender

In the field of migration.

Both the population data and labor market studies already reviewed highlight the presence and agency of immigrant women. In the field of migration studies, women still tend to be viewed as dependents who migrate to join their male breadwinner partner. In fact, women make up just under 50% of total international migration flows and a majority of the immigrant flows to most developed countries. In the United States for example, female immigrants have been in the majority since the 1930s (DeLaet, 1998; Zlotnik,

1995).

Eleanor Kofman’s (1999) discussion of some of the reasons for the neglect of women in studies of international migration in the European context, are also relevant to the United States. She notes the continued dominance of a model of migration in which the (male) worker arrives first, often under the auspices of a seasonal or contract labor regime. The women who migrate are assumed to be arriving as part of family reunification programs, and are therefore considered dependents of the “main” male economic actor. This idea has been challenged for some twenty years (Houston, Kramer

& Barrett, 1984; Sassen-Koob, 1984). Monica Gordon (1990) notes that the shift in the designation of female migrants from “immigrant wives” to “immigrant women” is indicative of “more than a change in terminology. It reflects a rejection of the assumption, stated or implied, that immigrants are men and dependents are women and children”

(pp.116-117).

The male migrant model remains influential however, as evidenced in Hania

Zlotnik’s (1995) analysis of south-north female migration. Zlotnik acknowledges that:

The proportion of women among immigrants varies considerably between

regions of origin indicat[ing] that the policies of the country of immigration may

not be the major determining factor of the sex selectivity of international

migration. Thus, the regions where the roles of women remain constrained and

their independence is curtailed by a variety of cultural norms and values tend to

produce considerably less international female migrants than male migrants.

(Zlotnik, 1995, United States section, ¶ 7)

However Zlotnik proceeds to reproduce the male breadwinner model by arguing that the low economic status of male migrants in the host country affects the migration of women because they (the men) would not be able to sponsor the migration of their (female) relatives (Zltonik, 1995). In addition, the article offers only limited examples of the ways in which gender roles in the regions of origin influence the composition of immigrant flows.

A recent study of the role of Caribbean women in supporting migration from the region to New York City illustrates the role of women as sponsors (Watkins-Owens,

2001). Watkins-Owens reports that the number of female Afro-Caribbean immigrants to the United States was already on the rise at the turn of the twentieth century. She states that “the migration of women…was a key factor in making possible the formation of culturally distinct Caribbean communities for the first time in New York city” (p.25).

The study brings to light a previously neglected role played by many immigrant

women. These women, the better off among them supporting themselves by operating

boarding houses, the great majority working in laundries and domestic service,

sponsored the immigration of their brothers, sons, husbands and male cousins. Many of

these men subsequently rose to prominence in anti-colonial and early civil rights

struggles. Gordon (1990) notes that the immigration services classified these male

entrants in the same dependents category provided for wives and children while their

female sponsors were classified as “principal aliens”. She describes this situation, which

persisted in the post-1965 period, as a kind of “gender reversal” in which female

migrants became “status givers” (p.131).

Paying attention to the “feminization of migration” (Sassen-Koob, 1984) has yielded new insights into the nature of international migration. Contemporary analyses have noted that immigration is not so much a completed action by a single individual but instead is a process that among other things has become increasingly cyclical (Pessar,

1997). Many migrants, women being significant among them, rotate through periods of work and residence in the home and the host country, and maintain linkages in both locations.

A case study of return migration among a group of Jamaican nurses found that circular or transnational were more appropriate descriptors of their migration experiences. Forty-six per cent of the 227 individuals interviewed had traveled to the

United States to work on at least three occasions and one-fifth of the group had done so on at least six occasions. In addition, 88% of the nurses indicated that they planned to travel again for employment purposes. The ability to contribute to their families’ social and economic welfare was a significant motivating factor in decisions to both leave and return. The presence of family abroad was an important consideration for almost one- third of the persons interviewed (Brown, 1997, pp. 204-205).

Several conceptual and empirical articles highlight the role of women in maintaining the network of social relations (Boyd, 1989; Matthei, 1996) that provide sponsorship or support to the newly arrived (Olwig, 2001; Watkins-Owens, 2001), and to significant others at important points in their life course, for example at the point of child bearing (Ho, 1991). Monica Boyd (1989) notes that the study of social networks in migration helps to correct the imbalance created, on the one hand by the

“undersocialized” view of migration, represented by the push-pull theorists who see immigration as a rational choice made by individuals, and on the other by the structuralists, whose “oversocialized” perspective denies human agency in the migration process (p.641). She adds that:

A complete understanding of the role of personal networks in international

migration require[s] specific attention to gender….Gender differences in social

and economic roles influence migration decisionmaking [sic] processes, modify

the conceptualization of household strategies, influence the sex composition of

labor migration, [and] are often incorporated into immigration policies. (1989, pp.

656-657)

These roles coincide with women’s household and community roles in the

Caribbean. The prevalence of female-headed households and the phenomenon of matrifocality, primarily in Afro-Caribbean communities, have long attracted the attention of anthropologists and sociologists from within and outside of the region. Scholars have provided a variety of explanations for and definitions of situations in which women were the sole or primary breadwinners and decision makers (female headedness), or in which women were de facto the primary decision makers, even in the presence of a male breadwinner/head (matrifocality). (See Herskovits (1947) for an example of the perspective that Afro-Caribbean family forms were retentions and reinterpretations of the pre-slavery African past; Clarke, (1970/1957) and R.T. Smith (1982) for the structural- functionalist view that family forms emerged in response to the prevailing socio- economic conditions; Barrow (1996) for the view that the West Indian family and the role of women in family and society is a combination of history, function and choice.)

An additional observation relevant to thinking about how the construction of gender influences the nature of Caribbean migration is that within the English-speaking

Caribbean, for women the bonds of affiliation and obligation proceed more along consanguineal rather than conjugal lines (Chamberlain, 1999; Soto, 1992). Mary

Chamberlain (1999) draws on results from a larger study of West Indian family structure and living arrangements in Britain to discuss the role of siblings while Isa Maria Soto

(1992) looks at the phenomenon of child fostering and its place in the migration process.

Chamberlain presents case studies of three families, one Jamaican and two

Trinidadian. In the latter cases, one family is of African ancestry the other East Indian. In the first case, the central figure, Maude, considers her older half-brother George her parent. Maude had been singled out as the child “with potential”. She was relieved of household chores to pursue her education, paid for by George (who had migrated to the

United States). In the first of the Trinidadian cases, Arianne is raised by her aunt following the death of her parents while she was still in her teenaged years. In her adult years, she in turn becomes the “mother” for her siblings and their children. In the second case, Mrs Ramlakan recalls her mother weeping bitterly when she has to give up her house near to her parents and move to another village where her husband has found work.

In fact, the move was only temporary, as her mother soon left her husband to return to care for her ailing mother and be near to her brothers and sisters. Mrs

Ramlakan herself engages in the practice of “buying” children who are sick or not well cared for, from her sisters and from neighbors. “I say ‘This is my child from today’ and I take it from you. And he get better…This one over there is call me ‘Ma’ up to now…this one over here does call me ‘Ma’ ” (Chamberlain, 1999, p. 140). Chamberlain explains that the “one over there”, is Mrs Ramlakan’s nephew, Sureth who now lives in England.

The bond between Sureth and his aunt and her children is tight. Mrs Ramlakan

has come to Britain, staying with Sureth and his family….He was brought up …in

a family in which the women were strongly protective of each other and of each

other’s children, where siblings played a vital role in providing support and

sanctuary and where other collaterals offered closeness and companionship.

(Chamberlain, 1999, p. 141)

In her discussion of child fostering Soto (1992) suggests that children are regarded as “women’s wealth”, creating the basis for linkages between different

generations of women (p. 124). She recounts the story of a female immigrant in New

York, one of whose four children remained behind in the Caribbean with her (the immigrant’s) mother. In the meantime, this woman, who was separated from the father of her children, established a relationship with his spouse (whom he had also abandoned), and took care of her child.

Although they were not friends, the two women were able to set aside their

conflicting interests and pool their meager resources to help each

other….Women [are] the dominant actors in an exchange system which renews

and transforms kin and community relations….At the apex of this empire are the

women who have reached the later years of their life cycles [my emphasis].

(Soto, 1992, p.126)

Caring for a child, either left at home in the country of origin, or in the adopted country constitutes a reserve of transnational capital free of male control on which women can draw, especially in mid and later life (Ho, 1999; Soto, 1992).

The foregoing highlights how attention to “traditional” gender roles, such as providing child-care could enhance our understanding of the processes of Caribbean migration, and provide a possible explanation for economic outcomes such as the high rates of labor force participation achieved by West Indians in the United States. Of particular value are the studies that bring to our attention the fact that the majority of the women engaged in the network maintaining, support roles are older women: mothers, aunts and sisters and friends.

It is also clear that paying attention to the number and labor force characteristics of immigrant women is only a beginning. Engendering the political economy perspective recommended by writers such as Cordero-Guzman and Grosfoguel (2000) helps us to understand that it is not just people (Segal, 1987), but women who are the Caribbean’s primary export. As economies and societies such as the United States age and transition

from agriculture and industry to services, the demand for female labor will continue to expand. The English-speaking Caribbean will continue to be a source for this labor, since the region is one in which women enjoy relatively high levels of independence, (a factor identified by Zlotnik as contributing to the feminization of migration).

In the discussion of aging

Like migration studies, gendered perspectives in gerontology and aging policy bring to light the dominance of the “male worker model” (Steckenrider, 1998). In addition, as Novak (1996) notes, the focus of gerontology has tended to be on the older white population, despite the growing recognition of the diversification of the older population of the United States.

There has been relatively limited attention to older migrants qua migrants in part due to the inadequacy of data especially for small populations (Angel & Hogan, 1992).

The characteristics, needs and interests of this population are usually addressed within the rubric of the “ethnic minority” elderly who consist of both the native and foreign-born.

Angel and Hogan (1992) recommend that the “varied immigration histories” (p. 102) of minority elders should be taken into account. Unfortunately, they apply this injunction only to Latinos and Asian Americans. Similarly, Ralston (1997) describes the socio- historical context of midlife and older black women as post-slavery America and segregation (p.276).

Immigrant status is also missing from Amanda Barusch’s (1994) discussion of the characteristics and sources of inequality among older women in America. Barusch identifies four interacting factors: race, class, longevity and widowhood. She notes that among the industrial countries, the United States has the highest levels of inequality and poverty among its elderly population and that older women are the most affected. While the poverty rate for men aged sixty-five years and over declined by 86% between 1959

and 1991, the poverty rate for women only declined by 54% (Barusch, 1994). In fact, older women are twice as likely as older men to be poor.

Barusch shows how race and class (measured by educational attainment), worsen this situation. Whereas older black women are 1.6 times as likely to be poor compared to older black men, they are three times as likely to be poor as white women.

Indeed the 2:1 ratio identified above applies best to white men and white women. While there are differentials within and between racial and ethnic groups, with few exceptions, the differentials are greatest for women of color (Barusch, 1994).

Similar results are produced when educational attainment is considered. The data reveal that women, especially women of color, are significantly more likely to have dropped out of school for economic (personal or family), domestic (child-bearing or care giving), or institutional (unavailable or inaccessible schools) reasons. Older college educated white men had the lowest poverty rate and older black women who had not completed high school, the highest (Barusch, 1994).

Taeuber and Allen (1993) came to similar conclusions in their analysis of demographic trends in the United States. They document the significant difference in earnings and receipt of benefits of older women in general and women of color in particular. These latter outcomes are further negatively affected by women’s gendered roles as caretakers, especially of the very young and very old. However, my earlier discussion of these roles suggests that for older Caribbean women they could have positive as well as negative impacts.

Taeuber and Allen (1993) also note that higher levels of educational attainment are associated with a more favorable health outlook. It should come as no surprise that health status when measured by functional limitation, was found to be poorest among older black women.

We do not know if the tendency of West Indian migrant women to be better educated, translates into an enhanced health status in later life. Lyons’ (1997) comparative study of service utilization among older (aged 65+) West Indian and U.S.- born Blacks living in New York City is not helpful in answering this question. This secondary data analysis provides very little information disaggregated by gender, and the socio-economic scores (which included educational level) of married or widowed women (who were possibly in the majority) were based on their husband’s occupation and education.

Lyons found no statistically significant difference in the perceived health status of

West Indian versus U.S.- born Blacks, although a higher percentage of West Indian elders (52% versus 45%) reported being in fair or poor health. Only 4% of West Indians reported being in excellent health, compared to 15% of U.S.-born Blacks perceiving their health as excellent. Interestingly, there was a higher proportion of the oldest old, persons aged 85 years and over, among the West Indian population than among the U.S.-born

Black population. It is also noteworthy that there was a statistically significant difference in the use of doctors, clinics and emergency room services by West Indians.

Gender (being female) and perception of the number of different types of assistance needed were the only predictors of service use among this population, whereas factors such as living alone, number of years of residence, perceived health and connection to the welfare system were all significant predictors for the U.S.-born

Black elders. The proportion of service use explained by gender was somewhat higher for West Indian women (5%) than for U.S.-born Black women (3%), and the reverse was the case for number of types of help needed (11% versus 16%) (Lyons, 1997).

Patterson’s unpublished qualitative study of the aging experience of 25 Asian and

Caribbean women aged 60 and over reports health, possibly arising from work-related injuries, as one of the concerns that these women have (Patterson, 2000).

It is tempting to assume that older immigrant women, and older West Indian women in particular will demonstrate the same tendency towards negative outcomes found among older women in general and older women of color in particular. However this assumption is not justified until the question is more thoroughly interrogated.

Hooyman’s (1999) question about where is the feminist perspective in research on older women is apt. Hooyman argues that a feminist perspective would involve not just descriptions of the status of women vis a vis men, but also would “take account of fundamental inequities across the life span, [and] would recognize the strengths [and accomplishments] of older women” (Hooyman, 1999, ¶ 9).

The significance of the living arrangements of older persons

Living arrangements have been described as “the household structure of the elderly” (Palloni, 2001, ¶ 3), and as “the innermost layer of social structures surrounding the individual” (Liefbroer and deJong Gierveld, 1995, p.15). Policy and theoretical interest in the living arrangements of older persons is considered a relatively recent phenomenon that derives from the increase in the proportion of persons aged 60+ in the population world-wide (Palloni, 2001). It represents an attempt to identify and understand factors that may influence institutionalization and survival rates among the elderly.

A significant body of research focuses on persons living alone because it is assumed that it is this group that has the highest risk of institutionalization if family and community supports are reduced ( for example Burr and Mutchler, 1992; Hammond,

1995; Peek, Henretta, Coward, Duncan and Dougherty, 1997; Waite, 1999). However findings from several studies call into question the perceived superiority of shared living arrangements.

Davis, Moritz, Neuhaus, Barclay and Gee (1997) used data from the Long-Term

Study of Aging (LSOA) to examine the effect of living arrangements and changes in

living arrangements on the survival of community dwelling older persons. The authors found that living alone did not have a negative impact on survival. This was particularly relevant to older women, who were in the majority and were most likely to experience a change in their living arrangements, especially the loss of a spouse. In fact, women who lost their spouse and were living alone had no increased risk of mortality and actually experienced a small (but statistically insignificant) improvement in their survival rate compared to women whose living arrangement had not changed (Davis et al, 1997, p.

374-376). The authors note that their findings do not replicate their earlier report on the

Epidemiologic Follow-Up to the National Health and Nutrition Examination Study, and suggest that a number of methodological considerations including differences in the age of the samples used and an increased acceptance of the idea of elders living alone, could explain the differences found.

Of particular relevance to the target population in this study, is the finding that women living with persons other than their spouse were at the greatest risk of dying.

The authors offer three possible explanations of this phenomenon. They identify life course factors, the needs of kin, especially children, leading to co-residence and the retention of homemaker roles in these co-residential situations beyond the actual ability to perform these roles as undermining the survivability of older women. In another study

Breeze, Sloggett and Fletcher (1999) found that women aged 55 – 64 and 65 – 74 in

1971 experienced a moderately reduced risk of dying if they had changed from living in some other arrangement to living alone in 1991.

Older women’s living arrangements, notably living with a spouse (Hammond,

1995), or with their spouse and minor children (Hughes and Waite, 2002) have been found to be associated with more positive self-rated health. Late mid-life women living with their spouse, with or without minor children report lower levels of depression

(Hughes and Waite, 2002). Of particular relevance to this study is the finding that

immigrants who live alone, in a shared household with other kin or with non-relatives have higher depressive symptoms than non-immigrants in the same types of living arrangement (Wilmoth and Chen, 2003). In fact living arrangement accounts for almost twice the variance in depressive symptoms among immigrants (8%) versus nonimmigrants (4.6%) in this study (p. S310).

The interest in living arrangements is also linked to concerns about the rising cost of providing long-term care to a diverse and growing population of older persons living on their own (Angel & Angel, 1996). This concern is fuelled by the apparent changes in public attitudes (at least in the industrial countries) towards familial responsibility for elder care and the seeming decline in the availability of family and community support for the elderly (Litwak, 1985; Worobey & Angel, 1990). This concern persists despite evidence to the contrary (Ganong and Coleman, 1998; Fitzgerald,

Mullavey-O’Byne and Clemson, 2001; Wolfson, Handfield-Jones, Glass, McClaran &

Keyserlingk, 1993).

The concern was sufficient to prompt the U.S. Administration on Aging to launch the National Eldercare Campaign in 1991. The campaign set out to encourage “the

American public to return to family values and personal responsibility, and urged families and volunteer groups to “fill the gaps” in services” (Gadson, 2003: 23). Gadson’s analysis of coverage of eldercare issues in two leading U.S. newspapers found that the main message conveyed by both government and the private sector was that eldercare was a “private” family matter. She also notes the exclusion both of the voices of older persons and members of ethnic minorities, the female members of which are frequently the means by which “white middle class, professional women…”buy out” their caregiving responsibilities” (p. 27).

Contrary to popular perception a relatively small proportion of older persons live in institutions: 4.5% of those aged 65 years and older and 18.2% of those aged 85 years

or older lived in nursing homes in 2000, down from 5.1% and 24.5% respectively in 1990

(Hetzel & Smith, 2001). Most older persons live in the community, and a substantial proportion of these live on their own in separate households. They are affected not only by their own life histories but also by policies and programs for the elderly and if they are members of minority groups (e.g. immigrants), by policies covering these groups as well.

In discussions of the policy implications of the large and increasing number of community-dwelling elders, analysts and policy makers have been challenged to address the particular disadvantages experienced by the older members of ethnic minority groups. Linda Wray (1991) observes that ethnic minorities and the elderly are traditionally among the undercounted in data gathering exercises such as the decennial

Census. Further, even when states and departments collect racial and ethnic data, these data are rarely aggregated at the national level. The resulting under-representation of minority elders contributes to reinforcing the tendency of aging policy to be designed for a homogenous older population, or to neglect within group distinctions.

For example, proponents of the privatization of the Social Security system disregard the implications of this policy move for persons in low paying, especially service sector jobs, who would be at significant risk of facing extreme poverty were their

“investments” not to produce the anticipated returns. In addition, members of low income groups, are among those least likely to have the expertise needed to invest “wisely” in the stock market (Villa, 1998), even if they had the income to do so. As my earlier discussion shows, a large proportion of West Indian migrant women would fall into this category.

Theoretical explanations of living arrangements

This study uses a model of possible correlates of the living arrangements of older

West Indian migrant women derived from three theoretical frameworks. These

frameworks variously emphasize the economic, socio-historical, or structural characteristics of the older woman and her kin network.

The rational choice model

Adopting the stance of neo-classical economics, rational choice theorists argue that decisions about living arrangements are made at the level of the individual who is perceived as preferring to live in a separate rather than a shared household. This model proposes that “behavior [type of living arrangement] is the result of a reasoned consideration of living arrangement alternatives in light of resources and constraints, including economic, health, and social support factors” (Mutchler et al.,1997, p. 14).

Income is therefore a significant determinant of living arrangements as the individual is able to “purchase” the privacy associated with living alone. Conversely, increasing age, functional limitations and large kin networks increase the likelihood of co-residence

(Soldo et al.,1990). However these findings must be treated with caution since frail older women comprised the population of interest in this latter study. The correlates identified may not be significant for older women in relatively good health.

Mutchler et al (1997) did find support for Soldo’s conclusions in a study that profiled the community and institutional living arrangements of ethnic minority elders in the United States, and examined the effect of individual and environmental factors on their living arrangements. They also emphasize cultural preference as a factor in the living arrangement outcomes of minority elders, which is part of the debate about the living arrangements of ethnic minority elders. They do provide some evidence that differences based on race and ethnicity remain, after controlling for factors such as socio-economic status and health.

There are however problems with the assumptions underlying the conceptualization and resultant operationalization of certain variables in the rational choice model. Of relevance to the population addressed in this study is the concept of

acculturation, which is used in comparing minority versus White elders’ supposed preference for living independently (Burr and Mutchler, 1992; 1993). Firstly, the phenomenon of transnationalism challenges the idea that new arrivals to the United

States routinely relinquish the values and norms of the home country and adopt those of the host. It is also rather ethnocentric to assume that cultural change is unidirectional.

Secondly, acculturation is operationalized as the ability to speak English. While it is reasonable to assume that persons who are limited in their ability to speak English would have difficulty maintaining separate households, this approach to operationalizing this variable has reinforced the tendency to exclude an ethnic minority such as West

Indian migrant elders for whom English is a first language. This problem is reflected in other studies, for example, Wilmoth (2001), which use two indicators of acculturation:

English proficiency and length of residence in the United States. Embedded in the work of many American researchers is the notion that the immigrant is somehow “weaned” from an attachment to the culture of her country of origin. This perspective reflects a monolithic conceptualization of the culture of origin and a hegemonic conceptualization of the host country’s culture.

Studies that have adopted a structural approach have argued that the extended family arrangement found to be prevalent among the minority elderly is more a function of the insertion of these minorities into systems of equality and inequality than of any inherent adherence to cultural norms. Proponents of the rational choice model acknowledge that objective factors associated with being a member of a minority group, for example, the characteristics of the housing market in which minority populations live, and high levels of need among non-elderly family members influence living arrangement outcomes (Mutchler et al, 1997). Particularly relevant to this study is the finding that minority elders tend to have larger kin networks that are geographically more proximate and more “needy” than the networks of the majority White population. These findings

highlight the importance of viewing co-residence as possibly serving the interests of other kin as much as responding to a “choice” made by the older person.

The life course perspective

The life course perspective has emerged as a significant framework within which researchers and policy analysts have approached issues related to aging. Dannefor and

Uhlenberg (1999) observe that so pervasive has this influence become that the

American Sociological Association in 1997 renamed its aging section, the “Section on

Aging and the Life Course”. The life course is a “symbolic construct”, “a set of publicly defined meanings and expectations for the course of human lives” (p.319).

In their critique of the rational choice and similar models, Dannefor and

Uhlenberg note that it is behavior rather than choice which is measured in studies employing this model. They comment,

“Without a systematic analysis of the life circumstances and subjective

experiences that lie behind the observed behavior, an appealing and culturally

familiar image of a volitional and more or less autonomous individual obscures

the analytical problem of the constraints with which choices are made, and the

constitutive role of social interaction and social structure in constructing “choice”

in the first place” (Dannefor and Uhlenberg, 1999, p. 312)

Model’s (2001) analysis (discussed previously) of occupational niches occupied

by foreign-born West Indian versus native born African American women is an example

of the kind of within as well as between cohort analysis called forth by the life course

perspective. Recognizing the stratification of these women’s occupational structure

helps to explain different patterns of income distribution in later life, a factor that has

implications for their living arrangements. In a similar vein Cooney and Uhlenberg (1992)

disaggregate adult children age cohorts to better understand patterns of receipt of

assistance from parents. This process revealed that this process is neither linear, nor

statistically significant in all circumstances nor the same for different types of assistance

(e.g., advice vs. gifts of money) as other researchers have found.

Blank and Torrecilha’s study of Latino immigrant living arrangements found that life course variables such as being a (young or middle-aged) parent decreased the likelihood of living in an extended household, although this outcome was also significantly affected in the opposite direction by the presence of young children in the family. Interestingly, neither English language proficiency, income nor being employed were significantly related to the likelihood of living in an extended household (Blank and

Torrecilha, 1998).

Older West Indian migrant women in the United States occupy several different cohorts in addition to the obvious age cohort. From a “personalogical” (Dannefor and

Uhlenberg, 1999, p. 313) perspective pre-departure experiences and socio-economic status shape the woman’s employment and other options on arrival in the U.S.

Examining her life course from a “sociological” perspective (Dannefor and

Uhlenberg, 1999 p.313), the immigration process itself is informed by U.S. government policy, for example its emphasis on family reunification, or the post welfare and immigration policy of excluding newly arrived family members from eligibility for welfare services. These policies contribute to the creation of ethnic enclaves in housing, extended households and to the greater number of proximate kin found in immigrant communities. Although they do not do so themselves, Blank and Torrecilha’s study also illustrates how sociological factors in the life course affect the likelihood of living in an extended household. In their case, they discuss how Puerto Rican’s possession of U.S. citizenship makes it easier for them to bring family members from Puerto Rico to assist with childcare, thereby explaining the much greater incidence of extended households among this Latino sub-group.

These studies demonstrate the need to challenge the construction of “immigrant” as a male of working age. This construct persists in relation to the West Indian immigrant although it is undergoing change in relation to some other groups, especially those of

European and Asian origin. In addition we have to challenge the public definition of the immigrant life course as transitioning from being “newly arrived” to becoming

“acculturated”, where, in the former stage one is expected to live in an extended household while in the latter stage the immigrant is expected to live in a household that looks more like that of the host community.

Notwithstanding the utility of the life course perspective, we must also take note of the criticism leveled at this perspective, which is that notwithstanding its apparent usefulness for understanding outcomes such as living arrangements, it does appear to have replaced the neo-classical rationality of the rational choice model with a “linearity”

(Estes, Biggs and Phillipson, 2003) of its own.

Structural/intergenerational exchange model

Several authors have explored the concepts of exchange and reciprocity in older person’s decision-making about living arrangements (Bengston and Roberts, 1991,

Hogan, Eggebeen and Clogg, 1993, Silverstein and Bengston, 1997, Silverstein and

Litwak, 1993, and Soldo and Hill, 1993). The core argument of this model is that living arrangements are the result of past, current and anticipated contributions given and received by members of a particular household. Whereas the rational choice model could be said to focus on the factors that contribute to the older person living in a separate household, the intergenerational exchange model seeks to explain the incidence of shared (or extended) households.

While there is a strong emphasis on the ways in which support is mobilized to benefit the older person, writers employing this theoretical framework have also noted that older persons are often as much contributors as recipients of social support. This is

most frequently the case among minority ethnic populations and is therefore particularly relevant in the context of an analysis that understands immigration as a process involving networks of households and communities (deHaan, 2000).

The older migrant who lives with other adult kin is as likely to be providing housing and other support to a more recent arrival or a needy family member, as she could be the recipient of assistance from her extended network (Speare & Avery, 1993).

Analyses of the living arrangements of older migrants, and especially older migrant women, should therefore examine the characteristics of the extended household in order to identify the direction of the flow of resources.

Hogan et al (1993) challenge the popularly held view that intergenerational exchange is widely practiced, especially among minority groups. Fewer than half the participants in their nationally representative sample participated in any form of exchange and only about ten per cent did so frequently. For example, Hogan et al

(1993) found that older persons with several children were less likely to engage in exchange. They do however identify features of the households most likely to engage in this practice. The presence of young children, especially those of preschool age, an unmarried mother and physical distance are three such. They also found an increased likelihood of a two way exchange between adult children and their aging parents when they are in frequent contact with each other.

The authors suggest that, “the ethnographic research of the 1960s and 1970s that portrayed strong and exceptionally effective kin support networks among multigenerational, matrifocal black families may represent a bygone era of limited relevance today” (p.1450). They note that Black families face multiple and competing demands in an environment of limited resources and are therefore constrained in the amount of intergenerational exchange they can undertake. The authors recommend that the contemporary situation be investigated to determine what now exists. This is

especially necessary since Hogan and his colleagues do not explicitly address the question of whether their findings are equally applicable to Black immigrant populations.

The connection between this theoretical perspective and the life course perspective is immediately evident. Living arrangements, especially residence in shared households, are not so much a feature of acculturation or the lack thereof but a

“resource generating strategy for caring for young children and older adults”, (Blank &

Torrecilha,1998, Discussion and Conclusion section ¶ 4).

Correlates of living arrangements

A range of variables associated with the living arrangements of older persons can be deduced from the theoretical frameworks discussed in the preceding section. The emphasis in rational choice theory is on demographic variables such as age, marital status, gender, health and particularly on socioeconomic factors such as occupation, income and poverty status. Researchers who seek an explanation for living arrangements in the structural characteristics of the older person’s kin network examine factors such as number and gender of children and proximity of kin. The variables occupation and income are also preoccupations for proponents of life course theory.

Furthermore, applying a gendered, structural perspective to the analysis of Caribbean migration suggests that factors such as the duration of residence and citizenship may exert an influence on the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women insofar as these characteristics facilitate the woman’s ability to assist the newly arrived or family members in one or kind of life transition.

In this section I will discuss the extent to which previous research validates the propositions of these theoretical perspectives.

Demographic correlates

Most models of living arrangements routinely include age, gender and marital status. Of particular interest is the significance of these correlates among minority

groups which exhibit a greater tendency to live in shared households (see for example

Angel and Hogan, 1992; Burr and Mutchler, 1992, 1993; Himes, Hogan and Eggebeen,

1996; Mutchler, 1990; Peek, Henretta, Coward, Duncan and Dougherty, 1997).

Hunter’s (1997) analysis of data from the National Survey of Black Americans

(N=2,107) indicated that age, gender, and family (marital) status had an impact on the living arrangements of African Americans at all stages of their life course. She found that more than half of the female respondents aged 65 years and over, lived alone and less than 10% of women in this age group were still living in married-couple households with children. Among the small number of African American women aged 65 and over who were living in nuclear single parent households, one-third appeared to be living with adult children. Hunter (1997) describes the extended African American household as

“child rearing households” (p.273), finding that minor children were present in 43% of the cases where older persons lived in an extended family household.

Christine Ho’s (1993, 1999) case studies of Afro-Trinidadian families in Los

Angeles illustrate this point. The Bain and Price kin networks which she describes “are complex and embrace multiple households that are transcontinental and international in scope” (Ho, 1993, p. 38). The cases illustrate how living arrangements come into being in response to the need to care for a young child, to provide a base for further education, and to serve as a haven for persons experiencing life transitions such as a divorce.

Cantor and Brennan’s (2000) study of the elderly in New York City found that although they were the most likely to live in an extended family household, only one third of older African Americans belonged to this group. Like older Whites, more than 40% lived alone and another 26% lived with a spouse. Cantor and Brennan’s New York findings also support Hunter’s findings regarding the presence of children in the households of older African Americans. Some 37% of older African American women lived in households with children and without a spouse. Of relevance to this study is the

authors’ finding that in these types of households, 80% of the respondents reported being head of the household (2000, p. 212).

Age is regularly included in models of correlates of living arrangements, and it is

assumed that older persons routinely move from more independent (living alone or with

spouse) to less independent (living with adult children) arrangements. However, Janet

Wilmoth’s (1998) analysis of the actual timing of transitions from one type of living

arrangement to another, alert us to the need to exercise care in generalizing about this

factor. For example, most older persons are unlikely to change their living arrangement

(of whatever type) before age 75, and after that age, transitions are not always in the

anticipated direction. For example, while it is true that among the oldest age groups the

dominant community based living arrangement is with an adult child, almost 40% of

persons at age 75 make transitions from living with an adult child to living alone. This

figure is substantially different from other studies that found lower rates of transition of

this type. This difference could be accounted for by, among other things, the fact that

other studies have focused on older persons living alone (see for example, Spitze,

Logan and Robinson, 1992). In addition, the life course perspective which underpins

this approach has been criticized for its “linearity” (Estes, Biggs and Phillipson, 2003),

which can produce the neglect of nuances such as identified in Wilmoth’s study.

Wilmoth (1998) also found that movement into co-residence with an adult child

was negatively associated with age, providing some support for the hypothesis that

changes in living arrangements involving children were as much if not primarily for the

benefit of the child (p.443). While Wilmoth’s study included previously omitted living

arrangements such as living with spouse, by virtue of controlling for the effects of

gender or race, it is not clear the extent to which these findings would be applicable to

the subjects of this study.

Marital status vs. cohabitation. Marital status has been assumed to have an effect on the living arrangements of older persons. Spouses are expected to be the primary caregivers in the older person’s household. The absence of a spouse, by virtue of never having been married, being separated, divorced or widowed, is considered a significant determinant in whether the older person lives in an extended household, makes use of formal services or moves into an institutional setting. Indeed many studies of living arrangements of older persons, especially those aged 65 years and over, focus on unmarried persons – more accurately persons living alone (for example Choi, 1996;

Mutchler, 1990), because of the presumed greater vulnerability of this group. In effect, being married (i.e. having a co-resident spouse) is perceived as occupying a privileged space in the typology of living arrangements.

Analyses of the effects of cohabitation as opposed to marital status on outcomes such as the receipt of care, mortality, health and living arrangements have given rise to questions about the actual impact of marital status as legally defined. For example,

Chappell’s (1991) Canadian study found that co-residence was more significant than marital status in the provision of assistance with instrumental activities of daily living

(IADL). Noteworthy was the absence of a significant relationship between living arrangement and the receipt of emotional support (Chappell, 1991) – one type of support typically associated with marital status. An analysis of 1990 census data also finds no significant difference in the likelihood of older persons with resident or non-resident spouses co-residing with an adult child (Schmertmann, Boyd, Serow and White, 2000).

In a similar vein, Tennstedt, Crawford and McKinlay’s (1993) analysis of data from a longitudinal study of frail elders and their caregivers found that the type of relationship had no significant effect on the types and amount of assistance provided by co-resident caregivers. The only exception was in the area of assistance with housekeeping, where spouses provided more assistance than other co-resident helpers.

The authors do note that the age of their sample and their focus on the instrumental and not the socio-emotional aspects of caregiving may have influenced their findings.

Other studies have also determined that a range of factors, other than or in addition to marital status (however conceived) have implications for living arrangement, particularly the risk of institutionalization. For example, Breeze et al. (1999) found significant age group and gender differences in the relationship between socioeconomic and demographic characteristics and the risk of institutionalization and mortality over a

21 year period. For women there was little association between marital status, living alone and the risk of dying. Older widowed women experienced a greater risk of mortality if they were living with others, but a reduced risk of institutionalization if they were in this living arrangement. Those men and women who lived alone at both periods of the study actually had a reduced risk of dying. However moving into rented accommodation placed women at risk of institutionalization. Interestingly, the authors found that a little studied factor such as the loss of access to a car, increased the risk of institutionalization or death for both men and women.

What these studies illustrate is that there may be problems with the conceptualization of the term “marital status”, specifically the assumption that marital status, specifically being married, is the same as cohabitation or having a co-resident spouse. The study by Schmertmann et al. (2000) discussed later in this chapter, illustrates an appreciation of this issue and uses the terms “paired” to accommodate all types of cohabiting arrangements.

The matter of whether one considers marital status or cohabitation is particularly relevant for studies of immigrant households, because married immigrant couples may live apart, often in different countries, for extended periods (Ho, 1999), sometimes maintaining contact and visiting occasionally, at other times effectively living separately on a permanent basis although this may never be formally acknowledged. Indeed,

Choi’s (1995) study of racial differences in the correlates of living arrangements reveals that the association between marital status and living with adult children applied on to the White elders in the sample.

Socioeconomic status and income

In another study, Choi’s (1999) comparison of determinants of Hispanic and

Black couples’ versus singles’ living arrangements found that younger, higher income

Black couples lived in separate households, while the poorest Black elders were most likely to live in a shared household headed by someone other than themselves. This group was also the oldest and most likely to report poor health. Similar results were produced in a comparative study of older nonmarried Black and White women (Mutchler,

1990).

Some studies have suggested that income may not be an adequate measure of socio-economic status, particularly for older persons, post-retirement (Davis et al., 1996;

Mutchler, 1990). Other measures, such as net worth, the amount of assets relative to debts, have been used with equivocal results in a comparison of their effect on the living arrangements of Black and White women (Mutchler, 1990). In the study that employed this approach to evaluating socioeconomic status, it was unclear how assets were computed. In the present study both estimates of personal disposable income (“How much money do you have to live on each week?”), and home ownership are used to assess the resource base of older West Indian migrant women. The home ownership variable will be particularly relevant in the discussion of household headship, which is theorized as revealing the main direction of support in the shared household. In other populations, both income and levels of home ownership have been found to decline with age (Liefbroer and de Jong Gierveld,1995).

Health and functional status

One of the major sources of interest in the living arrangements of older persons is the relationship between this phenomenon and health. An early study by Speare,

Avery and Lawton (1989) explored the question of whether changes in living arrangements, specifically institutionalization were the result of declines in physical functioning. The study found that living arrangements were significantly associated with difficulties in performing ADL and IADL, and that disability had a significant influence on whether the older person lived with others. Several studies done since found that there were significant relationships between levels of physical, cognitive and emotional functioning and the living arrangements of older persons (Waite and Hughes, 1999).

Worobey and Angel’s finding that the majority of older persons aged 70 years and over who were living alone and who experienced declines in functional status continued to live alone two years later does challenge this thesis (Worobey and Angel,

1990). However the authors of this study did find an association between the presence of functional limitations at the beginning of the study period, deterioration of functional status and an increased tendency to live with others or in an institution. Although this was the case for Whites and women, this finding did not hold for Blacks, who exhibited a greater tendency to live alone (Worobey and Angel, 1990). The authors did not present results for Black women.

Functional limitation is one of several approaches to evaluating the health of older persons. An alternate and equally if not more powerful measure is the single-item self-rated health (SRH) measure. Self-rated health is most frequently assessed by asking respondents either how they feel about their current health, how they feel about their current health in comparison to their health at a previous period, and how they feel about their health in comparison to others of the same age. Responses in these measures range from “excellent” to “poor”.

As Fayers and Sprangers (2002) report, SRH remains a consistently effective predictor of clinical outcome and mortality, for example in the treatment of cancer, regardless of the form, sequence and response options used in the question. Idler and

Benyamini (1997), came to a similar conclusion in their meta-analysis of 27 community studies. This review confirmed the predictive power of the SRH measure, although the authors point out that the independent effect of SRH failed to hold in four of the 27 studies, and that the effect of SRH is greater for men than for women. Another study that examined this gender difference found that it varied both by the type of question and the duration of the follow up period, with the greatest loss of effect was when the SRH measure used was having respondents compare their health with age peers and for longer term mortality ( seven versus three years) (Deeg and Kriegsman, 2003).

While the correlation of self-rated health with mortality has been extensively studied, I was unable to identify any assessment of its effect on living arrangements.

Given the tendency of SRH to act somewhat independently of functional status, one should be careful about inferring that it mirrors the impact of functional measures on the living arrangements of older persons. In this study the effect of SRH is tested separately from that of functional status.

Kinship correlates

The interest in the kinship and other support networks of older persons arises primarily from a concern about the adequacy of caregiving arrangements for community dwelling older persons. This so called informal network is widely regarded as the primary source of support as older persons become frail and in need of assistance. Litwak

(1985) and others (for example Bengston and Roberts, 1991; Litwin, 1995; Wellman and

Wortley, 1990) have elaborated models of social support that demonstrate the functions and complementarity of both the types and sources of support. Instrumental and affective support is provided by a network structured by gender, kinship, proximity,

socioeconomic status and education of either donors or recipients. Kin and other networks are perceived to be particularly relevant to minority elders who have been found to make less use of formal services and greater use of informal support systems

(Binstock, 1999; Harel and Biegel, 1995; Peek, Coward and Peek, 2000).

Despite reports of limited or declining levels of exchange of support between older and younger Americans, including African Americans (Hogan, Eggebeen and

Clogg, 1993), when support is provided, children constitute an important source of this assistance. Using data from three nationally representative surveys of the elderly,

Crimmins and Ingegneri (1990) record a 36% decline between 1962 and 1984 in the percentage of older persons (aged 65+) living with a child (28% in 1962 versus 18% in

1984). By 1990 this figure appears (given the difference in the ages of the two samples) to have declined further to 15.6% of persons aged 60 and over (Schmertmann et al.,

2000).

Another area of research into the kin networks of older persons relates to the link between co-residence, the number, gender, marital status and proximity of adult children

(and grandchildren) and the receipt of care. Crimmins and Ingegneri (1990) identified three determinants of whether the study participants would live with a child in 1984: respondents’ number of children, the number of functional disabilities they reported and the fact of being widowed. Age was not a significant determinant of co-residence. Of interest was the finding that it was the status of being widowed (and the greater number of women who were widows) rather than gender (being female) that had an effect on the likelihood of elder-child co-residence. Education had an inverse effect on the likelihood of co-residence, which the authors surmise was related to the link between education and socioeconomic status and health. They also found that being Black had both a direct and indirect effect on the likelihood of living with a child.

The authors found substantial differences between the data collected in1984 and the data for 1975. In 1975 the presence of an unmarried child rather than the number of children was the main determinant of elder-child co-residence. The number of children was indirectly influential since this variable affected the likelihood of there being an unmarried child. The presence of unmarried children also resulted in race (being Black) losing its significance.

One of several studies (Choi, 1999) that explicitly examined the impact of race on the likelihood of elder-child co-residence among elders seventy and over, found that almost twice as many Blacks (30.7%) as Whites (16.0%) lived with their adult children.

Race had a significant effect even after variables such as sex, economic and marital status were taken into account. However this effect was smaller than marital status, number of functional limitations, age, level of education and whether the elder lived in an urban or rural county.

Schmertmann et al., (2000) argue that it is difficult to make such definitive statements about the correlates of elderly living arrangements because of the number of differences in the studies undertaken. Among these are differences in the ages of the study populations as well as differences in the statistical tests employed. Several studies focus on one sub-group only, most often unmarried older women. The authors argue for a more finely nuanced analysis of this important aspect of the lives of older persons.

For example, these authors reveal that as a group, older Americans (aged 60 and older) are more likely to live with a son rather than with a daughter. However for older women who are not living with a spouse, the opposite is the case. As the writers point out, because women in this living arrangement predominate in the elderly population, this living arrangement is also the predominant type found among the elderly population. The writers observe that there is a decline in elder-child co-residence up to

age 75 for women and 80 for men. Following this, co-residence increases, dramatically so for older women and their adult daughters. (Schmertmann et al., 2000).

Some researchers have found that more than gender or marital status, the number of children has the greatest effect on the likelihood of elder-child co-residence.

Spitze and Logan (1990) for example determined that the probability of elder-child co- residence almost doubled (from .178 to .307) when the number of children rather than their gender was considered. The marital status of the child, especially the presence of an unmarried daughter has also been found to be significant.

Structural features of the kin network, specifically income and employment status, presence of minor children and marital status (being unmarried), and proximity, have all been found to affect elder-child co-residence. This first group of characteristics, being as much features of the other members of the household as of the elder, lend credence to the possibility that co-residential living arrangements are as much if not more a response to the needs of the child than the elder (Speare and Avery, 1991;

Spitze and Logan,1990). In relation to proximity I suggest that the availability of kin within a short distance of the older person’s household could facilitate the older West

Indian migrant woman’s remaining in a separate household.

Impact of immigration on living arrangements

In their study of the contribution of immigration to patterns of extended family living in the United States, Glick, Bean and Van Hook (1997) distinguish between horizontal and nonhorizontal extended family households. They note that horizontal extended family households in which siblings, aunts and other lateral kin predominate, facilitate the entry of the newly arrived immigrant. On the other hand, nonhorizontal or vertical extended family household, where parents, children and grandchildren predominate emerge when immigrant population have established a presence in the country and create (or reunite) their own households. In this regard, among Caribbean

immigrants, including those from the islands of the Caribbean, the incidence of horizontal extended family households only increased by 11% between 1970 and 1990,

(and in fact declined slightly in the 1970 – 1980 period). By comparison, the incidence of nonhorizontal extended family households increased by 54% over the same period

(computed from Glick et al, 1997, p. 185).

The authors find that a group of Central American countries, Mexico, Guatemala and El Salvador, has contributed most the increase in extended family living in the U.S.

Based on their analysis of the living arrangements of this group, and anticipating continued high rates of immigration by this group, they conclude that the incidence of horizontal extended family households will continue to increase.

Further analysis of this phenomenon by Glick (2000) supports this proposition.

Her examination of the effect of duration of residence (among other factors) on patterns of extended family living in the United States revealed that except for those in the middle years, both age and length of time in the country increased the likelihood that immigrants would form extended family households. In addition Glick notes that vertical extended family households are most prevalent in households headed by older persons.

Wilmoth, deJong and Himes (1997) compare living arrangements of White,

Hispanic and Asian older (aged 60+) immigrants and non-immigrants. (Regrettably the

authors excluded Black immigrants on grounds that they were too few in number.) They

used the 1990 census data to construct a nationally representative sample of all non-

Black minority elderly and a 10% sample of White elderly. The main findings were that

immigrant status had a significant effect on living arrangement and elderly immigrants,

specifically those who migrated after age 60, were more likely to live in shared

household rather than in separate households. However within the immigrant sample,

women, married couples and persons with higher incomes did display a propensity to

live in separate households.

The authors found that personal care and mobility limitations had less effect on the likelihood of Hispanic and Asian elders living in a shared household than was the case for White elders. They suggested that this lent support to the view that the needs of older persons were neither the sole nor even the main determinant of their living arrangements. The authors also highlighted the likely effect of official immigration policy.

In particular they noted the requirement that sponsors give an undertaking that the new immigrant will not become a charge on the public purse. A co-residential living arrangement would be a ready means of meeting this requirement.

Wilmoth (2001) used the same data to explore in further detail within and between group similarities and differences in the non-Black and non-Native American

Indian immigrant population. She found substantial variation within this population. For example, among unmarried persons, older White immigrants from North America or

Western Europe were significantly more likely to live alone than any other group of immigrant elders.

Particularly relevant to my study population, is Wilmoth’s finding that the unmarried older female immigrant, (except White women from Eastern Europe and

Asian women from Japan), was most likely to live in a shared household of which she was not the head. However among unmarried elders, unmarried Hispanic women had the highest rates of being heads of shared households. Elderly household headship in shared households was most common among married male and female immigrants.

Wilmoth also found that the married female immigrant was less likely than her male counterpart to be head of the household. This finding needs to be tested for the study population given that matrifocality and female headship continues to be a significant feature of households in the English-speaking Afro Caribbean.

In exploring issues related to the impact of co-residence on the status of the older person, Phua, Kaufman and Park (2001) challenge the assumption that co-

residence means dependence and a loss of status for the co-residing elder. In examining the “Strategic adjustments of elderly Asian Americans”, the authors suggested that headship of the shared household was an important means whereby the older person retained status (independence). They found that while income, employment status and receipt of a pension were correlated with living in a separate household, when the older married Asian American with these characteristics lived in a shared household, he [sic] was most likely to be head of that household.

These authors make an important but not always acknowledged distinction between those older persons who had migrated to the United States prior to age 65 and those who were truly “elderly immigrants” (see Gelfand and Yee, 1991 referenced previously). This latter group is most likely to live in a shared household, especially when they have limited English language proficiency. Given the duration of West Indian migration to the United States, we can anticipate more of the former than the latter in the study population.

A model of the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women

The foregoing discussion identifies several factors that could be associated with whether or not the older West Indian migrant woman lives in a separate household or with other adult kin in a shared household. Table 2.3 lists the variables selected for use in this study and the theoretical propositions regarding their respective contributions to the outcome.

The first group of variables, income, homeownership and health, are derived from rational choice theory and are factors that enable the establishment and maintenance of a separate household. Life course theory suggests that the social constructs of age and marital status (re-constructed as having a co-resident spouse) are also associated with living arrangement type.

Table 2.3 Theoretical sources and propositions regarding variables associated with the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women

Theory Variables Proposition Financial resources & related assets allow older woman to Income, homeownership, purchase privacy & RATIONAL CHOICE health (self-rated and independence in the form of functional limitations) living in a separate household. Increasing frailty limits her ability to exercise this choice. The tasks of the stages of the life course affect living arrangements. Chronological age is associated with tasks such as family formation, LIFE COURSE Age, co-resident spouse which is associated with the propensity to live in a separate household or at a later stage, with failing health, which is associated with living in a shared household Family and kin variables: The older woman’s decisions Number, gender and about her living arrangements proximity of surviving are as much if not more children; the social and influenced by the structural INTERGENERATIONAL economic needs of kin, characteristics of her kin EXCHANGE e.g., employment status, network as by her own being in childbearing characteristics, needs and years, poverty status, preferences being a newly arrived immigrant Older West Indian migrant women are major players in the migration process. She often precedes other family members, establishes herself and then sponsors her own Year of arrival, children as well as other TRANSNATIONAL citizenship, proximity of members of a lateral kin MIGRATION kin; types of kin network. In addition, “ethnic enclaves” are characteristic of immigrant communities, with large kin networks enhancing rather than reducing the older woman’s ability to maintain a separate household.

Social and intergenerational exchange theory turns our attention to the older woman’s family, its size, composition and demographic characteristics. These characteristics, along with the factors resulting from her immigrant status are likely to be associated with her residence in a shared household. The exceptions are the existence of several (female) children and a large kin network.

It is obvious that although these variables are associated with particular theoretical frameworks, they have an impact on other parts of the framework. Figure 1 illustrates the operation of the model. The variables in the model are of three broad types: bio-psychological, socio-historical and economic. A life course variable such as age is theorized as having a direct effect on the type of the West Indian woman’s living arrangements. In similar vein, the older woman’s mobility and level of disability directly affect her ability to chose to live in a separate household. A related measure of health, self-rated health has been found to operate independently of functional limitation in influencing the type of living arrangement outcome.

Historical factors such as the older woman’s duration of residence in the United

States, as well as social characteristics such as her citizenship status can also influence her living arrangements, since this enables the woman to sponsor other family members who will likely live with her in the early years of settlement. Other characteristics such her income and possession of an asset such as a home also place the older woman in a position to respond to the needs of other members of the family. Consequently, her residence in a shared household may be as much a result of kin characteristics as of her own needs.

Figure 1. Model of the theoretical framework of the correlates of the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women

Bio-psycho Socio-historical Economic

LC Age Co-resident LC spouse

Income & home RC

Year of ownership TM arrival/

Citizen

RC v i Number of n functional g

Proximate a limitations r

TM r

kin/ a

n Number of g e

types of m

proximate e

kin t

Number, IE gender & Family

proximity of need

surviving IE children

Self-rated health RC

Note: LC = Life course; RC = Rational choice; TM = Transnational migration; IE = Intergenerational Exchange

Research questions

This study seeks first to answer the question: What are the demographic characteristics of community dwelling foreign-born West Indian women aged fifty-five years and over living in the state of Connecticut?

The theoretical framework set out above will then be used to address the following questions:

What are the correlates of the older West Indian woman’s residence in separate households rather than in shared households in the Greater Hartford region of

Connecticut?

Among older West Indian women living in shared households in the Greater

Hartford region of Connecticut, what are the correlates of their headship of the shared household?

Chapter Three - Methodology

Research Design This study used a cross-sectional exploratory survey design to analyze the correlates of the living arrangements of minority elders, particularly immigrant elders. It focused on the living arrangements of community dwelling West Indian migrant women aged fifty-five years and over who live in the Greater Hartford region of Connecticut in the United States. Although, a longitudinal design would provide more information regarding the experiences of these women, a cross-sectional design was employed in this initial study due to time and financial constraints. Moreover, a better understanding of the relationship among the proposed correlates is necessary before investing in further study or designing interventions for this population.

The purpose of the study was to examine the impact of variables drawn from rational choice, life course, intergenerational exchange and transnational migration theories on the likelihood that this group of women would live in separate households rather than in shared households. Explicit attention was given to the effect of migration by highlighting the impact of the proximity of kin, compared to the effect of the number and gender of children, on living arrangements. I also considered the impact of factors such as citizenship status, migration cohort, homeownership and the needs of other members of the family.

Data Collection Setting

The subjects of the study were community dwelling foreign-born West Indian women aged fifty-five years and over who were resident in the Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut.

Sampling

Purposive sampling was done among the adult West Indian population in the

Greater Hartford area to identify potential participants. A purposive sampling approach

was used because it is the most feasible method in a context where one is attempting to reach “members of a difficult-to-reach, specialized population” (Neuman, 2000, p.198).

The difficulty and cost of obtaining adequate data sources for minority populations are well documented (LaVeist, 1995; Patrick, Pruchno & Rose, 1998). In addition, West Indian migrants are a classic example of a rare population. Depending on location, they constitute between one-tenth and one-thousandth of the total population (Kalton and Anderson, 1989). There was no pre-existing sample frame, and the costs associated with developing such a frame would have been prohibitive. It is noteworthy that specialized techniques had to be developed to recruit an adequate sample for the larger and more “visible” population in the National Survey of Black

Americans (NSBA), conducted in 1979 – 1980 by the team led by Dr James Jackson at the University of Michigan (Jackson and Gurin, 1987). This process took over a year.

The challenge of identifying my target population was magnified by the fact that my interest is in a subset of a group that is not only relatively small in number but has been rendered virtually invisible in the political economy of race and aging in America.

Kalton and Anderson (1989) point out that snowball sampling is a frequently selected option in this context. They describe how this method could be used to create a sampling frame, but note that researchers often omit this step and simply use this technique to select respondents up to the desired number. However, this method can result in a biased sample, since respondents are likely to refer persons similar to themselves, especially in terms of their social status. In addition, recruitment using this method alone can be time consuming.

A purposive sampling strategy was therefore used in this study. In this regard I relied on both “subjective information”, such as my knowledge of the locations in which the West Indian population lived, worked and worshipped, on experts, especially West

Indian community leaders (Neuman, 2000) as well as administrative records

(organizational membership lists and related records) containing information about this population.

Sample Size Determination. For this study, a sample size of 112 was specified as being required to achieve a power level of .80 with a moderate to large effect size of

.30 with alpha at .05. Of this number, it was projected that the majority, approximately

72 (64%) respondents would be living in shared households, and a minority, approximately 40 (36%) respondents, would be women living in separate households.

The derivation of this sample size follows the guidelines provided by Newton and

Rudestam (1999) who recommend the following formula for two-tailed tests of individual predictors in regression equations: N > 104 + k with k being the number of predictors,

originally estimated not to exceed eight. Although most of the hypotheses involved the

use of one-tailed tests, the equation requiring a larger sample is employed as partial

compensation for the fact that the sample is a non-random one. Kraemer and

Thiemann’s model (1987) also supports a sample of this size with a minor reduction of

the effect size to .26. Pallant (2005) refers to the estimation used by Tabachnik and

Fidell (2001) of N > 50 + 8k which would result in a sample size of 114. Assuming a

seventy per cent response rate, a minimum sample of 172 subjects was estimated as

being required.

Inclusion Criteria. The inclusion criteria were women, aged fifty-five years and

older, born in the English-speaking Caribbean and resident in the Greater Hartford

region of the state of Connecticut.

Exclusion Criteria. The exclusion criteria were women living in institutions, or

living solely with adult non-relatives. Community-dwelling women who were unable to

comprehend or respond to questions unaided, whether due to physical ailments, hearing

or other impairments were also excluded. Where there was more than one qualified

respondent in the household, interviews were conducted with both respondents and one was subsequently removed from the dataset by simple random selection.

Identification and recruitment. From the various sources consulted two databases served as the primary means for identifying study subjects. The first was a database of older residents of the Blue Hills neighborhood that had been created by the Blue Hills

Civic Association in the city of Hartford. The Blue Hills area has a high proportion of

West Indian residents and has organized representation in the form of the Blue Hills

Civic Association (BHCA). The Civic Association had conducted a survey of senior citizens in November 2000 and created a database with basic information including the national origin of respondents. Approximately one-third (105 persons) of those who participated in that study were reportedly West Indian. It should be noted that all the participants identified by this means were all U.S. citizens because the Association used the electoral register as its starting point.

Access to its database as well as institutional support for the fieldwork for this study was provided by the BHCA under the terms of a Memorandum of Understanding

(Appendix A). This support included publicizing the study in the neighborhood newspaper, the Blue Hills News, providing introductions to individual block captains in the neighborhood and sending potential participants an initial letter of invitation. The association also secured funding from the City of Hartford, Elderly Services Division of the Department of Human Services, to cover some of the administrative and data collection costs associated with the fieldwork.

The second database from which potential study participants were identified was the membership list of the West Indian Social Club of Hartford (WISC). The Club was founded in 1950 and is one of the oldest West Indian community organizations in the

United States. The WISC has a current membership of 320 persons. The club sponsors formal and informal outreach activities for its older members. I worked with the

leadership of the WISC in reviewing the membership list and making contact with the organizations and leaders within the club to identify potential subjects.

The names and addresses of potential participants were also obtained from the membership lists of two churches: St Justin’s Catholic Church and the St Monica’s

Episcopal Church, both of which have predominantly West Indian congregations.

Additional subjects were recruited from surrounding neighborhoods and towns in Greater

Hartford through personal visits to other churches with West Indian congregations (the

Seventh Day Adventist Church and the Church of God), through contacts made with other West Indian community organizations, and through community leaders including the Deputy Mayor of the Hartford City Council who is West Indian.

A limited amount of snowball sampling was also done during the data collection phase. However, this strategy yielded fewer than 10% of potential participants. Many of the persons named by this means had already been identified. The potential for bias referred to, as a limitation of this technique was also evident as many community leaders were consciously or unconsciously, interested in recommending the “better off” elders in the community. My own observation also led me to conclude that the class stratification of the community influenced the range of contacts many leaders had. Contacts with the churches were valuable in this regard, because they brought together persons of varying class backgrounds. Finally, the relatively closed nature of the West Indian community was reflected in respondents’ reluctance to name other contacts.

All the persons identified by the Blue Hills Civic Association, the West Indian

Social Club and St Monica’s church received an initial letter of invitation from the appropriate organization. Other sources reproduced the information in this letter in their internal communications organ, usually a weekly newsletter, to publicize the study and alert members to the possibility of being contacted.

A member of the research team contacted subjects thus identified to provide additional information about the study, screen them and, if they met the criteria, attempt to schedule an interview. Between two and four attempts on average were made to locate potential participants and secure their participation. All the subjects were screened to ensure that they were West Indian, and met the age and competence requirements.

In all, six sources contributed to creating a pool of 289 names from which the sample could be selected. Fifty-one persons could not be found, and a further 54 names were removed because time and other resources limited our ability to locate these persons. This produced a list of 184 names of persons who had to be screened to determine if they qualified for inclusion.

Twenty-seven persons did not meet the inclusion criteria. A further 16 were initially screened but not followed up for interview. The decision was taken to add this latter group to those persons who declined to be interviewed (non-responses). Table 3.1 provides details of the identification and then selection process for the study. An effective sample of 157 persons was selected. Following non-responses and deletion of questionnaires for households with more than one qualified respondent, 107 usable interviews were completed, representing a 68% response rate.

Table 3.1 Sample size determination

Total number of persons identified 289 - Not found 51 - Not contacted 54 - Did not meet inclusion criteria(1) 27 Sub-total 132 Effective sample size 157 - Non-responses(2) 48 - Deleted(3) 2 Sub-total 50 Total number of usable interviews 107 Notes: (1) West Indian born, aged 55 years and over, able to respond to interview unaided (2) Persons declining to be interviewed or not followed up after screening (3) More than one resident in household met inclusion criteria and was interviewed; one questionnaire removed by simple random selection

Determination of whether the sample represents the population. It is well known that non-probability samples may have an inherent bias based on the fact that individuals who choose to participate in the study may not represent the population from which the sample was drawn. The decision was therefore made to compare specific data for the individuals who participated in the present study (individuals who are part of the sample), with the same data for the population of older West Indian migrant women in the Greater Hartford area. I obtained a special tabulation of 1990 Census from the

University of Minnesota Census Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) project. These data supplemented the data from the field and provided a basis for evaluating the extent to which the study sample was typical of the larger population.

A profile of the population of community-dwelling foreign-born West Indian women aged fifty-five years and over living in Connecticut was created from this Census data. The variables of interest were: age, marital status, citizenship, year of arrival in the

United States, number of children, income and poverty status, highest level of schooling,

employment status and occupation, and physical, cognitive and self-care limitations as a means of assessing health status.

Although the 2000 Census had been conducted when this study was underway, the public data sets from which the information needed for this study could be extracted would not have been available before the end of 2003, and the cost of obtaining a special tabulation for this population from this source was prohibitive.

Study variables and empirical indicators

The dependent variable in the study is the construct living arrangements, which denotes the residential situation of the study respondents. This dichotomous variable distinguished between the older woman who lives in a separate household, possibly with minor children and a spouse, or in a shared household with other adult kin (with or without a spouse). Studies in this field tend to focus on women living alone, but it has been found that this living arrangement type is mostly typical of the older White woman

(Choi, 1995). A number of other studies consider the households of elderly couples in which they live separately or with other adult kin (Choi, 1999; Lowenstein and Katz

(2002); Lowenstein (1999); Wilmoth, 2001).

The dichotomous living arrangement variable was created by collapsing the multiple categories of living arrangements, living alone, living with spouse only, living with spouse and minor child, living with spouse and other adult kin (with or without minor children), and living with adult kin without a spouse (with or without minor children). The original detailed categories were modeled on those used in the US decennial census.

This approach allowed for the detailed description of respondents’ household composition needed to respond to the first research question and in the subsequent analyses facilitated the identification of covariates of the primary living arrangement types: living in a separate household or living in a shared household.

More than one measure was used to evaluate respondents’ economic status. In light of the difficulties associated with collecting income data: participant reluctance to reveal personal information and difficulties with accurate recall especially for this population, no attempt was made to collect data about the amount of income received from specific sources, for example wages and social security. Rather a single question was asked regarding the amount of money respondents received to meet their routine expenses on a weekly or monthly basis. (There were also questions about respondents’ main sources of income that were not intended for use in this study.)

Interviewers were instructed to use an interview aid, which had a range of income groups, if respondents appeared reluctant or unsure of how to answer this question. The range set out on the interview aid was oriented toward collecting data at the lower end of the income range based on what was known about the work history of the study population. This did result in some skewing of the data, which was addressed by narrowing the range of responses to capture outliers at both ends of the continuum.

In the regression analyses, the natural log of income was used.

The guidelines employed for establishing the income range came from official estimates of average household income for persons in this age group. The mean per capita income figure ($10,042) was derived by summing then dividing by two the average income in 2000 for individuals aged sixty-five and over ($8,259) and the average income of a two person 65+ household with one child ($11,824) (Dalaker,

2001).

The second measure of economic status – poverty status, was also modeled on the approach adopted by official sources. Poverty status was disaggregated into three levels: persons who were at or below the official poverty level; persons who were in what could be considered an economically vulnerable position and persons who were not in poverty. The official poverty threshold in 2000 was used to establish the first group.

Persons who were at or below 150% of the poverty threshold were defined as being economically vulnerable, and persons who were above this level were defined as being not in poverty. Respondents were assigned to one of these three groups based on the income data they provided.

Finally, in the economic sphere, questions were asked about tenure to establish whether respondents owned their own homes, whether individually or jointly with a spouse. High levels of home ownership is considered one of the distinctive features of the West Indian population in the United States, and is theorized as influencing the dynamics of the shared household, especially with regards the determination of household headship. This latter variable was used as an indicator of the influence and autonomy retained by the older woman living in a shared household, and as an indicator of the possible direction of social support. Household headship was determined by the subjective evaluation by the respondent of who occupied this role.

Several demographic variables were employed in this study. Respondents’ age was measured by data on their year of birth. Their level of education was measured by levels of schooling using the decennial Census question for this item. The Census also provided a guide for inquiries concerning respondents’ year of arrival in the United

States to live, which was used to locate respondents in a particular migration cohort.

Data was also collected for respondents’ marital status. Marital status is regarded as one of the established correlates of living in separate households. However, the factor of relevance is whether or not the respondent’s spouse actually resides in the household

(Lund, Due, Modvig, Holstein, Damsgaard and Andersen, 2002). This distinction is particularly important for immigrant populations, where couples may be married but living in different countries. A separate question was therefore asked to determine if the respondent had a co-resident partner or spouse but this data was ultimately only used in the analysis of the demographic characteristics of the study population. Interestingly,

Schmertmann et al (2000) found that controlling for the presence or absence of a spouse was of little consequence in examining the likelihood of the older woman living with her adult children. However, it was decided to err on the side of caution and exclude this variable from the analyses of the correlates of the older West Indian woman’s residence in a separate household, since the definition of this outcome variable allowed for co-residence with a spouse or minor child.

Two measures were used for another descriptive variable and correlate of living arrangements: health. The first was a single item self-report measure that asked respondents to evaluate their health relative to that of persons of a similar age as themselves (one of the several versions of the self-rated health (SRH) question).

A second self-report measure – evaluating respondents’ functional performance, was included in this study. The health status index is a scale measuring the existence of limiting or disabling conditions. It is derived from the Census 2000 questionnaire, and measures the existence of visual or hearing impairments, physical disability, cognitive, self-care or mobility limitations. The reliability coefficient of this six-item scale was .69

(which increased to .73 when the visual or hearing impairment factor is removed).

As with the SRH, investigators have found that self-assessments of functional performance have proved to be as reliable and valid as clinical evaluations. Myers,

Holliday, Harvey and Hutchinson (1993) report on a study of the comparison of the two approaches to assessment undertaken with 99 community dwelling older persons. The participants had completed a 50-item instrumental activities of daily living questionnaire.

They subsequently were asked to attempt 14 performance tasks designed to assess various functional abilities such as cooking and finding a number in a telephone directory.

The authors concluded that the performance measures provided “different” information and should not be considered ”superior” to self-assessed performance.

Rather they argued that both sets of measures should be seen as complementary rather than alternative approaches to evaluating functional ability. Sherbourne and Meredith

(1992) in their comparative study of 2,304 older and younger chronically ill patients found that age had a relatively limited impact on the quality of self-report data.

Another index was created to address an area of debate regarding one of the correlates of living in a separate household: having kin living nearby. The presence of kin living nearby can arguably facilitate the older person’s ability to maintain a separate household. In the first instance, this construct was simply assessed as a categorical variable: having proximate kin. A kin proximity index was also created to attempt to quantify the impact of having a number of different categories of kin residing within 30 minutes driving distance of the respondent’s residence. The index contained four items, each representing a kinship type: daughter, son, sibling and other relative. Cantor (1992) found that adult children constituted 50% of primary caregivers, compared to spouses and other kin who were 25% of primary caregivers respectively. Other studies have noted that it is not so much a question of gender but rather number and proximity of children that influences who assumes primary care responsibilities (Speare and Avery,

1991; Spitze and Logan, 1990).

In addition, Chamberlain, (1999) and Soto (1992) highlight the significance of lateral kin: sisters, aunts, cousins in the support networks of Caribbean migrants.

Therefore, proximate sons and daughters were counted separately and proximate siblings and other relatives were included in the index.

The fact of the study being based on primary data afforded the opportunity to collect more detailed kinship information than is usually available from the data sets used to investigate the living arrangements of older persons. Detailed information was collected about the number and gender of respondents’ children. In this regard, given the cultural background of the respondents, this question was explicitly geared to include

biological and (formally and informally) adopted children. In addition, respondents were asked about the number of children still alive (most studies use number of children ever born with no distinction as to whether they are living or dead), and about the locations of these children (although this variable was reflected only in the proximate kin calculations).

The construct family need was developed to represent an approach to the issues of reciprocity and exchange found in the literature on multigenerational households. This construct was seen as particularly relevant in the analysis of immigrant households where the shared household often represents a pooling of resources, required as much by the younger as by the older members. Following the literature, I theorized that the following could be indicators of this phenomenon: the presence of minor children (Blank and Torrecilha, 1998), the presence of unemployed or low income persons, and the presence of persons who had arrived after the immigration and welfare reforms of 1996

(Cooney and Uhlenberg, 1992; Glick, Bean and Van Hook, 1997).

Operationalization of variables. Table 3.2 sets out the conceptual definitions and operationalization of the variables that were used in the study.

Table 3.2: Conceptualization and operationalization of study variables

CONCEPTUAL VARIABLE DEFINITION OPERATIONALIZATION

Living arrangement The respondent’s Respondents living in residential situation private household screened during sample selection

Separate household A type of living A negative response to the arrangement in which the question of whether any respondent lives alone or adult other than partner/ with a partner/spouse spouse resides in the and/or minor children house with respondent

Shared household A type of living An affirmative answer to arrangement in which the questions related to the respondent with or without presence of co-residing a co-resident spouse, parents, adult children, resides with other adults, siblings or other adult who are related by blood, relatives. Respondents marriage (legal or common living only with unrelated law), or other affilial bond. individuals have been Children under 18 and non- excluded from this sample relatives may also be present

Marital status Description of whether the Response to question on respondent is currently in or whether respondent is has ever had an intimate currently married or has a personal relationship with common law partner, or is an unrelated person separated, divorced, widowed or has never been married or had a common law partner

Table 3.2 (contd.): Conceptualization and operationalization of study variables

CONCEPTUAL VARIABLE DEFINITION OPERATIONALIZATION Household head An indicator of the A subjective measure respondent’s relative responding to the question influence and autonomy in “who would you say is head the shared household of this household?”

Family need A construct identifying the A four factor index potential need for support comprising: (i) presence of of family members by the child(ren) under eighteen respondent years of age; (ii) presence of unemployed person(s) in the household; (iii) presence of person(s) in low-wage occupational groups, which serves as a proxy for income data; (iv) presence of persons who arrived in the U.S. after 1996 immigration and welfare reforms. The index uses a simple count. For each yes answer one point was added to the score. The family need index has a range of 0 to 4.

Total number of children The total number of Response to question children born to or raised by about number of children the respondent; includes respondent has adoptive and step children

Proximate kin Adult persons related by Affirmative response to blood, marriage or other questions about the affilial bond living within presence of children, close range of respondent’s siblings and other relatives home living within 30 minutes driving distance of respondent’s home

Table 3.2 (contd.): Conceptualization and operationalization of study variables

CONCEPTUAL VARIABLE DEFINITION OPERATIONALIZATION

Kin proximity index A construct that estimates A five item index measuring the components of the kin the number of categories of network that are within easy adult kin (daughter, son, reach of the respondent siblings, other relatives) residing within 30 minutes driving distance of the respondent’s home. The index has a range of 0 to 5 with 0 representing the absence of proximate kin.

Co-resident spouse/partner Unrelated person who is in Affirmative response to an intimate personal whether current husband or relationship with common law partner respondent and lives in resides in household same household

Income Respondent’s disposable Amount of money income respondent says she has to meet weekly/monthly expenses. The natural log of this amount was used in the regression equations

Poverty status Summary measure of At or below poverty = economic status, based on receiving less than $200 federally determined per week/$800 per month. guidelines, which indicate an individual’s ability to Economically vulnerable = meet minimum living less than $300 per expenses. week/$1200 per month; includes respondents at or This construct is subdivided below poverty. into three categories: - at or below poverty; Not in poverty = receiving - economically vulnerable; more than $300 per - not in poverty. week/$1200 per month.

Self-rated health Subjective evaluation of Single-item self-report respondent’s overall health index rating one’s health compared to others of similar age. The range of responses was excellent, very good, good, fair, poor

Table 3.2 (contd.): Conceptualization and operationalization of study variables

CONCEPTUAL VARIABLE DEFINITION OPERATIONALIZATION

Health status index A scale measuring the A six item index measuring existence of limiting or the existence of visual or disabling conditions hearing impairments, physical disability, cognitive, self-care or mobility limitations, derived from the Census 2000 questionnaire. The health status index has a range of 0 to 5 with 0 representing the absence of any conditions.

Age group Classification of individual 55 to 64 years; age in years into three 65 to 74 years; groups 75 years and over

Year of arrival Year when respondent first Response to question came to the United States about year respondent first to live came to the United States to live

Migration cohort Classification of years of Before 1965 arrival, based on changes Between 1965 and 1975 in immigration law and Between 1976 and 1985 periods of greatest number Between 1986 and 1995 of arrivals Between 1996 and 2002

Hypotheses

The research questions outlined in the previous chapter gave rise to several sub- questions and hypotheses. Except in the case of the first research question, which was supplemented by Census data, the data collected in the field survey was the only source of answers to these questions.

Research question 1 What are the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of foreign-born

community dwelling West Indian women aged fifty-five years and older living in the

Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut?

A profile of the sample population was developed. This included social and

demographic information such as age, marital status, health, level of education,

occupation and citizenship status. The profile also contained data on the group’s income

and poverty status. In subsequent sections, this profile was expanded with descriptions

of kin characteristics and living arrangements. This profile was compared with the 1990

Census IPUMS data for this population using the specified variables of interest.

Detailed attention was paid to respondents’ economic and health status and the

relationship of these variables to their age, levels of education and migration cohort.

The following are the questions and hypotheses that have been addressed.

Sub-question 1: Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean incomes of community-dwelling older West Indian women living in Greater Hartford based on their age group?

Hypothesis 1: Community-dwelling older West Indian women living in

Greater Hartford in the younger age groups have significantly higher mean

incomes than their older counterparts.

The history of Caribbean migration shows a decline in the representation of lower wage occupations and an increase in the representation of higher wage occupations among foreign-born West Indian women. I assume that more women in the younger age group will be in the higher wage occupational group resulting in a significant difference in their income compared to the income of women in the older age group. In addition, there will be a greater proportion of women still active in the labor force in the youngest age group, 55 – 64 years.

Sub-question 2: Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean incomes of the different migration cohorts of older West Indian women?

This question addresses the impact of migration history, from the perspective of the periods in which the women arrived. It may lend support to the discussion about whether the situation of West Indian migrant women has improved over time.

Hypothesis 2: Older West Indian women in the earliest migration cohorts

have significantly lower incomes than older West Indian women in later

cohorts.

The following questions explore possible associations between health status and income, and age and educational level. This is appropriate given the limited and somewhat mixed findings about both the economic and health status of Caribbean migrant women. Authors like Model (2001) report their enhanced economic position while Lyons (1997) reports the greater use of medical facilities (implying a substantial level of ill health) by older West Indians (male and female) in New York City.

Sub-question 3: Is there a relationship between the income and the health of community-dwelling older West Indian migrant women in Greater Hartford?

Hypothesis 3: There is a positive relationship between income and the

health of the older West Indian migrant woman.

Sub-question 4: Is there a relationship between respondents’ age and their health?

Hypothesis 4: There is a negative relationship between respondents’ age

and their health.

Sub-question 5: Is there a relationship between respondents’ level of education and their health?

Hypothesis 5: There is a positive relationship between respondents’ level

of education and their health.

Each of these hypotheses will be tested using the self-rated health and health status index alternately.

Research questions 2 and 3 address the main focus of this dissertation: the living arrangements of community-dwelling older West Indian migrant women. Research question 2 relates to all the respondents in the sample, while Research question 3 applies only to those respondents who were living in shared households.

Research question 2 What are the correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households rather than in shared households in the Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut?

The theoretical framework presented in the preceding chapter informs the hypotheses that follow. Income, homeownership and health are important variables in rational choice theory. Age is a factor in life course theory and intergenerational exchange turns our attention to the structural characteristics of the kin network. Finally, transnational migration theory, particularly a gendered perspective that recognizes the central role of women in general and older women in particular in facilitating the entry of other family members, suggests that factors such as the timing of the older woman’s arrival and her citizenship status may have an effect on her living arrangements. In addition, the existence of ethnic enclaves with the resultant high proximity of kin could as much increase as reduce the likelihood that the older West Indian woman will maintain a separate household.

Hypothesis 6: Income has a positive effect on the likelihood of older West

Indian migrant women living in separate households.

Hypothesis 7: Homeownership has a positive effect on the likelihood that

the older West Indian migrant woman will live in a separate household.

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Hypothesis 8: The older West Indian migrant woman with fewer limiting and disabling conditions is more likely to in a separate household.

Hypothesis 9: Positive self-rated health has a positive effect on the likelihood that the older West Indian migrant woman will live in a separate household.

Hypothesis 10: Age has a negative effect on the likelihood that the older

West Indian migrant woman will live in a separate household.

Hypothesis 11: Total number of living children has a negative effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in a separate household

Hypothesis 12: The number of female children alive has a negative effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in a separate household.

Hypothesis 13: Having a son living nearby has an effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in a separate household

Hypothesis 14: Having a daughter living nearby has an effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in a separate household

Hypothesis 15: The level of family need has a negative effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in a separate household.

Hypothesis 16: Year of arrival has an effect on the likelihood of older West

Indian migrant women living in separate households.

Hypothesis 17: Citizenship has an effect on the likelihood of older West

Indian women living in separate households.

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Hypothesis 18: Having proximate kin has a positive effect on the likelihood

of older West Indian migrant women living in a separate household.

Hypothesis 19: The number of types of proximate kin has a positive effect

on the likelihood older West Indian women living in a separate household.

While research questions 1 and 2 are the focus of this study, some exploration was done of the issue headship of the shared household in which the older woman resided. I suggest that headship could be an indicator that residence in a shared household does not automatically result in the loss of status implicit in some of the research into living arrangements. This would especially be the case where the needs of the family provided the rationale for the creation of the shared household and therefore where the older woman was a resource giver more so than a resource taker. Research question 3 relates to those respondents who are living in shared households.

Research question 3 Among older West Indian women living in shared households in Greater

Hartford, what are the correlates of their headship of the shared household?

A number of variables were theorized as being associated with this phenomenon.

These were age, having a co-resident partner or spouse, ownership of the home, health, year of arrival and/or citizenship and family need. Tests of correlation and crosstabulation of the selected variables were done to refine the theoretical model and identify the variables included in this final equation.

Data collection Instrumentation

Data were collected in face to face interviews using a structured interview schedule (Appendix B). The questionnaire was informed by that used in the National

Survey of Black Americans conducted in 1979-1980 (Jackson & Gurin, 1987) that was developed out of a year-long consultative process. Reference was also made to the

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Census 2000 questionnaire and the U.S. Bureau of the Census’ technical documentation concerning marital status, occupational classifications and health (functional) status.

The questionnaire is in six sections, four of which were used in this study.

Section A dealt with the respondent’s migration history and experience, including her

date of arrival, reasons for migration, prior migration experience, early work experience

and living arrangements and citizenship status.

Section B collected information about the older West Indian woman’s marital

status, kin network including the number and gender of her children, and the presence or

absence of proximate kin and her current living arrangements. This section also collects

the data that was used to construct the family need index.

Two sections (Sections C and E) of the questionnaire respond to the concerns

and interests of the collaborating organizations. Data were collected about relationships

with and the availability of support from family, friends and community organizations,

especially the church, and the receipt of benefits and use of selected services. With the

exception of questions C-1, C-2 and C-3, on self-rated health and the existence of

limiting or disabling conditions, the data from these sections are not included in this

dissertation.

In Section D respondents were asked for information about their occupation and

sources and amount of income. The final section (F) of the questionnaire solicited additional demographic data as well as information related to on-going contacts with the country of origin and issues of return. I also asked a number of open-ended questions inviting the respondents’ opinion of their life situation. It was anticipated that these responses would facilitate the discussion of the findings and provide a framework for the policy and practice recommendations that would be made.

Administration of questionnaires. Three persons, all female, assisted me with administering the questionnaire used in this study. All the members of the team,

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including myself, are West Indian by birth or ancestry. I expected that this shared gender and ethnic background would increase the acceptance of the interviewers by study participants.

Two training sessions were held prior to the beginning of data collection. These sessions included an explanation of the background to the study, a thorough discussion of the contact making process, reviews of the questionnaire, rehearsal, role plays and practice interviews. All the members of the team had experience of conducting research interviews. Regular review meetings were held to address any difficulties encountered in the field. Data collection occurred over a four month period, July to October 2002.

Human subject protections and confidentiality. Participants were not expected to face any risks from participating in the study. Data was coded to mask participant identity, and the dissertation and other reports do not contain any individually identifiable information. Research assistants engaged in data collection were required to give a written undertaking to protect the confidentiality of the information they gathered and returned all unused materials and contact lists on completion of their work.

The master list containing the name, address and telephone number of each participant was kept separate from the completed questionnaires in locked files.

Pursuant to the agreement with the Blue Hills Civic Association and the Department of

Elderly Services, respondents in the Blue Hills neighborhood were given the option of having their contact information only passed on to these organizations. Following the extraction of this information and its submission along with a copy of the completed study to these organizations, the list of participants in the study will be destroyed.

Each participant received a written description of the study, an explanation of its purpose, supporters, a summary of the content of the interview and the voluntary nature of their participation. A signed copy of this explanation constituted the consent document (Appendix C). Participants did not receive any monetary or other benefit.

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However, an incentive in the form of an opportunity to participate in a raffle for eight $25 gift certificates that could be used at a local shopping mall was offered. The names of respondents who did not complete their interview were not withdrawn from the pool.

The drawing of the names of the recipients of the certificates took place during a dissemination workshop held in December 2002 to share the main findings of the study with the Hartford community. The staging of this workshop was part of the agreement made with the Blue Hills Civic Association and the Elderly Services Division (and is reflective of my own research philosophy).

The protocol for the study was reviewed and approved by the Case Western

Reserve University Institutional Review Board in June 2002.

Data management and analysis

The questionnaire had been partially pre-coded to facilitate data entry. Two hundred and twenty-three variables were coded and entered into a database using

SPSS (version 10.0) as soon as possible after data collection. Multiple copies were made on disk and on the computer hard-drive after each data entry period.

I reviewed each completed questionnaire for omissions and other errors, which the interviewers were required to re-check and clarify. Non-responses and missing values were coded as such during the data entry process. Because of the small sample size, every effort was made to retain cases rather than delete them, which is an option in these situations. Three methods of screening were used: visual inspection, scatterplots and histograms. Where outliers were identified, or where there were insufficient cases to permit analysis, variable categories were collapsed and recoded. Missing data for specific questions were treated as a non-response in the bivariate analyses and were deleted pairwise in the regression analyses.

Descriptive frequencies and distributions were generated for the relevant variables that are used in the presentation of the profile of the study population. In

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addition, tests of significance, association and correlation examined the relationship between respondents’ income and health and the demographic and migration variables listed. Table 3.3 sets out the statistical tests that were used for the hypotheses associated with Research question 1.

Table 3.3: Statistical tests – Research question 1 Research question 1: What are the socio-economic characteristics of foreign-born West Indian women aged fifty-five years and older living in the Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut? Sub- question Hypotheses Statistical test 1. Community dwelling older West Indian women living in 1 Greater Hartford in the younger age groups have ANOVA significantly higher mean incomes that their older counterparts 2. Older West Indian women in the earliest migration 2 cohorts have significantly lower incomes than older West ANOVA Indian women in later cohorts 3. There is a positive relationship between respondents’ 3 income and self-rated health/the incidence of limiting or Pearson’s r disabling conditions. 4. There is a negative relationship between respondents’ 4 age and self-rated health/the incidence of limiting or Pearson’s r disabling conditions. 5. There is a positive relationship between respondents’ 5 level of education and self-rated health/the incidence of Pearson’s r limiting or disabling conditions.

In Research question 2, logistic regression was used to test the variables specified as possible correlates of the living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women in light of the fact that the outcome variable, living arrangement was a dichotomous variable. Logistic regression is a particularly robust data analysis technique because assumptions about normality in the distribution of predictors, linearity and equality of variance do not have to be observed (Tabachnick and Fidell, 2001).

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Data for all the respondents in the study were included in these tests. Table 3.4a and Table 3.4b present the theoretical basis, hypotheses and associated statistical tests and Table 3.5 presents the regression models for research question 2.

Table 3.4a: Statistical tests – Research question 2 (contd. Table 3.4b) Research question 2: What are the correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households rather than in shared households in the Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut?

Theory Hypotheses Statistical test 6: Income has a positive effect on the likelihood of Rational older West Indian migrant women living in separate Logistic regression choice households. 7: Homeownership has a positive effect on the Rational likelihood that the older West Indian migrant woman Logistic regression Choice will live in a separate household 8:The older West Indian migrant woman with fewer Rational limiting and disabling conditions is more likely to live in Logistic regression Choice a separate household. 9: Positive self-rated health has a positive effect on the Rational likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in Logistic regression Choice separate households. 10: Age has a negative effect on the likelihood of older Life West Indian migrant women living in separate Logistic regression course households.

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Table 3.4b: Statistical tests – Research question 2 (contd. From Table 3.4a) Research question 2: What are the correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households rather than in shared households in the Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut?

Theory Hypotheses Statistical test 11: Total number of living children has a negative Intergen. effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant Logistic regression exchange women living in a separate household 12: The number of female children alive has a negative Intergen. effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant Logistic regression exchange women living in a separate household 13: Having a son living nearby has a negative effect on Intergen. the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women Logistic regression exchange living in a separate household 14: Having a daughter living nearby has a negative Intergen. effect on the likelihood of older West Indian migrant Logistic regression exchange women living in a separate household 15.The level of family need has a negative effect on Intergen. the likelihood of older West Indian migrant women Logistic regression Exchange living in a separate household. 16: Year of arrival has a negative effect on the Transnat. likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in Logistic regression Migration separate households. 17: Citizenship has a positive effect on the likelihood of Transnat. older West Indian women living in separate Logistic regression Migration households. 18: Having proximate kin has a positive effect on the Transnat. likelihood of older West Indian migrant women living in Logistic regression Migration separate households rather than living in a shared household. 19.The number of types of proximate kin has a positive Transnat. effect on the likelihood older West Indian women living Logistic regression Migration in a separate household.

The model for testing the hypotheses associated with this question was constructed in a sequence of several steps. Models comprising the variables from each contributing theoretical perspective were run separately. A final model was then constructed based on the significant variables that were identified by these tests. This was a particularly useful strategy given the small sample size.

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Table 3.5: Theory based logistic regression models of the likelihood that West Indian migrant women aged 55+ will live in separate households rather than live in a shared household

A B C D Rational Life Course Intergenerational Transnational Choice Exchange Migration Income X Homeownership X Functional limits X Self-rated health X Age X Total No. living children X Female children alive X Son living nearby X Daughter living nearby X Family need X Year of arrival X Citizenship X Proximate kin X Types of proximate kin X

Only a sub-set of respondents, those living in shared households, was considered in the final research question (Table 3.6). The variables included in this equation were derived following preliminary analysis of a theoretical model including age, having a co-resident partner or spouse, income, ownership of the home, health, year of arrival and/or citizenship and family need.

Table 3.6: Statistical tests – Research question 3 Research Among older West Indian women living in shared question households in Greater Hartford, what are the Logistic regression 3 correlates of their headship of the shared household?

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Limitations

One of the obvious limitations of this study and a possible threat to its internal and external validity is the fact that a non-probability sample was used for reasons previously discussed. However the combination of a carefully planned recruitment strategy, the use of a statistically powerful target sample size, and of special tabulations of 1990 U.S. Census data have made it possible to mitigate potential selection bias and assess the similarities and differences between the study sample and the population of older West Indian migrant women in Connecticut. The cross-sectional survey design means causal or predictive conclusions cannot be drawn from the findings.

The relatively small sample size, though supported by statistical theory, also means that only those variables having a sizable effect are likely to prove statistically significant. A larger randomly selected sample could possibly result in other independent variables having a significant effect on the outcome variable. Finally, the particular migration history and characteristics of the West Indian population in

Connecticut must be considered when evaluating the relevance of this study to groups of older West Indian women elsewhere in the country.

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Chapter Four – Results

In this chapter, the results of the study are presented, beginning with the demographic and socio-economic profile of the study population and concluding with a detailed analysis of the factors associated with the living arrangements of foreign-born community-dwelling West Indian women aged fifty-five and over. Parametric and multivariate tests are used to test the study hypotheses.

Sample Characteristics

One hundred and seven women from ten countries in the English-speaking

Caribbean participated in the study. Table 4.1 lists the countries of birth of the study sample. The majority of participants were Jamaican, which has the largest representation of migrants in the Greater Hartford community (U.S. Census Bureau,

2002b). Several countries, not usually found in studies of the West Indian population, for example St Lucia and Montserrat, are represented in the study.

Table 4.1. Place of birth of study sample (N=107)

COUNTRY FREQUENCY %

Barbados 5 4.7 Cuba/Panama (WI parents) 1 .9 Dominica 1 .9 Grenada 1 .9 Guyana 8 7.5 Jamaica 77 72.0 Montserrat 1 .9 St Lucia 5 4.7 St Vincent & the Grenadines 1 .9 Trinidad & Tobago 7 6.5

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Forty-four women (41.1%) were in the fifty-five to sixty-four age group, forty-eight

(44.9%) were aged sixty-five to seventy-four years and 15 (14%) were seventy-five years of age or older. Sixty-six women (61.7%) lived in shared households and 41 women (38.3%) lived in separate households.

The majority of respondents (66.4%) lived in the Blue Hills neighborhood of the

City of Hartford. This neighborhood, located in the Northend of the city, is the original home of the region’s West Indian population and continues to have the largest concentration of persons of West Indian ancestry in the state of Connecticut. Another

11.2% of respondents came from other parts of the city, and 22.4% came from suburban towns such as Bloomfield and Windsor, to which an increasing number of West Indians are relocating.

Demographic & socio-economic characteristics

In this section I present findings related to the first research question regarding the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the sample. Data from the 1990

Census IPUMS compiled by the University of Minnesota will complement the data from the field survey.

Research Question 1:

What are the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of foreign-born community dwelling West Indian women aged fifty-five years and older living in the

Greater Hartford region of the state of Connecticut?

Demographics. Table 4.2 summarizes the demographic and socioeconomic

characteristics of the sample and compares it with data on the West Indian population in

Connecticut extracted from the 1990 Census IPUMS. There are several notable

similarities and differences. The mean age of the study sample is somewhat older than

that reported in the Census data and there is substantial divergence in the estimates of

the proportion of the population that is married. Of interest is the absence of persons in

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the Executive and Managerial occupational groups, and the very small percentage of persons in the Professional occupational group in the Census data. Not only is this different from the characteristics of the study sample, but it is at variance with other studies (using Census data from an alternate source) profiling West Indian migrant women (Model, 2001).

The relatively high proportion of persons in these occupational groupings, as well as their higher levels of education compared to other immigrant groups, another feature not supported by the IPUMS dataset, are considered hallmarks of the West Indian immigrant population in the United States. These are two of the characteristics associated with the idea of West Indian immigrants representing a model of “Black success” in the U.S. In this regard, the occupational characteristics of the study sample could be considered to be more “typical” of the West Indian population.

The data describing the study sample and the Census data both highlight the preponderance of women engaged in service occupations, especially in health care support activities and private household employment. Close to fifty percent of both groups are still active members of the labor force, (including several who have retired but are still working), and more than fifty percent of both groups own their own homes.

Notwithstanding this positive economic picture, the data for the study sample and from the Census point to high levels of income poverty, with between 20% and 40% of participants being at or below the poverty level, and possibly more than 50% being in an economically vulnerable position (defined as being at or below 150% of the official poverty threshold for this age group). The examination of this and subsequent data also confirm the existence of substantial income inequality within this group.

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Table 4.2. Demographic & socioeconomic characteristics of study sample compared with

1990 IPUMS 1 for the state of Connecticut (percentages unless otherwise stated)

STUDY CT - 1990 CHARACTERISTIC SAMPLE (N=107) IPUMS (N=1674) AGE (in years) • M 67.2 63.9 • SD 8.4 8.43 • Range 45.0 35.0 MARITAL STATUS • Currently married, spouse resident 44.9 29.8 • Currently married, non-resident spouse 4.7 8.7 • Separated or divorced 18.7 21.9 • Widowed 21.5 25.6 • Never married/not cohabiting 10.3 14.0 TOTAL NO. OF CHILDREN 3-4 (mode) 3.75 (mean) HIGHEST LEVEL OF SCHOOLING2 • Elementary or less 23.4 31.4 • Did not finish high school 6.5 26.1 • Finished high school 17.8 32.1 • Technical or vocational training 37.4 n.a. • College or university 15.0 10.3 EMPLOYMENT STATUS • Employed (incl. self employed) 32.7 48.8 • Retired, returned to work 12.1 n.a. • Not employed, available 6.5 4.5 • Retired, no longer working 45.8 46.7 • Never worked in U.S. 2.8 n.a.

OCCUPATION (current or last worked) • Executive/Managerial 5.8 0 • Professional 15.5 2.5 • Service 60.0 72.8 - Nurses aide & other health care support (30.1) (34.5) - Private household ( 9.7) ( 8.3) • Sales & office 11.7 14.6 • Self-employed 4.9 0 • Other 1.9 9.9 ANNUAL INCOME ($) (Quintiles) • 20 9600 2592 • 40 15600 6996 • 60 20400 15000 • 80 20400 28000 HOME OWNERSHIP • R owns (separately or with spouse) 54.7 55.7 • Rents 9.43 41.7

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Notes: (1) Steven Ruggles and Matthew Sobek et. al. Integrated Public Use Microdata

Series: Version 2.0 Minneapolis: Historical Census Projects, University of Minnesota,

1997.

(2) Data for highest level of schooling are not directly comparable due to differences in school systems (Caribbean/U.S.).

(3) Only counts cases where homeowner is an unrelated person. Some respondents living in houses owned by adult children or other family members reported paying rent.

Income, Poverty and Health. Further analysis of the income of the study sample affords additional insight into their economic status. Some 23% of the group has an annual income of less than $10,000 while only an estimated two or three percent receive more than $30,000 annually. There was a small number of notable cases of professional women eligible for retirement who were still in the labor force and living on joint current incomes in the region of $60,000 per year, while they put aside private pension funds for the day of their actual retirement.

The cross tabulation of these variables in Table 4.3 highlights this income inequality with approximately one-third of the two older age groups having the lowest incomes. The data reveal a statistically significant negative correlation between income and age group.

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Table 4.3. Crosstabulations of monthly income of study sample by age group

55 – 64 65 – 74 75 YEARS YEARS YEARS & OVER (N=43) (N=46) (N=14) APPROX. MONTHLY INCOME ($) 1

< 800 11.7 30.4 35.6 1000 – 1200 7.0 26.1 7.1 1300 – 1500 9.3 17.4 35.7 > 1700 72.1 26.1 21.4 Notes: (1) Gamma -.487; p < .001

A similar picture emerges when data on the poverty status of both the study sample and the 1990 Census data are examined. Table 4.4 provides a profile of the poverty status of older West Indian women using data from these two sources.

Table 4.4. Poverty status by age group – study sample(1) & 1990 census(2)

55-64 years 65-74 years 75 years & over Study 1990 Study 1990 Study 1990 sample Census sample Census sample Census N=43 N=1053 N=46 N=426 N=14 N=195

At or below poverty 11.7 8.7 30.4 17.8 35.7 51.3

Not in poverty 81.3 88.2 43.5 59.4 57.2 48.7

Notes:

(1) Gamma -.495; p < .001

(2) Gamma -.398; p < .001

A negative correlation was found between poverty status and age group in both sets of data. Of interest is the percentage of women in the 65-74 age group who are in an economically vulnerable position. Thirty percent of the women in this age group in the

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study sample were at or below poverty, and a further 26.1% of these women had incomes that were between 100% and 150% of the poverty threshold.

Health. A more positive picture emerges from the profile of the women’s health status. Data on the existence of conditions that limit or prevent the target group from performing self-care or other routine activities are presented in Table 4.5. The age group to which the participants belong was found to have a statistically significant positive relationship to the presence or absence of limiting or disabling conditions.

Table 4.5. Health status by age group – study sample(1) & 1990 Census IPUMS(2)

55-64 years 65-74 years 75 years & over Study 1990 Study 1990 Study 1990 sample Census sample Census sample Census N=44 N=1053 N=48 N=426 N=15 N=195

No limiting or disabling condition 79.5 83.9 64.6 46.5 40.0 55.4

At least 1 limiting or disabling condition 20.5 16.1 35.4 53.5 60.0 44.6

Notes:

(1) Gamma .458; p < .01

(2) Gamma .549; p < .001

This does not mean however that those women in the older age groups were automatically in poorer health than their younger counterparts. Table 4.6 presents further details about the health status of the West Indian women who participated in the study.

In particular it compares and contrasts the women’s self-evaluation of their health with their response to questions concerning the presence of limiting or disabling conditions which are compiled into a health status index.

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More than fifty percent of women aged 55 – 64 years, close to that number of women in the 65 – 74 age group, and more than thirty percent of the women in the oldest age group rated their health as excellent or very good. No statistically significant link was found between age group and self-rated health. Of interest is the fact that none of those in the seventy-five and over age group rated their health as poor, although a small percentage (13%) reported having multiple limitations and disabilities. On the other hand, several of those in the younger age groups, felt themselves to be in fair or poor health despite the absence of many limiting or disabling conditions.

A significant link between age group and health status was found when a less subjective self-report measure was used, that is the identification of the existence of limitations of the ability to perform basic activities of daily living. However even with this measure it appeared that the relatively high incidence of economic vulnerability, did not translate into perceptions or experiences of ill health.

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Table 4.6. Crosstabulations for health, limitations and disability by age group (in percentages) 55 – 64 65 – 74 75 YEARS & YEARS YEARS OVER (N=44) (N=47) (N=15) SELF-RATED HEALTH Excellent 20.5 14.9 6.7 Very Good 38.6 34.0 26.7 Good 18.2 29.8 46.7 Fair 20.5 17.0 20.0 Poor 2.3 4.3 -

HEALTH STATUS INDEX 1,2 (N=48) None 79.5 64.6 40.0 1 13.6 18.8 13.3 2 2.3 14.6 20.0 3 - 2.1 13.3 4 4.5 - 6.7 5 - - 6.7

Notes:

(1) Number of categories of limiting or disabling conditions

(2) Gamma .458; p < .01

Migration history

The following section describes the migration history of the study sample (Table

4.7). The majority (63.6%) of respondents have been in the United States for over twenty-five years, with the greatest number of arrivals (48.6%) taking place during a period of relative liberalism in immigration policy in the mid-1960s to 1970s. The 1990

Census IPUMS for Connecticut support these findings, with 25% of the female West

Indian population aged fifty-five and over arriving before 1965 and 42% arriving between

1965 and 1974. During this period, job related immigration and family reunification were major forces driving immigration policy. This fact is reflected in the top five reasons given by the study participants for migrating to the United States.

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Many women reported that they joined family members, (not always husbands), and friends, (many female), who had arrived previously. They found accommodation and work through these personal networks, despite the popular view that most women migrated because of the recruitment of labor through the formal system during this period. (This is not to deny the importance of the policy environment on the women’s decisions to migrate.) The data also reveal that these women in turn facilitated the entry of immediate and extended family members. Siblings were second only to children among the kinship groups, and parents followed spouses in the series of those who joined the immigrant woman.

A substantial majority (82.2%) of the respondents were naturalized citizens. The details on the peak periods of naturalization indicate a surge in persons becoming citizens in the 1990s and coincide with developments in immigration and social policy, when changes in the law reduced the benefits for which non-citizen immigrants were eligible. By comparison, the 1990 Census IPUMS data reported that a little over 60% of the female West Indian population in the fifty-five and over age group were U.S. citizens.

A very small percentage (3.7%) of those who left never returned to their countries of origin. While about a fifth of the women visit infrequently, more than a third return to their homelands at least once a year and several do so several times per year. In addition to these visits, links are maintained through the regular transmittal of gifts of money and consumer products. A little less than 30% of the study participants expressed a desire to return to live in the country of their birth. Several were uncertain about their preference – expressing concern about conditions in their home countries, especially those who came from Jamaica and Guyana. Others noted that their families now resided mainly in the United States, and in some instances, even if they wished to do so, these family members opposed the idea of their return.

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Table 4.7. Migration history of study sample (N =107)

VARIABLE Frequency %

MIGRATION COHORT • Before 1965 16 15.0 • 1965 – 1975 52 48.6 • 1976 – 1985 20 18.7 • 1986 – 1995 5 4.7 • 1996 – 2002 14 13.1 TOP 5 REASONS FOR MIGRATING • Work 48 44.9 • Join family 24 22.4 • Vacation 9 8.4 • Better life 9 8.4 • Study 6 5.6 FINDING EMPLOYMENT • Recruited by private agency 8 7.5 • Used personal network 53 49.5 • Used public sources 23 21.5 CITIZENSHIP • Naturalized citizen 88 82.2 • Not a citizen 17 15.9 • Citizenship cohort (N= 79) Before 1970 4 3.7 1970 – 1979 27 25.2 1980 – 1989 19 17.8 1990 – 2002 29 27.1 CHAIN MIGRATION • Joined family/friends 95 88.8 • Joined by family/friends 81 75.7 Joined by spouse 21 19.6 Joined by children 64 59.8 Joined by other relatives (mean) 24 22.4 LINKS WITH HOME COUNTRY • Sends packages/money 66 61.7 • Visits 2 or more times/yr 8 7.5 at least once/yr 31 29.0 every 2-3 yrs 37 34.6 more than 5 yrs apart 24 22.4 never returned 4 3.7 • Desire to return (affirmative) 31 29.0

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Hypothesis testing: socioeconomic and demographic variables

I will now address the specific sub-questions and research hypotheses related to the socio-economic characteristics and migration history of the participants in the study.

Sub-question 1: Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean incomes of community-dwelling older West Indian women aged 55 – 64 years, 65- 74 years and

75 years and over?

Hypothesis 1: Community dwelling older West Indian women living in

Greater Hartford in the younger age groups have significantly higher mean incomes than their older counterparts.

Sub-question 2: Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean incomes of different migration cohorts of older West Indian migrant women?

Hypothesis 2: Older West Indian women in the earliest migration cohorts have significantly lower incomes than older West Indian women in later cohorts.

The one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to determine whether there was a statistically significant relationship between the means of the two independent variables, age group and migration cohort and the dependent variable, monthly income. Table 4.8 presents the means and standard deviations for these variables.

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Table 4.8. Means and standard deviations for monthly income

by age group and migration cohort

VARIABLES N M SD

Age Group

55 – 64 years 43 1481.4 430.5

65 – 74 years 46 1096.0 492.0

75 years & over 14 1052.6 574.2

Migration cohort (1)

1986 - 2002 18 791.2 662.7

1976 – 1985 19 1325.0 394.3

1965 – 1975 51 1308.6 449.2

Before 1965 15 1513.3 320.4

Note:

(1) Order of scores reversed to ensure compatibility with the meaning of the direction

of the dependent variable – monthly income.

Not surprisingly, the mean incomes of the youngest members of the study population were the highest of the three groups. This age group contains the largest number of persons still in the labor force. While the mean income of those persons aged

65 to 74 years was higher than the mean income of those persons 75 years and over, the extent of variation in the mean was not as great as between the former group and the youngest age group. The Levene Statistic for homogeneity of variance found that group variances were not homogenous but this statistic was not significant.

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There was a decrease in the mean incomes of the different migration cohorts, with the earliest arrivals having higher mean incomes and less deviation in income than later arrivals. In this case the Levene Statistic produced a statistically significant finding that group variances were not homogenous.

Table 4.9. One-way analysis of variance for the effects of age group and migration cohort on monthly income

Variable & source df SS MS F η

Age group

Between groups 2 3938205 1969102 8.56*** .15

Within groups 100 22963876 229639

Migration cohort

Between groups 3 5110468 1703489 7.74*** .19

Within groups 99 21791613 220117

*** p < .001

As shown in Table 4.9, an F ratio of 8.56 (2,100) with a probability greater than

.001 was obtained for the age group on income analysis. The effect size for this variable was also computed. Both of these statistics indicate that age group has a small but significant effect on the monthly incomes of West Indian migrant women aged 55 years and over.

A priori contrasts were also examined to determine if the hypothesized between group differences could be accepted. The first contrast test compared the mean incomes of women aged 55 to 64 years with the mean incomes of women aged 65 to 74

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years. Because the variances for these groups were not similar and the data were not normally distributed the results for the contrast tests where equality of variance is not assumed are reported. Women in the younger age group had significantly (p < .001) higher mean incomes (M=1481.4) than women in the 65 to 74 age group (M=1096.0).

The second contrast test found that there was no significant difference between the mean incomes of women aged 65 to 74 years (M=1096.0) and the mean incomes

(M=1052.6) of women in the oldest age group, 75 years and over.

The F statistic 7.74 (3, 99) for the migration cohort on income analysis was also significant at a probability level that was less than .001. The period when one arrived was found to have an effect that was marginally larger than the effect of age group on the mean incomes of older West Indian migrant women.

Two rounds of a priori tests of contrasts were done in relation to the effect of migration cohort on the older West Indian woman’s income. In the first round three sets of a priori contrasts were specified. The first comparison was of the mean incomes of

women who arrived before 1965 and women who arrived between 1986 and 2002. A

second comparison was made between women who arrived between 1965 and 1975

(the peak immigration period) and this latter group. The third comparison was between

those women who arrived between 1976 and 1985 and the most recent arrivals.

Statistically significant differences (p < .001 for the first group, p < .01 for the second and

third groups), were found in all three cases.

In the second round the mean income of women who arrived before 1965 was

compared with the mean income of women who either arrived between 1976 and 1985

or between 1986 and 2002. A significant relationship (p < .01) was found in this case.

The probability that the differences in mean incomes of women who arrived between

1965 and 1975 and arrived in the two periods between 1976 and 2002 was due to the

period of arrival was not statistically significant. Both sets of comparisons indicate some

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statistically significant differences in the mean incomes of the different migration cohorts, with the most significant differences being between the earliest and latest arrivals.

Three hypotheses explore the relationships between the respondents’ health and their income, age and level of education.

Hypothesis 3: There is a positive relationship between income and self- rated health.

Hypothesis 4: There is a negative relationship between respondents’ age and self-rated health.

Hypothesis 5: There is a positive relationship between respondents’ level of education and self-rated health.

The Pearson product-moment test of correlation was used to determine whether a relationship existed as hypothesized. The health status index that measured the extent of the existence of limiting or disabling conditions, was used an alternate dependent variable in each of the above hypotheses and in the equations. The direction of the scores for self-rated health and the health status index was inverted to ensure comparability with the dependent variable, monthly income. Table 4.10 presents the means and standard deviations for the variables in the equation.

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Table 4.10. Means and standard deviations for self-rated health, health status index, income, age and highest level of education

VARIABLES N M SD

SELF-RATED HEALTH 106 3.42 1.06

HEALTH STATUS INDEX 107 4.39 1.07

INCOME 103 1251.01 513.56

AGE 103 67.14 8.39

LEVEL OF EDUCATION 107 3.14 1.40

The mean for self-rated health is similar to the results obtained in the previous analysis which indicated the positive rating most respondents gave to their health. The mean for the health status index reflects a moderate level of limiting and disabling conditions among the study population. The mean level of education demonstrates the large proportion of the group that had at least received some secondary education, and is probably influenced by the substantial number of persons who had technical or vocational training. Many of the women reported that they sought this type of training in order to qualify for the health service jobs which were available and which represented an alternative to private household employment which was the norm for this population, especially among the earlier cohorts (Model, 2001). Finally, the large differences in income are reflected in a standard deviation for monthly income that is almost 50% of the mean. Table 4.11 presents the correlations for the variables under consideration.

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Table 4.11. Correlation of self-rated health, health status index with income, age and highest level of education

SELF-RATED HEALTH HEALTH STATUS VARIABLES INDEX

INCOME .201* .134

AGE -.080 -.359**

LEVEL OF EDUCATION .185* .214*

* P<.05 **p < .01

There is a weak positive correlation between income and both self-rated health and the health status index, which represents the presence of limiting or disabling conditions. However, this relationship is statistically significant only in the case of self- rated health, which also is somewhat more highly correlated with income than is the health status index. There is a weak negative correlation between age and self-rated health that is not significant, whereas there is a stronger statistically significant negative correlation between age and the presence of limiting or disabling conditions. There is a weak but statistically significant positive correlation between the respondents’ level of education and both their self-rated health and health status index.

These results lend partial support to the hypotheses about the relationships between the incomes, age, educational levels and the health of the study population.

While the null hypothesis regarding the relationship between income and self-rated health can be rejected, the null hypothesis could not be rejected when the dependent variable was changed to the health status index. In the case of the relationship between

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age and self-rated health, although the theorized negative relationship was found, I cannot reject the null hypothesis because this relationship was not statistically significant. I can however reject the null hypothesis when the health variable used is the health status index, as the results show a moderately strong, reliable relationship between the selected variables. I am also able to reject the null hypothesis in the case of the relationship between both health variables and respondents’ level of education, because in both instances a weak but statistically significant relationship was found.

Living arrangements

In this section I will present descriptive data concerning the living arrangements and kin and household characteristics of the study population. This will lay the foundation for the presentation of findings concerning the correlates of the living arrangements of the study population. I begin with a description of the living arrangements of the group as a whole (Table 4.12) and follow with a comparative profile of the situation of women living alone.

Almost two-thirds of the respondents were living in shared households and on average a little less than one fifth of the respondents lived alone. More than twice as many women in the mid and older age ranges lived alone compared with the youngest age group, and similar proportions of women in the youngest and oldest age groups lived only with their spouse. An above average percentage of the oldest women lived in separate households. This age group also had the highest percentages of persons living alone or living in shared households with no spouse present. Only those women in the youngest age group were in the category of living only with minor children. However as subsequent data will show, this statistic does not represent the complete picture of the presence of minor children nor the amount of childcare performed by these women across all the age groups.

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Table 4.12. Living arrangements of study sample by age group (in percentages) (N=107)

AGE GROUP TYPE OF LIVING ARRANGEMENT TOTAL 55 – 64 65 – 74 75+ (N=44) (N=48) (N=15) (N=107)

LIVING ARRANGEMENT (detailed) • Alone 9.1 25.0 26.7 18.7 • Spouse only 22.7 14.6 20.0 18.7 • Minor child only 2.3 - - .9 • Spouse & minor child - - - - • Spouse & family (with or without minor children) 34.1 22.9 13.3 26.2 • Family, no spouse (with or without minor children) 31.8 37.5 40.0 35.5

LIVING ARRANGEMENT (dichotomous) • Separate household (n=41) 34.1 39.6 46.7 38.3 • Shared household (n=66) 65.9 60.4 53.3 61.7 R is head (N=26) (31.0) (51.7) (25.0) (39.4) R & spouse joint heads (N=7) (10.3) (10.3) (12.5) (10.6) R’s adult child is head (N=16) (27.6) (13.8) (50.0) (24.2)

The study population contained no examples of the nuclear family model, nor was anyone living only with non-relatives. The study population was however replete with examples of many other combinations of kin, the most prevalent being that in which the respondent had no co-resident spouse but shared the household with adult and minor children. The exception to this norm occurred only among the youngest age group, where similar proportions of women lived with family with or without a co-resident spouse and minor children.

Household roles

The respondent saw herself as the head (singly or jointly with her spouse) of half of the households which she shared with other adults. Women aged 65 to 74 years were most likely to see themselves as head of the household. Headship by her adult

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child never exceeded fifty percent for any age group, and this only in the case of women aged seventy-five years and over. As emphasized by one respondent when during introductions I said, “Oh, you live with your daughter”, the respondent replied politely but with noticeable firmness, “My daughter lives with me”. There were relatively few instances of joint headship with adult children.

Given the prevalence of shared households among the study population, the question of the respondents’ household roles emerges. Respondents were asked about the tasks that they performed for other members of the household. In addition, the

Family Need Index was created to identify potential sources of dependency within the family that could amplify relationships in these shared households. The index measures whether members any of the following groups lived in the household: minor children, low income workers, unemployed persons (other than the respondent or her spouse) and persons who arrived in the United States after 1996. The results of this analysis are presented in Table 4.13.

The women who participated in this study perform a substantial amount of family and household maintenance tasks. On average, more than sixty percent of respondents do cooking and housekeeping for other members of the household. Close to sixty percent provide accommodation for which most do not report collecting rent, although some reported receiving “contributions” to household expenses. Despite their own protestations about the dangers of doing so, more than a quarter of the women lend money to other members of the household, and the majority see themselves as providing advice and companionship to those with whom they co-reside.

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Table 4.13. Respondent roles and family need in shared households by age group (in percentages)

CHARACTERISTIC AGE GROUP TOTAL 55- 64 65 – 74 75+

R ROLES IN SHARED HOUSEHOLDS (N=64) • Childcare 31.0 44.4 12.5 34.4 • Cooking/housekeeping 62.1 74.1 25.0 62.5 • Provide accommodation 55.2 63.0 37.5 56.3 • Lend money 20.7 37.0 12.5 26.6 • Provide advice & companionship 65.5 70.4 50.0 65.6

MINOR CHILDREN IN HOME (N=66) 37.9 58.6 25.0 45.5

FAMILY NEED INDEX1 (N=66)

0 24.1 20.7 25.0 22.7 1 41.4 27.6 50.0 36.4 2 27.6 31.0 25.0 28.8 3 3.4 17.2 - 9.1 4 3.4 3.4 - 3.0

Notes:

(1) The Family Need Index is a five-point scale used to identify potential sources of dependency among members of the respondent’s household. These are: minor children, low income worker, unemployed person (other than respondent or spouse), persons who arrived after 1996.

It is not surprising that women in the seventy-five year and over age group have the lowest levels of domestic duty, still a quarter of the women in this age group did cooking and housekeeping for others, more than one third provided accommodation and half of this group saw themselves as companions and advisors to members of the household.

Fewer than a quarter of those living in shared households had none of the four indicators of family need, more than one-third had at least one indicator and another

29% had two such indicators and a little more than ten percent had three or four

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indicators of dependency. However, the age group proportions deviate from this average, with women in the youngest (69%) and oldest age (75%) groups exceeding the average for those households with one or two indicators of dependency. Households with three or four indicators of dependency were relatively few in number, but were most prevalent in the households of women in the 65 – 74 age group.

Some 47% of households had an adult member (other than the respondent or her spouse) employed in a low waged occupation. In 32% of households an adult member of the household was unemployed. Only 9% of these households had a resident who had arrived after 1996.

The presence of minor children in the household was the second most prevalent indicator of family need. Forty-six percent of all households had children who are less than eighteen years of age. The disaggregation of this phenomenon by age groups reveals substantial variation. Twenty-five percent of the oldest women, almost forty percent of the youngest women and almost sixty percent of women aged sixty-five to seventy-four years had minor children resident in their homes.

The 1990 Census (IPUMS) data recorded that 40% of the women surveyed had their own children as co-residents. Of this number 6% were children aged eighteen years or younger. In the case of the study sample, 43% of respondents had co-resident daughters and 21% had co-resident sons. Although only 7% of women had minor children of their own living with them, a total of 29% of the study sample had minor children resident in the household. A little over one-third of the women had childcare responsibilities, with this figure rising to 43% for women aged 65 – 74 years.

Kin networks

The data presented in Table 4.14 illustrate the extent to which older West Indian migrant women are embedded in family networks that extend beyond their immediate household. This table describes the location of children and other members of the

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respondents’ kin network. It provides information on co-resident and proximate daughters and sons and uses the Kin Proximity Index to identify whether any of the following categories of kin reside within 30 minutes of the respondent’s home: adult daughter, adult son, siblings or other relatives.

A greater proportion of daughters live with their mothers than do sons. Those women aged 65 – 74 years have the lowest rate of co-residence. Not surprisingly, the oldest women have the highest rate of co-resident daughters and sons and identical proportions of daughters and sons living nearby. The 65 – 74 age group has a much higher percentage of daughters and sons living nearby than co-resident. The proportions of proximate daughters and sons for the other two groups are similar or identical.

Overall there are higher percentages of children living within 30 minutes of the respondents’ homes than actually living with the respondents.

The percentage of women aged 75+ who have no kin living nearby is almost three times greater than the average, and a little more than double the percentage for the 65 – 74 age group. Overall, approximately one third of the respondents have at least two categories of kin living nearby, and one-fifth of the respondents have three categories of proximate kin. These data elaborate the findings presented earlier regarding the categories of family members who joined the respondents in the United

States, with children and siblings being the top two groups whose entry respondents supported.

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Table 4.14. Aspects of kin network of study sample by age group (in percentages)

(N=107)

CHARACTERISTIC AGE GROUP TOTAL 55- 64 65 - 74 75+

CHILDREN • Daughters co-resident 36.4 31.3 40.0 34.6 proximate 43.2 62.5 46.7 52.3 • Sons co-resident 22.7 16.7 13.3 18.7 proximate 45.5 52.1 46.7 48.6

KIN PROXIMITY INDEX 1 0 - 6.3 13.3 4.7 1 38.6 22.9 20.0 29.0 2 27.3 41.7 33.3 34.6 3 20.5 20.8 20.0 20.6 4 13.6 8.3 13.3 11.2

Notes:

(1) The Kin Proximity Index is a five-point scale measuring the number of categories of kin resident within 30 minutes drive of the respondent’s home. 0 = the absence of proximate kin, 4= the presence of all categories of proximate kin (adult daughter, adult son, siblings, other relatives)

Women living alone

Supplementary analyses were done to develop a profile of a subgroup of the

study sample: women who were living alone. Although this group constituted a minority

within the sample as a whole, women in this category merit attention because of their

presumed greater vulnerability and lower levels of support. Women living alone are a

subset of the larger category of women living in separate households. When

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comparisons are made between these groups, the statistics for women in separate households excludes women living alone.

The majority (60%) of women who lived alone were in the 65 – 74 age group.

Equal proportions (20%) were in the youngest and oldest age groups. Fifty-five per cent of women had come to the United States to live by 1975, and only 10% had arrived between 1996 and 2002. Eighty-five per cent of the women were citizens with one-third of the women becoming citizens between 1990 and 2002. Only women living in separate households had a higher proportion of naturalized citizens (100%). By comparison some seventy-eight per cent of women in shared households were citizens.

Twenty per cent of the women who lived alone had never been married or been in a common law relationship. There were more women who were divorced or separated (45%) than those who were widowed (35%). Women living alone had the highest proportion of divorcees compared with women who either lived in separate (5% of these women were divorced) or shared (14% of these women were divorced) households. A similar situation obtained for women living alone who were widows (35% of the women in this group). None of the women in separate households and 24% of women in shared households were widowed. There was a statistically significant association (p <.01) between living arrangement and marital status.

Only 6% of women who lived alone had no living children (compared to 10% of women in separate households and 2% of women in shared households). Some 71% of this group of older women had three or more living children – similar to women living in shared households (75%) and slightly more than women living in separate households

(67%).

A small minority (5%) of women alone had no kin living nearby. Like the rest of women living in separate households, these women had several types of kin living nearby – 60% had one or two (women in separate households: 52%), 35% had three or

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four types of kin (women in separate households: 43%). While a greater proportion

(68%) of women in shared households had one or two types of kin nearby, the proportion with three or four types of proximate kin was smaller (27%).

Thirty per cent of women alone had an elementary or an incomplete high school education. Only women in shared households had a slightly higher percentage (35%) of women in this category. Women living alone had the highest proportion of those who were high school graduates (25% versus 24% of women in separate households and

14% of women in shared households). They had the lowest proportion of women (10%) of women with college or university educations. A little over a third of the women who lived alone had received some form of technical or vocational training.

Women living alone have the highest representation in the professional and service occupations. They are overrepresented in the “classic” service groups: nurses aides and private household workers and underrepresented in the sales and administrative groups. Table 4.15 presents the current or most recent occupations of the participants based on their living arrangement.

Seventy five per cent of the women who lived alone were in service occupations, with 55% of them in the two main service occupations found among female West Indian migrants: nurses aides and private household workers. The percentage of women who lived alone whose occupation was household worker was almost twice as high as that for women in shared households, and almost 50% greater than that for women who lived in separate households. Another 25% of women were in professions such as teaching.

None of the women reported occupations in the executive or managerial groups, or were self-employed.

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Table 4.15. Occupation (current or last worked) of study sample by living arrangement

(in percentages)

ALONE SEPARATE SHARED N=20 N=21 N=62

Executive & Self-employed - 9.5 6.5 Professional 25.0 14.3 14.4

Service 75.0 57.2 56.4

o Nurses aides & other health care support (40.0) (38.1) (24.2)

o Private household (15.0) (9.5) (8.1)

Sales & office 5.0 14.3 12.9

The majority (60%) of women living alone were retired and no longer working, compared to 48% or women in separate households and 41% of women in shared households. The remainder were still part of the labor force, including 10% of this group of women who had retired but were still working. The proportion of women living alone who were working after retirement was similar to the figures for women in shared households (11%), but less than that for women in separate households (19%).

The monthly incomes of women alone reflected their mixed job histories and post employment situation. The bottom quintile lived on $800 or less per month, another 40% of women had an average monthly income of $1300. It was notable that a similar proportion of women living alone were receiving incomes of $1700 per month or more.

There was a high negative association between income and age group (Gamma

-.610, p < .05). The oldest women had the highest rates of poverty. This was substantially more so for women who lived alone than for the study sample as whole.

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When analyzed on the basis on living arrangement, more women alone were at or below poverty (21%) or economically vulnerable (27%) than women living separately (5% at or below poverty and 15% economically vulnerable). The proportion of women who are at or below poverty or are in an economically vulnerable position is highest among women living in shared households (30% and 32% respectively).

Table 4.16 is a comparative analysis of the age group and poverty status data for women who live alone and the study sample (including women living alone) that illustrates this point.

Table 4.16. Poverty status by age group: study sample(1) and women living alone(2)

55-64 years 65-74 years 75 years & over Study Women Study Women Study Women sample alone sample alone sample alone N=43 N=4 N=46 N=12 N=14 N=4

At or below poverty 11.7 - 30.4 16.7 35.7 50.0

Not in poverty 81.3 100.0 43.5 66.6 57.2 25.0

Notes:

(1) Gamma -.495; p < .001

(2) Gamma -.733 p < .01

Among women who lived alone there were no poor women in the youngest age group and relatively few in the 65 to 75 years age group. Comparatively this was a better situation than that for the study sample as a whole. However the opposite is the case for the oldest group of women. In the study sample, more than twice as many women aged 75+ are not in poverty than are the women in this age group who live alone. In addition, the significant negative relationship between poverty status and age

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group is stronger among women who live alone than among the women in the study sample.

When the asset side is considered, 68% of the women who live alone own their own homes. Only five per cent of women in separate households and 30% of women in shared households are individual homeowners, and 48% of women in separate households and 21% of women in shared households are joint owners with their spouse.

Women living alone have the highest rate of home ownership even when these categories are combined. It is inferred from the fact that an unrelated person is the homeowner, that at least 26% of women living alone are paying rent. This is more than fifteen percentage points higher than the for the study sample as a whole. In a minority of cases (5%) women living alone resided in houses owned by another family member.

This was similar to the situation of women living in shared households. Adult children were not recorded as owning any of the homes in which women living alone resided.

However they were the owners of 5% of the residences of women in separate households and 26% of the residences of women living in shared households.

While none of the women who lived alone reported that they were in excellent health, they had the highest proportion of women who rated their health as very good

(53% compared to other women in separate households – 29%, and women in shared households – 32%). However there were women in the shared households who rated their health as excellent. Similar proportions of women alone and women living in shared households reported that they were in fair or poor health (26% and 24% respectively).

This was more than double the proportion of women in separate households (10%), none of whom rated their health as poor.

There were also similarities between women who lived alone and women in shared households in terms of the presence of limiting or disabling conditions. Sixty-five per cent of women in both groups had no limiting or disabling condition. Seventy-six

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percent of women in separate households fell into this category. Thirty per cent of women alone, 19% of women in separate households and 27% of women in shared households had one or two such conditions. None of the women who lived alone or were in separate households had more than three limiting or disabling conditions, and only 6% of women in shared households exceeded this number.

No significant relationship was found between self-rated health and age group for women living alone. Seventy-five per cent of women in the oldest age group rated their health as very good or good and none rated their health as poor. A slightly smaller proportion of women (73%) aged 65 – 74 years rated their health as very good or good, and 9% of these women rated their health as poor. Seventy-five per cent of women in the youngest age group rated their health as very good and the remainder rated their health as fair.

The analysis also found no significant relationship between the number of limiting and disabling conditions (health status index) reported by those women who lived alone and the age group to which they belonged. Fifty per cent or more women in all age groups reported no conditions. The highest number of conditions reported was three (of a possible five), and this was reported by 25% of women in the 75 and over age group.

A summary of the data concerning the relationships between the health and income, age and education of the women who live alone compared with the study sample as a whole is presented below. Table 4.17 first presents the means and standard deviations for the group.

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Table 4.17. Means and standard deviations for self-rated health, health status index, income, age and highest level of education for women who live alone. (Study sample data in parenthesis)

VARIABLES N M SD

SELF-RATED HEALTH 19 3.21 .98 (3.42) (1.06)

HEALTH STATUS INDEX 20 4.40 .94 (4.39) (1.07)

INCOME 19 1217.74 470.46 (1251.01) (513.56)

AGE 18 68.67 6.96 (67.14) (8.39)

LEVEL OF EDUCATION 20 3.0 1.38 (3.14) (1.40)

These data reveal that women who live alone are similar in most respects to the study sample. However they do have slightly less favorable ratings on self-rated health, lower levels of education, and they are somewhat older and poorer than the whole group. There is also less variation in the statistics for women who live alone than for the study sample as a whole.

Table 4.18 compares the correlation between the two health variables and the income, age and education of women who live alone with similar data for the study sample.

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Table 4.18 Comparison of correlations of self-rated health and health status index with income, age and highest level of education for women who live alone and study sample

SELF-RATED HEALTH HEALTH STATUS INDEX

Women Study Women Study VARIABLES alone sample alone sample

INCOME .644** .201* .546** .134

AGE -.142 -.080 -.308 -.359*

LEVEL OF EDUCATION .282 .185* .407* .214*

* P<.05; **p < .01

Among women who live alone there is a stronger positive correlation of self-rated health and income than there is for the study sample as a whole. In addition, there was a positive statistically significant correlation of the former group’s health status index and income where none was found for the study sample. On the other hand, while the correlation between the two health variables and age was consistently negative for both groups, this finding was statistically significant only in relation to the health status index statistic for the study sample. There were somewhat mixed results with regards the health variables and the level of education, with a positive correlation that was significant in all instances except for the self-rated health of women who lived alone.

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Correlates of living arrangements

In this section I present the results of analyses conducted in order to answer

Research question 2: What are the correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s

residence in separate households rather than in shared households in the Greater

Hartford region of the state of Connecticut? and

Research question 3: Among older West Indian migrant women living in Greater

Hartford, what are the correlates of their headship of the shared household?

The intercorrelation of the predictors specified in the three models developed to respond to these questions were first examined. Tables 4.19a and 4.19b set out the intercorrelations for living in a separate household with fifteen predictor variables based on the theoretical model developed for this study. Three variables were found to be significantly correlated with living in a separate household. Family need was the most highly correlated variable (r = -.60, p < .001). The remaining variables had low correlations: the kin proximity index, which measures the number of different types of kin living within 30 minutes of the respondent (r = .22, p <.05) and citizenship (r = .19, p <

.05).

One pair of variables was highly - r > .7 (Pallant, 2005 citing Tabachnik and

Fidell, 2001) – intercorrelated (and therefore presented the threat of multicollinearity):

number of living female children with total number of living children (r = .68, p < .01).

Two other pairs of variables bordered on a high intercorrelation, year of arrival with

citizenship (r = -.64, p < .01) and son living nearby with the kin proximity index. The

variable total number of living children was excluded from the regression analysis

because of this high intercorrelation.

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Table 4.19a Intercorrelations for living in a separate household and predictor variables (continued in Table 4.19b)

VARIABLE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

-- 1. Separate household 2. Income .17 -- 3. R owns house .07 .26** -- 4. Age .05 -.21* -.12 -- 5. Self-rated health .07 .05 .08 -.08 -- 6. Health status index .09 .3 .06 -.36** .39** -- 7. Total No. living children -.07 -.06 -.08 -.02 -.20* -.18 -- 8. No. daughters alive -.13 -.12 -.10 .11 -.05 -.20* .68** 9. Daughter lives nearby .14 .08 .02 .09 -.15 -.14 .50** 10. Son lives nearby .16 .21* .03 .01 -.16 -.13 .24* 11. Family need -.60** -.19 -.12 -.07 -.06 -.07 .21* 12. Year of arrival -.17 -.44** -.26** -.29** .07 .28** .30** 13. Citizenship .19* .33** .33** .16 -.06 -.13 -.18 14. R has proximate kin -.01 .32** .24** -.11 .05 .4 .26** 15. Kin proximity index .22* .25* .18 -.00 -.23* -.14 .32**

** p < 0.01; * p < 0.05

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Table 4.19b Intercorrelations for living in a separate household and predictor variables continued from Table 4.19a)

VARIABLE 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 8. No. daughters alive -- 9. Daughter lives nearby .58** -- 10. Son lives nearby .03 .25** -- 11. Family need .25** .10 -.04 -- 12. Year of arrival .27** -.01 -.25** .19* -- 13. Citizenship -.18 .15 .23* -.17 -.64** -- 14. R has proximate kin .19 .23* .22* -.03 -.04 .27** -- 15. Kin proximity index .25* .55* .63** -.15 -.19* .31** .43** -- ** p < 0.01; * p < 0.05

The final model for Research Question 2, identification of the correlates of the

likelihood of the older West Indian migrant woman living in a separate household was

developed in several steps. First analyses were conducted using variables from the

components of the theoretical model. This procedure was deemed appropriate in light of

the small sample size and the large number of variables.

A direct logistic regression analysis was done using the four rational choice

variables: the natural log of income, respondent’s ownership of the home, self-rated

health and the health status index. One hundred and three cases were included in this

model. This analysis found no significant difference between the constant only model

and the full model. No significant variables were found and the model had poor

sensitivity, in that it was only able to predict 2.6% of those cases that were separate

households. An analysis using the life course variable, age, and 107 cases produced

equally poor results. This model did not successfully classify any of the cases as being

separate households.

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The third model used variables identified by intergenerational exchange theory: number of female children, having a son or daughter living nearby and family need (an index of characteristics of the kin network which could create a need for co-residence). A direct logistic regression analysis was done using these four variables. One hundred and four cases were included in this analysis. Table 4.20 presents the results of this analysis. The full model compared to the constant only was statistically significant, chi square (4, N=104) = 62.783, p < .01. The model correctly classified 84.2% of the cases as being separate households and 84.8% as shared households. Overall, the model correctly predicted 84.6% of cases.

Table 4.20. Results of logistic regression analysis using intergenerational exchange theory to identify correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households (N=104)

VARIABLE B SE ODDS WALD CI RATIO STATISTIC Lower Upper No. of female children -.815 .532 .442 2.347 .156 1.256 Daughter lives nearby 1.792 .786 6.001* 5.202 1.287 27.992 Son lives nearby .637 .587 1.891 1.178 .599 5.973

Family need -2.804 .657 .061** 18.247 .017 .219

Constant 1.260 1.007 3.526 1.567 **p < .01; *p < .05

Having a daughter living nearby had a statistically significant positive effect on

the likelihood of the older West Indian migrant woman residing in a separate household.

In fact, the older West Indian migrant woman’s odds of living in a separate household is

six times higher if she has a daughter living nearby. On the other hand, family need

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significantly reduced this likelihood. Each additional indicator of family need decreases the older West Indian woman’s likelihood of living in a separate household by a factor of

.061. Between 45% and 62% of the variation in the dependent variable was explained by this model.

The fourth contributor to building the final model came from transnational migration theory. Four variables were used in this equation: respondents’ year of arrival, her citizenship, having kin living nearby and the number of different types of proximate kin (kin proximity index). One hundred and seven cases were used in this analysis.

Table 4.21 presents the results of this analysis.

Table 4.21. Results of logistic regression analysis using transnational migration theory to identify correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households (N=107)

VARIABLE B SE ODDS WALD CI RATIO STATISTIC Lower Upper

Year of arrival -.007 .023 .993 .099 .948 1.039

Citizen .995 .872 2.704 1.300 .489 14.950 Has proximate kin -1.498 1.138 .224 1.731 .024 2.082 Kin proximity index .442 .221 1.555* 3.979 1.008 2.400

Constant 13.657 46.338 853149.60 .087 *p < .05

The full model compared to the constant only was not statistically significant, chi square (4, N=107) = 8.969, p = .062. The model was only able to correctly classify

31.7% of the cases as being separate households but correctly classified 73.4% cases as shared households. Overall, the model correctly predicted only 57.1% of cases and

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explained between 8% and 11% of the variation in the outcome. Within the limitations identified, having a greater number of types of kin living nearby appeared to have a significantly positive effect on the likelihood of the older West Indian migrant woman living in a separate household. In light of the fact that this was one of the variables significantly correlated with the depended variable in the bivariate analysis, I decided to retain it in the final equation.

The final model to test for the correlates of the living arrangements of older West

Indian migrant women was constructed using the significant variables identified in previous analyses: having a daughter living nearby, family need and the kin proximity index. One hundred and seven cases were used in this analysis. Table 4.22 presents the results of this analysis.

Table 4.22. Results of logistic regression analysis of a model of correlates of older West Indian migrant women’s residence in separate households based on prior analyses of models derived from rational choice, life course, intergenerational exchange and transnational migration theories (N=107)

VARIABLE B SE ODDS WALD CI RATIO STATISTIC Lower Upper Daughter lives nearby .761 .678 2.141 1.260 .567 8.088

Family need -2.965 .649 .052** 20.859 .014 .184

Kin proximity .201 .333 1.222 .363 .636 2.347 index

Constant .082 .643 1.086 .016 **p < .01

The full model compared to the constant only was statistically significant, chi

square (3, N=107) = 61.861, p <.01. The model was able to correctly classify 95.1% of

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the cases as being separate households and correctly classified 77.3% cases as shared households. Overall, the model correctly predicted 84.1% of cases and explained 43% to

58% of the variation in the outcome.

Family need emerged as the variable having a significant effect on the outcome, with each additional indicator of need resulting in a reduction in the likelihood of the older

West Indian woman residing in a separate household by a factor of .052. These odds are slightly less than the results of the previous equation in which this variable was included.

Headship of shared households

The final result to be presented is the analysis of the older woman’s standing in the shared household. I have argued that living in a shared household does not automatically result in a loss of status or independence, an assumption evident in many discussions of older persons’ living arrangements. Being head of the household was selected as an appropriate indicator of the extent to which the older West Indian migrant woman has retained her status and independence. The third research question therefore asks, “Among older West Indian migrant women living in Greater Hartford,

what are the correlates of their headship of the shared household?” The literature

suggests several variables that could be associated with this phenomenon. Table 4.23

presents the results of the bivariate analysis of these variables.

Three variables are correlated with the older West Indian woman’s headship of

the shared household: the year of her arrival, her ownership of the house and her

income. More recent arrivals are less likely to be heads of shared households (r= -.33, p

< .01). Income is also moderately correlated with headship (r= .33, p < .01).

Homeownership is most highly correlated (r = .67, p < .01) with the older West Indian

migrant woman being head of the household in which she resides with other adult kin. Of

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interest is the finding that having a co-resident spouse was not significantly related to the older woman’s headship of the shared household.

Table 4.23. Intercorrelations for R as head of shared household and predictor variables (N= 66)

VARIABLE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

1. R is head --

2. Age .06 --

3. Citizenship .24 .16 --

4. Year of arrival -.33** -.29** -.64** --

5. R owns house .67** -.12 .33** -.26** --

6. Family need -- index .12 -.07 -.17 .19* -.12 7. Self-reported health -.07 -.08 -.06 .07 .08 -.06 --

8. Health status -- index -.04 -.36** -.13 .28** .06 -.07 **.39

9. Log of income .33** -.21* .42** -.44** **.26 -.19 .05 .03 --

10. Spouse/partner -- co-resides -.03 .07 .34* -.30* .07 -.15 .02 .17 .18 ** p < 0.01; * p < 0.05

A direct logistic regression analysis was performed to evaluate the relationship of these three variables: year of arrival, the natural log of income and ownership of the home to the outcome: respondent is head of the shared household. I decided to include the family need variable because of the strength of its effect in the previous equations, although it was not significantly correlated with the outcome variable in the current analysis.

Sixty-four cases were included in this analysis. The model correctly predicted

87.9% of the cases where the respondent was head of the shared household, and

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80.6% of cases where another person was head of the shared household. Overall the model accurately classified 84.4% of cases and explained between 43% and 57% of the variation in the dependent variable explained by the model.

Table 4.24 shows the regression coefficients, standard errors, odds ratios, Wald statistics and confidence intervals for each of the three correlates. The older West Indian woman’s ownership of the house and family need proved to be statistically significant correlates of her headship of the shared household. The odds ratios of 26.593 in the case of home ownership and 2.140 in the case of family need show that these variables have a substantial positive effect in the likelihood of the respondent being head of the shared household.

Table 4.24. Results of logistic regression analysis of correlates of older West

Indian women’s headship of shared households (N=64)

VARIABLE B SE ODDS WALD CI RATIO STATISTIC Lower Upper Year of arrival -.009 .033 .991 .072 .928 1.058 Income .341 .330 1.406 1.065 .736 2.687 R owns house 3.281 .826 26.593** 15,767 5.266 134.289 Family need .761 .380 2.140* 4.003 1.016 4.507 Constant 12.701 66.651 328079 .036 **p <.01, *p < .05

Summary of results

The following section summarizes the main findings as they relate to the study sample.

Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics

The study sample comprised 107 women from ten countries in the English- speaking Caribbean with a mean age of 67.2 years. A little less than half of the participants were aged 65-74 years and a minority (14%) were aged 75 years and over.

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Almost two-thirds of the women lived in shared households with other adult kin.

Fewer than 20% of the participants lived alone, the majority of this group being in the 65

– 74 age group.

More than 60% of the women had arrived in the United States by 1975. Over

80% were naturalized citizens, with a noticeable surge in the number of women acquiring citizenship between 1990 and 2002. The majority of women had migrated in search of work and even those who came to the U.S. to join their families sought and found employment. Almost 90% of the women joined family or friends who were already resident in the United States. They (78%) in turn facilitated the arrival of other family members, the greatest number being children (60%) of the cases. Other relatives (22%) exceeded spouses (20%) among other categories of kin who joined the participants in the study.

A little over half of the women, including some members of the 75 years and over age group, were in the labor force. Service sector jobs, especially in health care and private household employment predominated. Although a substantial proportion earned incomes that placed them more than 200% above the poverty line, it is estimated that between 20% and 40% of the study participants were at or below this threshold. As many as half the women were in economically vulnerable positions. There was a significant negative correlation between income and poverty status and the age group to which the women belonged. An association was also found between the period in which the women came to live in the United States and their income. The most significant differences were found between the earliest (pre 1965) and latest (1986 – 2002) arrivals, with the most recent arrivals being less well off.

With regards the health of the study sample, the majority of women in the younger age groups and a substantial minority of women in the oldest age group rated their health as excellent or very good. No statistically significant link was found between

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age group and self-rated health, and it was noteworthy that none of the members of the oldest age group considered themselves to be in poor health. A slightly different picture emerges when health status was measured by the number of limiting or disabling conditions the women experienced. While there was a statistically significant association between this health status measure and age group, a large percentage of women in all age groups indicated that they had none of the conditions or difficulties included in this measure.

There was a small statistically significant correlation of income and self-rated health, but not for the number of limiting or disabling conditions. There was a significant moderately negative correlation between age and the number of limiting or disabling conditions, but not with self-rated health. Respondents’ level of education showed a small, statistically significant correlation with both self-rated health and their report of limiting or disabling conditions.

Living arrangements

The most prevalent household type was that in which the older West Indian migrant woman lived in a shared household with no spouse present. The situation varied somewhat across the three age groups, with a spouse being present in the shared household being most prevalent among the 55 – 64 age group. However, despite the comparatively large size of this group, there were no examples of the nuclear family household type, and there were very few examples of grandparents raising grandchildren (absent of other adult kin). However minor children were present in many households, over 50% in the 64 – 74 age group, and a third of all women performed childcare duties.

Almost two-thirds of the participants in the study did cooking/housekeeping for other adult household members and over 50% provided (apparently rent free) accommodation. Over 60% of the women also saw themselves as an important source

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of advice and companionship for other members of the household. Only 23% of the households had none of the indicators of family need. Some 65% had one or two indicators, primarily the presence of previously noted minor children, and also low income worker, unemployed individual or some combination of the three.

The study found a high level of co-resident and proximate daughters and sons.

Daughters predominated in both categories for the sample as a whole, and for the two younger age groups. Overall there were higher percentages of adult children living within

30 minutes drive of respondents’ homes than actually living with respondents. The data on categories of kin living nearby supported the data on the ordering of categories of kin who came to join the respondents in the United States, with children and siblings being the top two groups.

Women living alone

Women living alone constituted less than 20% of the study sample. Some 60% of these women were aged 65 – 74 years. This group of women was distinguished by the substantial presence of divorcees and widows in the group. Although they lived alone most of the women had children alive and had kin living nearby.

A higher proportion of women who lived alone had elementary or incomplete high school education than other women living in separate households. They were also least represented among those with college or university educations. However, they were over-represented in both the professional and less surprisingly in the lower wage occupations, especially household work. None of the women who lived alone belonged to the executive, managerial or self-employed groups.

There was a high negative association between income and age group, with women 75 year and over who lived alone having the highest rates of poverty among the study sample as a whole. However 68% of women living alone owned their own homes compared to 5% of other women in separate households and 30% of women in shared

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households who were individual homeowners, although a little more than half of the women in these last two categories were joint homeowners.

Except for having the highest proportion of those who rated their health as very good, the health profile women living alone was similar in most respects to that of women in shared households.

Correlates of living arrangements

The correlates of the likelihood that the older West Indian migrant woman would live in a separate household were identified by a process of testing models based on the components of the explanatory framework constructed for this study. Income, homeownership and health had been identified in rational choice theory as having an effect on an older person’s ability to maintain a separate household. Age is an important variable from a life course perspective while intergenerational exchange theory draws attention to various aspects of the kin network, especially the co-residence or proximity of sons and daughters and other kin. Transnational migration theory focused on the fact that one of the distinguishing features of this study sample was their immigrant status.

Variables such as year of arrival, citizenship and characteristics of other family members

(such as recent arrival or low waged employment) were hypothesized as having an effect on the outcome.

None of the variables derived from rational choice nor life course theories by themselves had a statistically significant effect on the older West Indian migrant woman’s likelihood of living in a separate household. The models based on these variables were a poor fit with limited predictive capacity. Two variables were statistically significant in the model based on intergenerational exchange theory. Having a daughter living nearby increased the odds of the study participants living in a separate household by a factor of six. On the other hand, family need reflected in kin characteristics such as

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the presence of a minor child or low income worker decreased the odds of this outcome by a factor of .061.

A final model was fitted based on the variables previously identified as being statistically significant. Of the three variables: having a daughter living nearby, family need and having several types of kin living nearby, only family need emerged as having a statistically significant and negative effect on the likelihood of the older woman living in a separate household.

Household headship was used as an indicator of the relative autonomy retained by those women who lived in shared households. Both family need and the respondent’s ownership of the house had significant positive effects on the likelihood of this outcome, with homeownership having the greater effect.

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Chapter Five – Discussion and Conclusions

This study was predicated on the belief that “each immigrant group has unique demographic characteristics, life experiences, and cultural beliefs that can potentially influence later life living arrangements”, (Wilmoth, 2001, p. 229). Indeed, de Vos and

Arias (2003) in reporting on significant within group differences in the living arrangements of older Hispanics, suggest that other groups of ethnic minority elders could benefit from similarly close examination. This study was further motivated by the fact that while this analysis has begun for minority groups such as Hispanics and Asians, the political economy of race in America continues to deny the Black community this option.

This study has tried to open the discourse in this area by undertaking an exploratory analysis of the living arrangements of one group within the older Black population, older West Indian migrant women. Unlike many other groups of older immigrants, these women had arrived in the United States in the middle years of the twentieth century as young women “in search of a better life” (Palmer, 1990).

The study used primary and secondary data to develop a profile of one group of members of this population – older West Indian migrant women living in the Greater

Hartford region of Connecticut. One hundred and seven interviews were completed with women aged fifty-five years and over who were born in the English-speaking Caribbean and who now reside permanently in the United States. A theoretical framework derived from rational choice, life course, intergenerational exchange and transnational migration theories, was used in the analysis of the factors that had a significant effect on the likelihood that these women would live in separate households rather than in shared households. In addition, in contrast to the assumption that residence in a shared household was equal to a loss of status and independence, I used the indicator of self- reported household headship to explore the older woman’s status in such a household. I

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also sought to identify those factors that might contribute to her position of head of the shared household.

In this chapter I will review the results of the study in relation to the questions that motivated it and to the literature in the field. I will also discuss some methodological considerations affecting these findings. Finally, I will discuss the policy and practice and implications of the results and identify directions for further research.

Similarities and differences in the profile of older West Indian migrant women

The first task of the study was to create a demographic profile of the study population, since little if anything was known about them. The first research question asked about the socio-economic characteristics of foreign-born West Indian women aged fifty-five years and older living in the Greater Hartford region of the state of

Connecticut. A series of hypotheses sought to establish the nature of the relationship between certain demographic attributes of the older West Indian migrant woman.

Specifically I examined the relationship between income and age group and age group and poverty status. In the latter case I compared these findings with an analysis of data of a similar population derived from the 1990 Census IPUMS. In addition, in light of the debate about the relative success of the West Indian population, information was sought about the possible effect of length of time in the U.S. (migration cohort) on income. I also conducted analyses of the relationship between health, age group, education and income.

Although the majority of women in the study came to the United States and to

Hartford as part of the post-1965 wave of immigration, a small number of women were already present prior to this time. Unlike New York City, the early history of West Indian migration to the Greater Hartford area was “male led”. Male farm workers were the earliest arrivals, having been brought to the region to pick tobacco in the final years of

World War II (Johnson, 1995). Several of these men married native born African

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American women, but many brought their wives to join them after the war. The data indicate that the majority of women in the study were joining family members and a relatively small percentage was joined by their spouses. The high incidence of separation and divorce (greater than widowhood the more frequent cause of older women living alone), especially among those women seventy-five years and older, and among those women who live alone, gives some credence to anecdotal reports that many marriages did not survive the migration experience. This finding reinforces the value of paying greater attention to the question of spousal co-residence rather than to marital status when seeking to understand the living arrangements and social support systems of older women.

Rather than the picture of extensive poverty painted by most studies of the socio- economic status of older women, especially those from ethnic minority groups, this study found that the older West Indian woman’s economic reality was marked more by income inequality. The proportion of women in the study who were not poor ranged from 44%

(among women aged 65 – 74 years) to 81% (women aged 55 – 64 years). Even among the oldest age group, a little more than half of these women were not in poverty.

This finding would seem to support Model’s (2001) conclusion that niche employment produces more positive than negative outcomes for West Indian migrant women, and it appears that these outcomes carry over into old age. This conclusion is further supported by the finding that the majority of women in the study sample were employed in the health care industry, the component of the service sector that Model found paid better wages to West Indian migrant women than to native born African

American woman.

Of note is the statistically significant finding that the earliest arrivals were almost twice as well off as the most recent arrivals, a feature that Model identifies among West

Indian women in New York City. The oral accounts of the participants in the study bore

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testimony to the fact the domestic service is most frequently the point of entry into the

American labor market for the newly arrived immigrant, but many women subsequently moved on to work in other areas, especially the better paid health care sector.

Notwithstanding these results, more than one third of the oldest women were poor, and when economic vulnerability rather than poverty is used, some 76% of the women aged

65 – 74 years fall into this category.

The issue of within group income inequality also came to the fore in analyses of the status of older West Indian women who live alone. Whereas the economic circumstances of the younger age groups of women living alone were better than that of women in other types of living arrangements, the reverse was the case for the oldest age group. In fact the significant negative correlation between age group and poverty was higher for the oldest women living alone than for the oldest women in other types of living arrangements. Even this finding however should be interpreted carefully because as a group, women who lived alone had more assets, in the form of home ownership, and kin networks of similar size. In addition their health profile was similar in most respects to the other women in the study. So it is not possible to conclude that those older West Indian women who lived alone were in a more vulnerable position than other women in the study or, as the literature frequently infers, other women in this type of living arrangement.

In fact, in terms of vulnerability, the status of women in the middle age group, sixty-five to seventy-four years merits close examination. Although not the group with the highest proportion of women living at or below the poverty line, this group of older women had the greatest proportion of members in an economically vulnerable position.

This finding is important in the context of this group of women having the highest rates of household headship and engagement in the performance of household tasks. Compared with the other age groups, almost twice as many West Indian women aged sixty-five to

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seventy-four years had minor children living in their homes, exceeding the average for older African American women (Hunter, 1997). Davis et al, 1997 suggest that these factors could influence the survivability of older women. The women in this age group also had the highest percentage of study participants with two or more indicators of family need, such as the presence of unemployed or low waged persons in the household.

When compared with the ratings of the participants in Lyons’ study of older West

Indians in New York City (Lyons, 1997), a much higher proportion of the Hartford study participants rated themselves as being in excellent or good health, and far fewer saw themselves as being in fair or poor health. This could be a function of the higher proportion of women aged eighty-five and over in Lyons’ study, although none of the oldest Hartford study participants, even those with multiple limiting or disabling conditions, rated their health as poor. However, this is not necessarily an unusual finding as Deeg and Kriegsman (2003) observe that the effect of age on self-rated health was lowest among older persons asked to compare their health to that of their peers, the form of the SRH question used in this study. The finding that participants’ level of education was linked to a favorable health status, both in terms of the number of limiting and disabling conditions, and in terms of their self-rated health was similar to that found for other groups of older women (Hammond, 1995). One could theorize that the fact that the majority of the women in the study had at least a high school education, could be a factor in the favorable health profile of this group.

Living arrangements

Of particular interest is the substantial difference between the results of this study and the literature related to the proportions of older women who live in shared households and those who live alone. In this study, almost two-thirds of the participants lived in shared households, in a little more than half of those instances, as head (or

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shared head) of the household. Fewer than one fifth of the study participants lived alone.

Although many writers focus on an adult child sponsoring the older immigrant, literature on Caribbean migration and the data in this study show that the opposite was extensively the case for this population. This is at least a partial explanation for the prevalence of shared households, especially those with the older West Indian woman with her adult children and grandchildren.

This finding also varies significantly from most descriptions of the living arrangements of African American elders and of the elderly population in general.

Cantor and Brennan (2000) and Choi (1999) for example both found that among African

American elders, only one-third lived in shared households and some 40% lived alone

(Cantor and Brennan, 2000). (There was some similarity however with the proportion of older West Indian women who were living in shared households without a spouse

(35.5%) and Cantor and Brennan’s finding of the proportion of older African American women in their New York City study in a similar type of living arrangement (37%).)

The characteristics of the households of the study participants more readily accord with data that demonstrate the sustained and increasing prevalence of shared households among immigrant groups (Glick, 2000; Glick et al, 1997). In fact these data challenge the proposition by Hogan et al (1993) that extended family living and the associated process of intergenerational exchange is on the decline in the Black community. Instead, these results suggest that the “matrifocal Black family” dismissed by

Hogan et al (1993, p.1450) as a relic of the past, persists, at least in the section of the

West Indian immigrant population studied. Indeed these results lend support to Soto’s characterization of older West Indian migrant women as being at the head of a “kin empire” populated by children and grandchildren and lateral kin (1992, p.126).

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The phenomenon of lone grand-parenting does not seem to be as prevalent in the study sample as has been found for the native born Black population. However, complementing the data on the number of co-resident minor children with data on child care duties performed by the women does seem to uncover a picture of substantial involvement in grand-parenting. Casper and Bryson (1998) identify five types of grandparent maintained families of which the lone grandparent is only one. Lone grandparent households constituted little more than a third of those households with minor children that were maintained by the grandparents.

Except for the oldest age group, twice as many daughters as sons lived with their mother. Interestingly, the oldest age group had the smallest and almost identical figures for both co-resident and proximate daughters and sons. This is the reverse of the results produced by Schmertmann et al. (2000). However their conclusions were not derived from an analysis of the elderly population disaggregated by race or ethnicity.

These results lend credence to the perspective that sees the living arrangements of older persons as influenced by the characteristics (needs) of the other members of the household. For example, Glick, Bean and Van Hook (1997) treat the presence of minor children in the household as an indicator of need. A similar approach was used in this study.

Correlates of living arrangements

Intergenerational exchange and transnational migration theory emerged as the most useful components of the explanatory framework developed for this part of the study. None of the variables derived from rational choice theory: income, homeownership and health, nor from life course theory: age, had a statistically significant effect on the likelihood that the older West Indian migrant woman would live in a separate household. It is noteworthy that age has been similarly non-significant in other studies (see for example Crimmins and Ingegneri, 1990). It is also possible that the

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relative good health of the study population makes substantial difference in analyses of this kind.

On the other hand, in a regression model using intergenerational exchange variables, the proximity of a daughter and the needs of the family, both had a significant effect on the outcome. It is noteworthy however that having her daughter living nearby gives the older West Indian woman the freedom to maintain a separate household.

Similarly, in analyses using transnational migration theory, the number of different types of kin who lived near to the older West Indian woman (a characteristic produced in large part by being a member of an immigrant community), proved significant in helping the older woman to live in a separate household. The relatively high incidence of the older woman facilitating the entry of other kin logically lays the basis for this phenomenon.

These findings must be considered in the context of the fact that relatively few women lived in separate households, the presumably desired arrangement. In addition, the ability of the transnational migration model to accurately predict the target outcome

(residence in a separate household) was poor (32%) and the variables in the model were able to explain only 8% to 11% of the outcome.

On the other hand, the model derived from intergenerational exchange theory had much greater sensitivity (84%) and the variables in this model explained between

45% and 62% of the outcome. The final model that was fitted based on these analyses was a further improvement in this regard, lending support to the strength of the effect of the variable that emerged as having a significant effect on the likelihood of the older

West Indian woman living in a separate household. The sensitivity of this final model was 95% and the model itself explained between 43 % and 58% of the variation in the outcome.

These findings could be construed as support for cultural explanations of the variations between ethnic minority elders’ living arrangements and the living

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arrangements of the European origin majority. It is therefore noteworthy that of the three kin-related variables: a daughter living nearby, the number of types of kin living nearby and the needs of this kin network, it is the last of these that emerged as significant in the final and best fitted model.

The inclusion of the family need variable “knocked out” the other previously

significant kin variables. This development sometimes occurs because of size of the

effect of the new variable (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). In addition, when working with a

small sample, correlates need to have a large effect in order to achieve significance. It

is possible that with a larger sample, other variables could prove to be significantly

related to the older West Indian woman’s living arrangements. While this might also be

the explanation for the non-significant finding for the migration variables included in the

analysis, it is possible that the effect of these factors are only revealed in comparative

analyses, immigrant versus non-immigrant groups.

In general, these results provide some support for the view that structural factors,

especially the characteristics of the kin network, rather than her personal characteristics

best explain the older woman’s living arrangements. The former are the focus of

theoretical explanations based on intergenerational exchange theory, and theories that

posit that migration is more than the movement of individuals in pursuit of personal

advancement.

Questioning the notion that co-residence with adult kin automatically placed the

older woman in a dependent situation, research question three sought to identify the

correlates of her headship of the shared household. Household headship was used as

an indicator of relative autonomy or independence of the older woman. Factors such as

income and duration of residence were significantly correlated in the bivariate analyses,

but home ownership and family need emerged as the only significant correlates in the

regression analysis. It is evident that while factors such as age, a sometimes cited

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status giving factor by those using cultural explanations of living arrangements, might have some significance in other contexts, it is the older West Indian woman’s command of resources, notably homeownership and its importance for the well-being of other kin, that makes a difference in this case.

Of relevance to these results are Kramarow’s (1995) findings about the effect of homeownership on the living arrangements of older persons over the period 1910 to

1990. Whereas, in 1910 homeownership increased the likelihood that older persons would live in a separate household, it had the opposite effect in subsequent years.

Interestingly, Kramarow failed to acknowledge the possibility of the older person’s agency in this scenario. She preferred to ascribe the co-residential arrangement to the fact that it was an indicator of the adult child’s ability to take care of the parent, i.e. assuming that the direction of support was to the older person, rather than towards the adult child or in both directions. On the other hand, Jennifer Glick (2000) found that the type of shared household found in this study was most frequently headed by an older woman. The issue of home ownership will be addressed in a later section, when I discuss the policy issues presented by these findings.

Methodological issues

An obvious issue for this study is that of the generalizability of the findings. The

West Indian migrant population is considered “statistically invisible”. This is even more the case for older West Indian migrants. Developing a sample frame for this population would present a significant challenge. The recently completed Survey of American Life

(the successor to the National Survey of Black Americans) which oversampled West

Indians might address this problem. In the absence of a random sample, it is not possible to state that these findings are applicable to the population of older West Indian migrant women in the United States. However, given the similarities between the profile of the study population and the Census (IPUMS) data, and the support form the

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literature for several findings, I would argue that a basis exists to anticipate that similar results, at least for the population in Greater Hartford, would be produced using a probability sample.

Another methodological consideration is the reliability of the regression models used in the study. The ability of the final model to reliably predict a large percentage of the outcome is a positive sign in this regard.

Policy and practice issues

Service use and benefit policy

Although analysts’ and practitioners’ worst fears about the effect of the welfare reform legislation on immigrants did not happen, a recent study by Urban Institute analysts reveal that this policy change accompanied by changes in immigration policy, has created problems for this population (Capps, Ku, Fix, Furgiuele, Passel, Ramchand et al, 2002).

The authors found that the most significant negative effects of Welfare Reform were experienced by persons arriving after the 1996 law came into effect. They concluded that although reluctant to use public benefits, immigrants would do so if the need were sufficiently great, for example if all the adult members of a household are unemployed and the welfare of children is at risk. However, they found that survey participants were very confused about the eligibility requirements for accessing public benefits especially as this may affect their own or a family member’s immigrant status.

The authors point out that the survey has empirically verified previously existing anecdotal and case study accounts of the fear and misunderstanding about the changes to both welfare and immigration policies that still exist within the immigrant community.

This situation obtains despite official clarification and outreach activities in both communities (Capps et al, 2002).

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My own conversations and observations in the West Indian community indicate that a similar situation exists there. Although their status as naturalized citizens permit access to public welfare services, many respondents and community leaders alike confessed that they did not understand how the services worked.

The high rate of co-residence found in this study has several implications for the well-being of older members of the West Indian community. For example, several women in the study would be candidates for publicly funded assistance because of their poverty status. However, one of the major sources of supplementary income – SSI, is reduced if the recipient lives in a shared household. I suspect that this requirement is based on assumptions about the ability of other members of the shared household to assume responsibility for the applicant. However this could prove difficulty or impossible in light of the fact that in several instances, it is the older woman who is the mainstay of the household or other members of the household are themselves in low waged jobs.

The potentially negative impact of co-residence is worsened by the relatively high rates of home ownership among this group of women. The requirement that applicants needing public assistance “spend down” their assets in order to qualify, does not sit well with members of the community. As one study participant said when this issue was raised, “I cleaned sh*t for 30 years to buy this house!”

Giving up ownership of the home (for example by transferring ownership to an adult child), has other implications. First it could result in the elder also relinquishing headship of the household. This loss of status could have a negative impact on the elder’s self-identity and sense of well-being. There is also the question of the impact on the role of the older West Indian woman as a sponsor. More stringent immigration laws have increased the responsibility of the sponsor to ensure that the new arrival will not become a charge on the public purse. Homeownership is therefore a valuable resource in the on-going migration process.

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Social work practice issues

It might well be argued that there are no significant practice issues for the persons studied, given their relatively favorable socio-economic and health status, and their “embeddedness” in a fair sized kin network. However it is noteworthy that support for this research came from the Department of Elderly Services of the City of Hartford.

The support was occasioned by the Department’s difficulty in serving the older West

Indian community. The cases that came to them arrived when the person was already in crisis and options were few. In addition, the manager of the program, herself of West

Indian ancestry, was regularly called on to handle cases directly, because community members were reluctant to deal with the other staff.

A study of the Afro-Caribbean community’s participation in local networks in

Britain found high levels of “interpersonal solidarity” (p. 643), but a lack of engagement with voluntary and other organizations (Campbell & McLean, 2002). The authors argue that it is not enough to call for the participation of ethnic minority groups without taking concrete action to attend to the obstacles these groups face.

One of the first obstacles to serving the older West Indian migrant population is its relative invisibility. The existence of the population must first be acknowledged, then a proper assessment of the needs of the population must be undertaken to ensure an adequate fit between program and need. For example an effective program would try to address the support roles played by the older West Indian migrant women in this study, especially those in the 65 – 74 age group, and assess how they might be assisted.

Indeed, given the within group diversity of the group, what are the needs?

In the face of continued conservatism in the national arena, the terrain of services for older persons has become more difficult to negotiate (Hudson, 1996;

Takamura, 2002). Perhaps one useful area of practice is the emerging field of policy practice. As Takamura states, “minority elders will require powerful advocates who can

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draw upon convincing evidence to promote public awareness of their concerns” (Factors shaping policy section ¶ 3). That advocacy should come from within the West Indian community itself. Social workers and social work agencies in places with concentrations of West Indian migrants have advocacy/community organizing tasks such as the mobilization and education of the West Indian community itself about the fact of its aging. Ideally, these tasks could be performed by social workers of West Indian ancestry, of whom there were several in Hartford.

As has been the case with other ethnic minority communities, West Indian community organizations can become involved in education and service delivery. This study also demonstrates that social work courses in Gerontology and Diversity must pay attention to the diversity within the populations designated as Black.

Further research

This exploratory study has uncovered the need to undertake further research into aging in the West Indian migrant community in its several other locations in the United

States. This research has only produced indicative results. More detailed analysis is needed, for example of the health effects of the particular configuration of West Indian living arrangements. What can we find out about the incidence of depression and sense of well-being among the women in the 65 – 74 age group who perform so many household roles and who are economically quite vulnerable?

In addition to more studies of older West Indian migrants, research comparing

West Indian elders with other Black elders and with other immigrant elderly is obviously called for. Finally, a truly “gendered” approach demands an examination of lived experience of older West Indian migrant men, whose lives have also been constructed by Caribbean history and culture and by the migration process.

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Concluding remarks

This study has justified attention to West Indian elders as a distinct group of ethnic minority elders. There are several similarities and differences with native born

Black elders, distinctions occasioned by immigrant experience and substantive differences in our history as Blacks in the “New World”. The study has demonstrated that the mixed fortunes enjoyed by West Indian women in their earlier years, have produced a complex picture of independence and economic and social well-being alongside substantial levels of economic vulnerability and reproductive role demands. As a population with one of the largest percentages of persons aged 55 and over, the phenomenon of aging in West Indian migrant community undoubtedly needs more systematic (research, policy & practice) attention.

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APPENDIX A

Blue Hills Civic Association 120 Holcomb Street, Hartford CT 061121-1589 Tel. (860)286-8081 e-mail: [email protected] Fax (860)242-0741

Memorandum of Understanding The following reflects agreement between the Blue Hills Civic Association (hereafter BHCA) and Peta-Anne Baker (hereafter Ms. Baker) of the University of Connecticut School of Social Work regarding a collaboration to learn more about the demography, socio-economic background and status and needs of elderly women of West Indian background living in the Blue Hills neighborhood of Hartford (hereafter the study.) 1. Ms. Baker may present herself as “working with the Blue Hills Civic Association” or “collaborating with the Blue Hills Civic Association” while collecting data or soliciting assistance for the study. 2. BHCA will make available to Ms. Baker space in its Oak Hill campus offices, use of its telephones, computers, copying machines and other relevant equipment; and will hold mail and take telephone messages for Ms. Baker. BHCA undertakes no financial responsibility other than the equipment and services enumerated above, except as provided for in any funding that may be secured for the study. 3. BHCA will make available to Ms. Baker details of its survey of senior citizens in Blue Hills, as well as its database of identified seniors in Blue Hills and its list of block captains for her use in conducting the study. 4. Ms. Baker is free to use all the material provided, including names, addresses and telephone numbers, but will otherwise guard the confidentiality of all information. 5. If Ms. Baker engages students or other assistants in the collection of her data, she will assure that they join her in guarding confidentiality. 6. Ms Baker will limit any written reference to the BHCA survey to an explanation of how respondents from the Blue Hills neighborhood were identified for the study. Any reference to the substantive findings in the BHCA survey shall be with the prior knowledge and consent of the BHCA. 7. BHCA will encourage its members and constituents to participate in the study in ways including, but not limited to, sending a postcard to its block captains and to selected respondents to its senior survey. Ms. Baker will approve such postcard or other printed material thus sent. 8. BHCA will lend its good offices and such technical expertise as may be appropriate to help Ms. Baker publicize her research effort by way of preparing potential interviewees for her approach. 9. BHCA will prepare job specifications for possible work-study interns from the University of Hartford, subject to Ms. Baker’s approval, and will assist her in making such work-study opportunity available at other institutions of higher education in the region. 10. BHCA will join with Ms. Baker in seeking funding support from the city Department of Human Services (elderly division) and such other possible funding sources as may be mutually determined. Such funding support will be sought to offset BHCA’s costs as well as Ms. Baker’s. 11. If appropriate funding and/or personnel are available, Ms. Baker may, by mutual agreement, extend her study to include elderly resident of Blue Hills other than those of West Indian

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background, but the principal target population of her research will be women over the age of 55 of West Indian extraction. 12. BHCA will help Ms. Baker to identify a group of six to eight persons able to act in an advisory capacity on the study. These persons will called on for information and advice and to facilitate liaison with residents in the Blue Hills neighborhood and with related agencies. Ms Baker will brief the group before data collection begins and the group may meet on two or three occasions in the course of the study. The members of this group shall include Lee Hunt, executive director; Mary Ball, office manager; Don Noel, board secretary; one or two other residents from the target population, as well as such members of other related agencies as are mutually agreed upon. 13. Ms. Baker will from time to time make BHCA aware of individuals who can be served by BHCA’s current outreach programs 14. At the conclusion of the study, BHCA will host a workshop for its Board of Directors, staff, relevant committee members, as well as other individuals, groups or agencies mutually agreed upon to receive a report from Ms Baker on the main findings and recommendations of the study and to explore needs and service opportunities arising from this report. Copies of this report will be provided to BHCA and as far as feasible Ms Baker will make herself available for further discussion with the association’s Board and staff. 15. On conclusion of her research Ms Baker will provide a dataset containing relevant data (name, address, telephone number and responses to selected questions) from respondents in the Blue Hills neighborhood who agree to this information being shared with the BHCA. 16. On completion of her thesis Ms Baker will provide the BHCA with a copy of her study. 17. BHCA accepts no responsibility for such conclusions as Ms. Baker may draw in the course of her research. The study is understood to be hers alone, and the assistance by BHCA enumerated herein does not imply endorsement or non-endorsement of her conclusions. 18. The scope of this agreement shall be from June 2001 until the end of February 2002 unless extended by mutual agreement.

Dated this _____ of June, 2001.

______Lee Hunt, Executive Director Peta-Anne Baker Blue Hills Civic Association

______

Witnessed by

Our mission: To foster a thriving, caring community that enriches the lives of all through organizing, advocacy, volunteerism and services.

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APPENDIX B INVESTIGATOR RESPONDENT RECRUITMENT GUIDELINES (DONE BY PHONE OR IN PERSON)

HELLO, MY NAME IS (YOUR NAME). I AM HERE/CALLING IN CONNECTION WITH INFORMATION YOU RECEIVED FROM (LOOK FOR NAME OF ORGANIZATION THEY ARE CONNECTED TO ON YOUR LIST) ABOUT A STUDY THAT IS BEING DONE BY PETA-ANNE BAKER ABOUT OLDER WEST INDIAN WOMEN.

I WOULD LIKE TO GIVE YOU A LITTLE MORE INFORMATION ABOUT THE STUDY AND SET UP AN APPOINTMENT FOR AN INTERVIEW. IS THIS A CONVENIENT TIME TO SPEAK WITH YOU? IF THIS IS NOT A GOOD TIME, WHEN CAN I CALL BACK? (NOTE DATE/TIME)

1. AS YOU WILL HAVE HEARD MS BAKER IS FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES, MONA CAMPUS IN JAMAICA AND SHE IS DOING HER DOCTORATE IN SOCIAL WORK HERE IS THE U.S. 2. THE PURPOSE OF THE STUDY IS TO LEARN ABOUT OLDER WEST INDIAN WOMEN, ESPECIALLY IN TERMS OF THEIR LIVING ARRANGEMENTS AND WHAT KIND OF SUPPORT THEY HAVE OR NEED FROM THEIR FAMILY AND THE COMMUNITY. 3. THIS INFORMATION WILL CONTRIBUTE TO A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF WHAT POLICIES AND PROGRAMS ARE NEEDED TO SERVE THE OLDER MEMBERS OF THE WEST INDIAN COMMUNITY. 4. MANY OF THE CHURCHES IN THE COMMUNITY, THE WEST INDIAN SOCIAL CLUB, THE BLUE HILLS CIVIC ASSOCIATION, DEPUTY MAYOR VERONICA AIREY-WILSON AND THE DEPARTMENT OF ELDERLY SERVICES OF THE CITY OF HARTFORD ARE ALL GIVING THEIR SUPPORT TO THIS PROJECT.

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5. I CAN ASSURE YOU THAT IT WILL NOT BE POSSIBLE TO IDENTIFY ANYOF THOSE INTERVIEWED IN THE MATERIALS THAT WILL BE PRODUCED FROM THE STUDY. 6. THE INTERVIEW WILL TAKE ABOUT 45 MINUTES TO AN HOUR. WOULD YOU BE AVAILABLE AT ANYTIME DURING THE NEXT WEEK TO BE INTERVIEWED? WE CAN MEET AT YOUR HOUSE, OR ANY OTHER LOCATION THAT YOU FIND CONVENIENT, SUCH AS YOUR CHURCH OR THE SENIOR CENTER ON COVENTRY (FOR PEOPLE IN BLUE HILLS NEIGHBORHOOD ONLY).

INTERVIEW SCHEDULED:…………………………… LOCATION ………………………..

BEFORE WE CONCLUDE, COULD YOU TELL ME WHEN YOU WERE BORN ………………..

DO YOU LIVE BY YOURSELF OR WITH OTHER PEOPLE?

LIVES ALONE ………… SPOUSE……….. MINOR CHILD……….FAMILY……….. OTHER………..(SPECIFY IF NON-KIN)…………….

THANK YOU VERY MUCH

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APPENDIX C The living arrangements of older West Indian migrant women in the United States – a study by Peta-Anne Baker

CONSENT FORM B (For use by research assistants)

Hello, my name is [……]. I am conducting interviews on behalf of Peta-Anne Baker. She is a doctoral student from Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio. She is doing a study about older West Indian women in the U.S., based on research she is conducting here in Hartford.

The purpose of the study is to learn about older West Indian women, especially in terms of their living arrangements and what kind of support they have or need from their family and the community. She will be writing her thesis on this topic. We hope that this information will contribute to a better understanding of what policies and programs are needed to serve the older members of the West Indian community. The West Indian Social Club, the Blue Hills Civic Association and the Department of Elderly Services of the City of Hartford are supporting this project.

We got your name from (Name of collaborating organization) …………….. We would be very grateful if you would agree to participate in this study by being interviewed. The interview will take approximately one hour. I will ask you questions about when you first came to America, your work, your family, who you live with and what kinds of benefits you receive or services you use.

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There is no foreseeable risk involved in your participation. The records of this research will be kept under lock and key in Ms Baker’s office. In addition, your name and address are kept separate from the answers you give. The only people who have access to these records are ms baker and those persons who are responsible for making sure that your rights are being protected. Any report that is published will not include any information that will make it possible to identify you.

This interview is completely voluntary. If we come to a question you don’t want to answer, just let me know and we will go on to the next question.

You will not receive any payment for this interview, but we are offering a small incentive in the form of entering your name in a raffle for one of eight $25 gift certificates that can be used at a local grocery store. The drawing of the winners’ names will be done at a workshop that will be held to share the findings of this research with the community. This workshop will be held later this year. Your name will be entered in the raffle even if you change your mind after the interview has started.

Do you have any questions about this project at this time? If you have any questions later on you can contact any of the following persons:

(1) Peta-Anne Baker, the person conducting the study here in Hartford, tel. (860) 570 1042 (2) Dr Sharon Milligan , (she is Ms Baker’s supervisor at Case Western University), tel. (216) 368 2335

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(3) Ms Dee Flowers, President of the West Indian Social Slub, tel. (860) 547 2435 (work) (4) Mr Lee Hunt, Executive Director of the Blue Hills Civic Association, tel. (860) 286 8081

You can also get in touch with a representative of the department at the university that makes sure your rights are properly protected: - Case Western Reserve University Institutional Review Board, tel, (216) 368 4510 or write to them at 10900 Euclid Avenue, Cleveland, OH 44106-7015.

To confirm that you are willing to participate and that you are doing so voluntarily, I would like you to sign a copy of this statement that you and I have just read. You will keep a copy and I will keep one.

I have understood the purpose of this research. I have received answers to the questions I have asked. I agree to be interviewed. I am over 18 years of age.

Print name of Participant: ……………………………………………………….

Signature of Participant: ………………………………………Date:………….

Signature of person Obtaining consent: …………………………….Date:…………..

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APPENDIX D CONSENT FORM TO BE USED BY CO-INVESTIGATOR (PABAKER)

HELLO, MY NAME IS PETA-ANNE BAKER. I AM A DOCTORAL STUDENT FROM CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY IN CLEVELAND, OHIO. I AM DOING A STUDY ABOUT OLDER WEST INDIAN WOMEN IN THE U.S., BASED ON RESEARCH I AM CONDUCTING HERE IN HARTFORD.

THE PURPOSE OF THE STUDY IS TO LEARN ABOUT OLDER WEST INDIAN WOMEN, ESPECIALLY IN TERMS OF THEIR LIVING ARRANGEMENTS AND WHAT KIND OF SUPPORT THEY HAVE OR NEED FROM THEIR FAMILY AND THE COMMUNITY. I WILL BE WRITING MY THESIS ON THIS TOPIC. I HOPE THAT THIS INFORMATION WILL CONTRIBUTE TO A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF WHAT POLICIES AND PROGRAMS ARE NEEDED TO SERVE THE OLDER MEMBERS OF THE WEST INDIAN COMMUNITY. THE WEST INDIAN SOCIAL CLUB, THE BLUE HILLS CIVIC ASSOCIATION AND THE DEPARTMENT OF ELDERLY SERVICES OF THE CITY OF HARTFORD ARE SUPPORTING THIS PROJECT.

I GOT YOUR NAME FROM (SPECIFY WHICH COLLABORATING ORGANIZATION). I WOULD BE VERY GRATEFUL IF YOU WOULD AGREE TO PARTICIPATE IN THIS STUDY BY BEING INTERVIEWED. THE INTERVIEW WILL TAKE APPROXIMATELY ONE HOUR. I WILL ASK YOU QUESTIONS ABOUT WHEN YOU FIRST CAME TO AMERICA, YOUR WORK, YOUR FAMILY, WHO YOU LIVE WITH AND WHAT KINDS OF BENEFITS YOU RECEIVE OR SERVICES YOU USE.

THERE IS NO FORESEEABLE RISK INVOLVED IN YOUR PARTICIPATION. THE RECORDS OF THIS RESEARCH WILL BE KEPT UNDER LOCK AND KEY IN MY OFFICE. IN ADDITION, YOUR

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CONTACT INFORMATION IS KEPT SEPARATE FROM THE ANSWERS YOU GIVE. THE ONLY PEOPLE WHO CAN ACCESS THESE RECORDS OTHER THAN MYSELF ARE THOSE PERSONS WHO ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR MAKING SURE THAT YOUR RIGHTS ARE BEING PROTECTED. ANY REPORT THAT IS PUBLISHED WILL NOT INCLUDE ANY INFORMATION THAT WILL MAKE IT POSSIBLE TO IDENTIFY YOU.

THIS INTERVIEW IS COMPLETELY VOLUNTARY. IF WE COME TO A QUESTION YOU DON’T WANT TO ANSWER, JUST LET ME KNOW AND WE WILL GO ON TO THE NEXT QUESTION.

YOU WILL NOT RECEIVE ANY PAYMENT FOR THIS INTERVIEW, BUT I AM OFFERING A SMALL INCENTIVE IN THE FORM OF ENTERING YOUR NAME IN A RAFFLE FOR ONE OF EIGHT $25 GIFT CERTIFICATES THAT CAN BE USED AT A LOCAL GROCERY STORE. THE DRAWING OF THE WINNERS’ NAMES WILL BE DONE AT A WORKSHOP THAT WILL BE HELD TO SHARE THE FINDINGS OF THIS RESEARCH WITH THE COMMUNITY. THIS WORKSHOP WILL BE HELD IN OCTOBER THIS YEAR. YOUR NAME WILL BE ENTERED IN THE RAFFLE EVEN IF YOU CHANGE YOUR MIND AFTER THE INTERVIEW HAS STARTED.

DO YOU HAVE ANY QUESTIONS ABOUT THIS PROJECT AT THIS TIME? IF YOU HAVE ANY QUESTIONS LATER ON YOU CAN CONTACT ANY OF THE FOLLOWING PERSONS:

(1) PETA-ANNE BAKER, THE PERSON CONDUCTING THE STUDY HERE IN HARTFORD, TEL. (860) 570 1042 (2) DR SHARON MILLIGAN , (SHE IS MY SUPERVISOR AT CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY), TEL. (216) 368 2335 (3) MS DEE FLOWERS, PRESIDENT OF THE WEST INDIAN SOCIAL CLUB, TEL. (860) 547 2435 (WORK)

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(4) MR LEE HUNT, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE BLUE HILLS CIVIC ASSOCIATION, TEL. (860) 286 8081

YOU CAN ALSO GET IN TOUCH WITH A REPRESENTATIVE OF THE DEPARTMENT AT THE UNIVERSITY THAT MAKES SURE YOUR RIGHTS ARE PROPERLY PROTECTED: - CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD, TEL, (216) 368 4510 OR WRITE TO THEM AT 10900 EUCLID AVENUE, CLEVELAND, OH 44106-7015.

TO CONFIRM THAT YOU ARE WILLING TO PARTICIPATE AND THAT YOU ARE DOING SO VOLUNTARILY, I WOULD LIKE YOU TO SIGN A COPY OF THIS STATEMENT THAT YOU AND I HAVE JUST READ. YOU WILL KEEP A COPY AND I WILL KEEP ONE.

I HAVE UNDERSTOOD THE PURPOSE OF THIS RESEARCH. I HAVE RECEIVED ANSWERS TO THE QUESTIONS I HAVE ASKED. I AGREE TO BE INTERVIEWED. I AM OVER 18 YEARS OF AGE.

PRINT NAME OF PARTICIPANT: …………………………………………………………………….

SIGNATURE OF PARTICIPANT: …………………………………………… DATE:………………

SIGNATURE OF PERSON OBTAINING CONSENT: …………………………………DATE:………………

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APPENDIX E - QUESTIONNAIRE

INSTRUCTIONS TO INTERVIEWER:

9 WRITE IN THE INFORMATION REQUIRED IN THE SPACES PROVIDED. 9 NOTE ANY COMMENTS MADE BY PARTICIPANT IN RESPONSE TO ANY QUESTIONS 9 CIRCLE – DO NOT TICK OR MARK WITH AN “X” - PRE-CODED ANSWERS 9 MAKE SURE THAT THE SERIAL NUMBER OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE IS ENTERED ON EACH PAGE

TO BE COMPLETED BY INTERVIEWER AT END OF INTERVIEW

INTERVIEWER NAME : ______

DATE OF INTERVIEW: ______

TIME INTERVIEW STARTED: ______ENDED: ______

Z1. LOCATION OF INTERVIEW:

R’s residence [ 1 ] senior center [ 2 ] church [3 ] other [ 4 ]

Z2. Was anyone else present during the interview?

No [ 1 ] Yes, for PART [ 2 ] or ALL [ 3 ] of interview

Z3. Did anyone other than R answer any of the questions?

No, [ 1 ] Yes, ONCE OR TWICE [ 2 ] SEVERAL [ 3 ] MOST [ 4 ]

R answered the questions but referred to other party:

Occasionally [ 5 ] Frequently [ 6 ]

Z4. Did R appear alert throughout the interview? YES [ 1 ] NO [ 2 ]

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¾ READ INTRODUCTORY OR EXPLANATORY STATEMENTS OUT LOUD TO RESPONDENT – THEY ARE PRINTED IN bold italic print (LIKE THIS).

¾ READ ALL QUESTIONS AS PRINTED. WRITE IN ANSWERS AS GIVEN IN SPACES PROVIDED

¾ INTERVIEWERS INSTRUCTIONS ARE always UNDERLINED (LIKE THIS)

NOTE TIME YOU STARTED: ______

SECTION A: Migration history

Thank you for agreeing to talk to me. I would like to start by asking you about when you first came to the United States.

A1. When did you first come to America to live? Write down the year stated: ______

Before 1965 [ 1 ] 1965 – 1975 [ 2 ] 1976 – 1985 [ 3 ] 1986 - 1995 [ 4 ] since 1996 [ 5 ]

A2. Did you come straight to Hartford or did you live somewhere else in the United States?

Came straight to Hartford [ 1 ] Lived somewhere else [ 2 ] If you lived somewhere else, where was that? ______

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A3. Before coming to live in the US did you live in any country other than the country where you were born?

Yes, I lived somewhere else [ 1 ] No, I did not live outside my country before coming to the US [ 0 ] Go to Q. A5

A4. Would you tell me which other country or countries you have lived in, how long you were there and the reason you were there?

Write down How long they NAME of country lived there Reason they lived in that country

A5. When you first came to America did you have family and friends living here already?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

A6. Did you originally come to America to work, to study or for some other reason?

I came to Work: [ 1 ] Continue with Q A7 I came to Study: [ 2 ] Go to Q A10 I came for some other reason [ 3 ] Ask for reason then go to Q A10

What was this reason? ______

A7. Were you recruited to come and work in the US?

Yes [1 ] No [ 0 ] Go to A10

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A8. Were you recruited to come and work: under a government program [ 1 ] by an employment agency [ 2 ] or through another means [ 3 ]

A9. How long did you stay in that first job?

Less than one year [ 1 ] 1-2 years [ 2 ] 3-4 years [ 3 ] 5 years or more [ 4 ]

A10. If you were not recruited, or if originally you came to the US to study, how did you first find work?

Family [ 1 ] Friend [ 2 ] Church [ 3 ] Agency [ 4 ] Newspaper ad [ 5 ] Other [ 6 ]

Write down any comments: ______

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A11. When you first came to America where did you live?

Family [ 1 ] Friend [ 2 ] Employer [ 3 ] Own house/ Apartment [ 4 ] School/college/ university housing [ 5 ]

A12. Have you ever lived on your own?

Always [ 1 ] Most of the time [ 2 ] Sometimes [ 3 ] Never [ 4 ]

A13. Did any members of your family come to join you here in America?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

If yes, ask about each one of the following

Did your Spouse/partner come Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Did your children come Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Did your parent(s) come Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Did your brother or your sister come Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Was it some other family member Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

A14. Are you a US citizen?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] If no, Go on to the next section

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A15. When did you become a US citizen?

Write down the year: ______

B. Family and household.

Now I would like to talk to you about your family and the people who live in this house.

B1. Do you have children? I want you to count all those you consider your children, whether they are alive or dead, born in or out of wedlock or adopted.

No children [ 1 ] Go to Q B6 1-2 [ 2 ] 3-4 [ 3 ] 5 or more [ 4 ]

B2. How many of them are still alive?

None [ 1 ] Go to Q B6 1-2 [ 2 ] 3-4 [ 3 ] 5 or more [ 4 ]

B3 How many of those who are alive are girls?

None [ 1 ] Go to Q B5 1-2 [ 2 ] 3-4 [ 3 ] 5 or more [ 4 ]

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B4 Do any of your daughters live (check all the apply):

Daughter Yes No In your house 1 0 Nearby (within 30 min) 1 0 In CT-NY-NJ region 1 0 Elsewhere in the US 1 0 In home country 1 0 Elsewhere overseas 1 0 No daughters 9

B5. Do any of your sons live (check all that apply):

Son Yes No In your house 1 0 Nearby (within 30 min.) 1 0 In CT-NY-NJ region 1 0 Elsewhere in the US 1 0 In home country 1 0 Elsewhere overseas 1 0 No sons 9

B6 I would like to know what is your marital status.

Are you currently married or do you have a domestic or common law partner [ 1 ] Continue with Q B7, B8, B9 Are you separated, including separated from a domestic or common law partner [ 2 ] Are you divorced [ 3 ] Are you widowed [ 4 ] Go to Q B10 Or have you never been married nor had a domestic or common law partner? [ 5 ]

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B7 Does your husband, or partner live with you?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Go to Q B10

B8 Is your partner working or retired?

Working [ 1 ] Retired [ 0 ]

B9. How is your partner’s health? Would you say it is:

Excellent [ 1 ] Very good [ 2 ] Good [ 3 ] Fair [ 4 ] Poor [ 5 ]

B10. Does anyone else live in this house with you?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Ask Questions B 11, 12, 13 only

If yes, would you tell me if they include any of the following (check all that apply):

Your child(ren) under age 18 Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Your grandchildren, great grandchildren, nieces, nephews under age 18 Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Any other children under age 18 Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Your adult child(ren) Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Your brother(s) or sister(s) Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Your parent(s) Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Other relatives or friends Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Tenants or other persons who are not relatives or friends Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

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B 11 To whom does the house you live in belong?

Self Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Spouse/partner Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Both self & partner Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] R’s adult child Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Other family member Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Unrelated person Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

B 12 Do you have any brothers or sisters living (check all that apply):

Nearby (within 30 min.) Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] In CT-NY-NJ region Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Elsewhere in USA Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Outside of USA Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] No brothers or sisters [ 9 ]

B 13 Do you have any other relatives living (check all that apply):

Nearby (within 30 min.) Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] In CT-NY-NJ region Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Elsewhere in USA Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Outside of USA Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] No other relatives [ 9 ]

¾ ASK QUESTIONS B14 TO B18 ONLY IF THERE ARE OTHER ADULT RELATIVES OR FRIENDS OF THE RESPONDENT (OTHER THAN HER PARTNER) LIVING IN THE HOUSE.

¾ DO NOT ASK THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS IF THE RESPONDENT LIVES ALONE, WITH HER PARTNER ONLY OR WITH CHILDREN UNDER 18 YEARS OR ONLY HAS TENANTS.

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¾ GO ON TO SECTION C IF NO OTHER RELATED ADULTS OR FRIENDS LIVE IN HOME

Now in these next questions, I would like a little more information about the people who live in this house [add if relevant] other than your partner or tenant. These questions are intended to give us an idea of how women like yourself may be helping others by providing housing and other forms of assistance.

B 14 Do any of the people who live in your house with you (other than your partner or tenant) work in any of the following kinds of jobs? (Show Card A with types of jobs. Check all that apply)

Cleaner (office, hospital) [ ] Hairdresser or barber (but not owner) [ ] Household worker [ ] Truck or taxi driver (but not owner) [ ] Mechanic (but not owner) or other technician [ ] Laborer, farm or factory worker [ ] Security guard [ ] Food handler, cook, restaurant worker [ ] Nurses Aide/ companion/other kind of health care worker/BUT NOT a registered nurse [ ] Clerical or data entry work [ ] Retail sales (works in a grocery, department store, boutique or similar place) [ ]

B15. Are there any adults living in your house with you (other than your partner or tenant) who are not working at the moment?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

B 16 Did anybody who is living in your house with you come to the US after 1996? Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

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B 17 Do you do any of the following for the people who live in your house with you? (Check all that apply)

Yes No Take care of children 1 0 Cooking/housekeeping 1 0 Provide somewhere to live 1 0 Lend money 1 0 Give advice/provide company 1 0

B 18 Who would you say is the head of this household?

Self [ 1 ] Spouse/partner [ 2 ] Both self & partner [ 3 ] R’s adult child [ 4 ] Other [ 5 ] Who is this person?

______

Note any comments made in relation to these questions:

______

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SECTION C: Health and social support. Now I would like to talk about your health and who would help you if you were in any kind of difficulty

C1. Compared to other people your age, how would you describe your health?

Excellent [ 1 ] Very good [ 2 ] Good [ 3 ] Fair [ 4 ] Poor [ 5 ]

Note any comments ______

______

C2. Do you have any of the following long-lasting conditions?

Blindness, deafness or a severe vision or hearing impairment Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] A condition that substantially limits one or more basic physical activities such as walking, climbing stairs, reaching, lifting or carrying Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

C3. Because of a physical, mental or emotional condition lasting 6 months or more, do you have difficulty doing any of the following activities?

Remembering, concentrating or learning Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

Dressing, bathing or getting around the home Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

Going outside the home alone to shop or visit a doctor’s office Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

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C4 If you became ill and needed help, is there someone you can call on?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Go to Q C8

C5 Who is this person? Write in details here:

______Child [ 1 ] Spouse [ 2 ] Other relative or friend [ 3 ] Other [ 4 ]

C6 Where does this person live?

In the same house [ 1 ] Nearby [ 2 ] Other part of city [ 3 ] Don’t know [ 4 ]

C7 Which of the following things would you feel comfortable asking them to do? Check all that apply

Would you ask them to: Take you to the doctor Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Do your shopping Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Tidy your house Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Cook for you Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Help you to tidy yourself Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

Note any comments ______

______

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C8 If you needed to run an errand in town or go somewhere, say to visit a friend nearby, or go to the doctor, how would you get there? Would you: Drive yourself [ 1 ] Use public transportation [ 2 ] Have a family member or friend take you [ 3 ] You rarely go anywhere [ 4 ]

C9 About how many family members or friends can you call on if you occasionally need help?

1-2 persons [ 1 ] 3-4 persons [ 2 ] 5 or more [ 3 ] No one to call on [ 9 ]

Note any comments ______

______

C10 Other than for weddings or funerals, do you go to church?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Go to Q C14

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C11 How often do you attend services or take part in church activities? (Bible study, prayer meetings, socials etc).

Nearly every day [ 1 ] At least once a week [ 2 ] 2-3 times a month [ 3 ] Once a month [ 4 ] A few times a year [ 5 ] Once or twice a year [ 6 ]

C12 Do people at your church, or any other church, help you in any way? Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Go to Q C14

C13 What kind of help do they provide and how often do they provide it? Show Card B with types of help. Check all that apply

FREQUENCY OF HELP For each one ask TYPE OF HELP How often do they do this? Very Often Occasionally For each one ask often (at least (a few times Never (daily or once per in the last 6 Do they: weekly) month) months) Pray for you 1 2 3 4 Keep you company 1 2 3 4 Give you advice 1 2 3 4 Help with transportation 1 2 3 4 Help you in your house/yard 1 2 3 4 Prepare meals for you 1 2 3 4 Bring you food and/or clothing 1 2 3 4 Give you money 1 2 3 4 Provide medical care 1 2 3 4 Other (write in type of help) 1 2 3 4 Other (write in type of help) 1 2 3 4

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C14 Are you a member of any other organization or group, for example lodge, cultural or social club, trade union, neighborhood association?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] Go to C16

C15 I f you are a member of a group or organization, please tell me what they are and how active you are in them. Are you a leader, an active member, or do you only attend meetings sometimes or are you no longer active?

Repeat question about level of activity for each organization mentioned

TYPE OF GROUP LEVEL OF ACTIVITY (trade union, lodge, social or cultural ACTIVE ATTEND NO club, neighborhood group) LEADE MEMBE SOMETIME LONGER R R S ACTIVE

Note comments: ______

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I would also like to get an idea of how much contact you have with each of the following groups of people. Show Card C with list of people.

C16. How often do you talk on the phone to:

Few Do Do not Daily Every Every times not have Week Month a year call any

YOUR CHILDREN 1 2 3 4 5 9

YOUR BROTHERS 1 2 3 4 5 9 OR SISTERS

YOUR OTHER 1 2 3 4 5 9 RELATIVES

YOUR FRIENDS 1 2 3 4 5 9

C17. How often do you receive visits from:

Few Do Do not Daily Every Every times not have Week Month a year call any

YOUR CHILDREN 1 2 3 4 5 9

YOUR BROTHERS 1 2 3 4 5 9 OR SISTERS

YOUR OTHER 1 2 3 4 5 9 RELATIVES

YOUR FRIENDS 1 2 3 4 5 9

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Note comments: ______

______

SECTION D: Work and income.

Now I would like to talk to you about your work experience and how you are currently meeting your expenses

D1 What is your current employment situation?

Are you: Working for pay or [ 1 ] Self-employed [ 2 ] Go to Q D3

Not currently working for pay/not self-employed, but available for work [ 3 ] Go to Q D2 Retired [ 4 ]

Never worked for pay or operated own business [ 5 ] Go to Q D4

D2 When did you last work for pay or operate your own business?

Write down Year: ______

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D3 Please tell me the main types of work you have done, starting with what you do at the present time (if you are still working). I do not want to know the places that you worked just the types of work you did.

Write down types of work here (e.g. household worker, nurses aide, teacher, secretary):

______

INTERVIEWER DO NOT COMPLETE THIS TABLE

Type of job Yes No Personal Services 1 0 Professional services 1 0 Government 1 0 Banking, insurance, real estate 1 0 Retail 1 0 Manufacturing 1 0 Other 1 1 0 Other 2 1 0

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D4 Where do you get money from to pay your bills now? Show Card D with the list of sources of income. Write down all that are mentioned, also make a note of any that are not on the card. If no response, go to Q D6

______

D5 Of the sources that you have mentioned, which are the two main ones? Write down the two main sources of income.

______

INTERVIEWER DO NOT COMPLETE THIS TABLE

All sources Among top two Source of income Yes No Yes No Social Security 1 0 1 0 Private pension Wages/salary 1 0 1 0 Spouse 1 0 1 0 Child(ren) 1 0 1 0 Income from rent/business 1 0 1 0 Interest income 1 0 1 0 SSI & other public assistance 1 0 1 0 Not responsible for meeting expenses 1 0 1 0 Other 1 0 1 0 Did not respond 9 9

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D6 About how much money do have to live on per week or per month?

Write down amount given: $______per ______

Pause to allow the respondent to volunteer a figure. Only if she seems hesitant or unable to give an amount, show Card E and read the different amounts. Read the weekly figures first, then read the monthly figures next.

Less than $200 per week or about $800 per month [ 1 ] About $250 per week or about $1000 per month [ 2 ] About $300 per week or about $1300 per month [ 3 ] More than $400 per week or over $1700 per month [ 4 ] Did not respond [ 9 ] Go to Q D8

D7 Is this money just for yourself, or does it go towards supporting others as well?

Only my expenses [ 1 ] Also supports others [ 2 ]

How many others?

______

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D8 Do you sometimes send money, food, clothing or other items to relatives or friends:

LOCATIONS Yes No In this state 1 0 Elsewhere in the USA 1 0 In your country of origin 1 0 Rarely or never do this 1 0

Note comments:

______

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SECTION E: Benefits and service use.

We are very concerned that many older persons do not make use of the benefits and services to which they are entitled and which are funded by their contributions made during their working years. Your answers to the following questions will help us to understand how true this is for the West Indian community.

E1 In the past year have you received any of the following: Show Card F with list of benefits:

Read each one DID NOT Did you receive YES NO RESPOND Medicare 1 0 9 Medicaid 1 0 9 SSI/SSDI 1 0 9 Food stamps 1 0 9 Subsidized Housing 1 0 9 State supplement 1 0 9

E2 Can you tell me how often, if at all, you have used any of the following services in the past year? Show Card G with list of services

Often Sometimes Occasionally Never Did not (at least (once or (three or four used respond Read each one once a twice per times during service How often did you use: week) month) the year) Home health aide 1 2 3 4 9 Meals on wheels 1 2 3 4 9 Meals at senior center 1 2 3 4 9 Nursing/convalescent home 1 2 3 4 9 Nurses aide/personal care attendant 1 2 3 4 9 Dial a Ride 1 2 3 4 9 Adult day care 1 2 3 4 9 Respite services 1 2 3 4 9 Senior center 1 2 3 4 9

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E3 If you never used these services or used them only occasionally, why is this so?

Did not need them [ 1 ] Did not know about them [ 2 ] Did not think I qualified [ 3 ] Had a bad experience the last time I did [ 4 ] Couldn’t afford it [ 5 ]

Note any comments:

______

SECTION F: Personal profile and opinions.

Finally, I am going to ask you a few more questions about yourself and how you feel about your life today.

F1 What year were you born? ______

F2 Where were you born? (Name of country) ______

F3 What level of schooling did you have when you first came to the US?

______

Did not finish elementary [ 1 ] Finished elementary [ 2 ] Attended, did not finish secondary/high school [ 3 ] Finished secondary/high school [ 4 ] Had technical or vocational training [ 5 ] Had attended college/university [ 6 ]

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F4 Did you do any further studies when you came to the US?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ] go to Q F5

If yes, what is the highest level of schooling that you achieved?

______

Finished elementary [ 1 ] Finished secondary/high school [ 2 ] Technical or vocational training [ 3 ] College/university [ 4 ]

F5 Do you think you have achieved what you hoped for when you came to live in the United States, or do you think you got less, or got more than you hoped for?

Achieved what I hoped for [ 1 ] Achieved more than I hoped for [ 2 ] Achieved less than I hoped for [ 3 ]

Note comments: ______

______

207

F6 Did you expect to still be living in the US at this time of your life?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

Note comments:

______

F7. Do you ever visit the country where you were born?

Frequently (2 or more time a year) [ 1 ] Often (at least once a year) [ 2 ] Occasionally (once every 2-3 years) [ 3 ] Rarely (more than 5 years apart) [ 4 ] Never been back [ 5 ]

F8 Would you like to return to live permanently in the country where you were born?

Yes [ 1 ] No [ 0 ]

Note comments: ______

______

208

F8 What is the biggest problem you have today?

Not enough money to live on [ 1 ] Lack of help from children/family [ 2 ] Loneliness [ 3 ] Poor health [ 4 ] Other problems [ 5 ] Would you give me an example?

______Do not have any problems [ 6 ]

Note any other comments: ______

______

F9 Is there anything you need to make your life better?

______

209

Z5. We are interested in interviewing other West Indian women who are aged fifty- five years or older. Would you be willing to give us the name of any women whom you know who are in this age group? (PAUSE. Wait for the respondent to offer a name. If she hesitates, continue.) If you would like to contact them first, when can we get back in touch with you to get this information?

CALL BACK (DAY/DATE & TIME): ______

CONTACT NAME: ______TEL. NO. ______

Z6. Thank you very much for your time. I hope you found this interview interesting. Would you like to be invited to a presentation of the findings from this survey when the report is ready?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

Z7. ASK BLUE HILLS RESIDENTS ONLY (Give copy of brochure):

The Blue Hills Civic Association and the Hartford Department of Elderly Services are interested in keeping in touch with persons like yourself and providing you with information and services.

Would you like to be contacted by someone from either of these agencies?

Yes [ ] No [ ]

NOTE TIME YOU FINISHED: ______

MAKE SURE YOU HAVE TAKEN BACK ALL THE CARDS.

REMEMBER TO ENTER SERIAL NUMBER ON EACH PAGE.

210

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