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The New Ecological Anthropology Author(s): Conrad P. Kottak Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 101, No. 1 (Mar., 1999), pp. 23-35 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/683339 Accessed: 13/01/2010 16:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Blackwell Publishing and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Anthropologist. http://www.jstor.org CONRADP. KOITAK Departmentof Anthropology University of Michigan Ann Arbor,MI 48109 The New EcologicalAnthropology Olderecologies have been remiss in thenarrowness of theirspatial and temporal honzons, their functionalist assumptions, andtheir apolitical character. Suspending functionalist assumptions and an emphasisupon (homeo)stasis, "the new eco- logicalanthropology" is located at the intersection of global,national, regional, and local systems, studying the outcome of theinteraction of multiplelevels and multiple factors. It blendstheoretical and empineal research with applied, policy-di- rected,and critical work in whatRappaport called an "engaged"anthropology; and it is otherwiseattuned to thepolitical aspectsand implications of ecologicalprocesses. Carefully laying out a critiqueof previousecologies by wayof announc- ing newerapproaches, the article insists on theneed to recognizethe importance of culturemediations in ecologicalproc- esses ratherthan treating culture as epiphenomenaland as a mereadaptive tool. It closes with a discussionof the methodologiesappropriate to thenew ecological anthropology. ["the new ecology," political ecology, appliedor engaged anthropology,linkages methodology] Ecological anthropologywas named as such during derstandand devise culturallyinformed solutions to such the 1960s, but it has many ancestors, including problems/issuesas environmentaldegradation, environ- Daryll Forde,Alfred Kroeber,and, especially,Jul- mentalracism, and the role of the media,NGOs, andenvi- ian Steward. Steward's cultural ecology influenced the ronmentalhazards in stimulatingecological awarenessand ecological anthropologyof Roy Rappaportand AndrewP. action. While recognizingthat local and regionalsystems Vayda, but the analyticunit shifted from "culture"to the are permeable,the new ecological anthropologymust be ecologicalpopulation, which was seen as usingculture as a carefulnot to removehumans and theirspecific social and means (the primarymeans) of adaptationto environments. culturalforms from the analyticframework. ColumbiaUniversity can be identifiedas the birthplaceof The following reviews the salient features of the old ecological anthropologyand the relatedcultural material- ecological anthropology,setting the stage for an explora- ism of MarvinHarris, which, however, drew as much on tion of importantaspects of an emergingnew ecological Steward's concern with culture change (evolution) and anthropology. culture core as on his culturalecology. More diachroni- cally and comparativelyonented, cultural materialism The Old EcologicalAnthropology and shared with ecological anthropologyan interest in the Its Unitsof Analysis adaptivefunctions of culturalphenomena, including relig- The ecological anthropologyof the 1960s was known ion (e.g., Rappaport's[1968] focus on ntual in the ecology for its functionalism,systems theory, and focus on nega- of a New Guineapeople and Harris's [1966, 1974] analysis tive feedback.Anthropologists examined the role of cul- of the adaptive,conservatory role of the Hindudoctrine of turalpractices and beliefs in enablinghuman populations ahimsa,with special referenceto the culturalecology of to optimizetheir adaptations to their environmentsand in India'ssacred cattle). maintainingundegraded local and regional ecosystems. The ecological anthropologyof the 1960swas known Various scholars (for example, Friedman1974) attacked for systems theory arldnegative feedback.Cultural prac- both ecological anthropologyand culturaJmaterialism for tices were seen as optimizinghuman adaptation and main- a series of presumedfaults, includingcircular reasoning, taining undegradedecosystems. Factorsforcing us to re- preoccupationwith stabilityrather than change and simple think old assumptionstoday include populationincrease systems ratherthan complex ones, and Panglossianfunc- and high-tech-mediatedtransnational flows of people, tionalism(the assumptionthat adaptation is optimal-cre- commerce,organizations, and information.The new eco- ating the best of all possible worlds).Rappaport's distinc- logical, or environmental,anthropology blends theoxy with tion betweencognized and operationalmodels was related politicalawareness and policy concerns.It attemptsto un- to ethnoscience,which grew out of linguisticsbut became AmericanAnthropologist 101(1):23-35. CopyrightC) 1999, AmericanAnthropological Association 24 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 101, NO. 1 * MARCH1999 anotherexpression of the ecological anthropologyof the ciety, the role of culture(especially ntual) in local and re- 1960s. Flounshing at Stanford,Yale, Pennsylvania,and gional resourcemanagement, negative feedback,and the Berkeley, ethnoscience focused on cognized ratherthan applicationof systemtheory to an anthropologicalpopula- operationalmodels andon classificationrather than action, tion. and it receivedsome of the same criticismsjust mentioned However enlighteningRappaport's analysis may have for ecological anthropology. been for understandingManng adaptation,the limitations The basic units of the ecological anthropologyof the of such an approachfor the study of more complex socie- 1960s were the ecological populationand the ecosystem, ties were apparenteven in the 1960s. I had to confront treated,at least for analyticalpurposes, as discreteand iso- them as I plannedmy own ecological studyof the Betsileo lable units. The comparableunit for ethnosciencewas the of Madagascar,a muchmore populousgroup with a much ethnosemanticdomain (for example, ethnobotany,ethno- more complex (chiefdom/state)?ociopolitical organiza- zoology, ethnoforestry).Assumptions of the old ecological tion. In ThePast in the Present:History, Ecology, and Cul- anthropology,now clearly problematic,are apparentin tural Variationin HighlandMadagascar (Kottak 1980), a some of its key definitions most importantlyecological large-scale comparativeand historical study based on populationand ecosystem. fieldworkdone in 1966 and 1967, I aKemptedan ecologi- Rappaportdefines an ecological populationas "an ag- cal analysisof the Betsileo-some 800,000 peopledistrib- gregateof organismshaving in commona set of distinctive uted over a much larger territorythan the Tsembaga means by which they maintaina common set of material Maring.Combining ethnography with surveytechniques, I relationswithin the ecosystem in which they participate" evaluatedecological adaptation(of the Betsileo and other (1971a:238).Several elements of this definitionmust now Malagasy)by focusingon associationsor bundlesof inter- be questioned.Given contemporaryflows of people,infor- related material variables (correlationsacross time and mation,and technologyacross cultural and social bounda- space) ratherthan by tryingto def1neand demarcatepre- ries, how distinctiveare the culturaladaptive means em- cise local ecosystems. The categories of materialcondi- ployed by any group? Given the fact and recognitionof tions I (like Rappaport)considered included aspects of the increaseddiversity within populations, how commonis the physicaland biotic environmentsand such regionalfactors set of materialrelations within ecosystems?Nor do most as tradeand warfare,but they also extendedto the role of peopletoday participate in only one ecosystem. stratificationand the state in determiningdifferential ac- Rappaportalso characterizesecological populationsas cess to strategicand socially valuedresources. Clearly, the "groupsexploiting resourcesentirely, or almost entirely, ecological analysisof state-levelsocieties could not be the within certaindemarcated areas from which membersof same as thatof bandsand tribes. other humangroups are excluded."Similarly, he defines Madagascaralso raisedthe complicatedquestion of the ecosystem as "thetotal of living organismsand non-living relationbetween culture (ethnicity), ecology, andthe state. substarscesbound together in materialexchanges within FredrikBarth some demarcatedportion of the biosphere"(1971a:238). (1958, 1969)
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