Studi Archeologici Su Qatna 01

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STUDI ARCHEOLOGICI 01 SU QATNA

URBAN AND NATURAL LANDSCAPES OF AN ANCIENT SYRIAN CAPITAL SETTLEMENT AND ENVIRONMENT AT TELL MISHRIFEH/QATNA AND IN CENTRAL-WESTERN SYRIA EDITED BY DANIELE MORANDI BONACOSSI

FORUM Università degli studi di Udine Dipartimento di Storia e tutela dei beni culturali Direction Générale des Antiquités et des Musées de Syrie Missione archeologica italo-siriana a Mishrifeh

STUDI ARCHEOLOGICI SU QATNA Risultati delle ricerche archeologiche italo-siriane in Siria centrale SAQ 1 DOCUMENTS D’ARCHÉOLOGIE SYRIENNE (SAQ 1 = DAS XII)

Direttori Michel al-Maqdissi Daniele Morandi Bonacossi La serie ‘Studi Archeologici su Qatna’ è pubblicata in coedizione con la serie ‘Documents d’Archéologie Syrienne’ (SAQ 1 = DAS XII)

La presente pubblicazione è stata realizzata anche grazie al contributo di

e del Dipartimento di Storia e tutela dei beni culturali dell’Università degli studi di Udine

In copertina Porta, terrapieno e fossato orientale di Qatna (foto di Daniele Morandi Bonacossi) Progetto grafico della copertina cdm/associati Redazione Paola Iannuzziello e Luigi Turri Impaginazione Grafikesse, Tricesimo (Ud) Stampa Poligrafiche San Marco, Cormons (Go)

Università degli studi di Udine

Direction Générale des Antiquités et des Musées de Syrie

ISBN 978-88-8420-418-9 URBAN AND NATURAL LANDSCAPES OF AN ANCIENT SYRIAN CAPITAL SETTLEMENT AND ENVIRONMENT AT TELL MISHRIFEH/QATNA AND IN CENTRAL-WESTERN SYRIA

EDITED BY DANIELE MORANDI BONACOSSI

Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine 9-11 December 2004

FORUM

Contents

Preface p. 9

Editorial Note »11

Foreword »13

Abbreviations »15

The Archaeology of Mishrifeh and its Region during the Bronze and Iron Ages

Michel al-Maqdissi Notes d’archéologie levantine X. Introduction aux travaux archéologiques syriens à Mishirfeh/Qatna au nord-est de Homs (Émèse) »19

Peter Pfälzner Archaeological Investigations in the Royal Palace of Qatna »29

Daniele Morandi Bonacossi Qatna and its Hinterland during the Bronze and Iron Ages. A Preliminary Reconstruction of Urbanism and Settlement in the Mishrifeh Region »65

The Environment of Mishrifeh and its Region during the Bronze and Iron Ages

Mauro Cremaschi Qatna’s Lake: A Geoarchaeological Study of the Bronze Age Capital »93

Verushka Valsecchi Vegetation and Environmental Changes during the Middle-Late Holocene at Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna: Climate Versus Land-Use » 105

Luca Trombino Micromorphological Reconstruction of the Archaeological Land Use and Palaeoenvironment of Tell Mishrifeh: Evidence from the Sinkhole South of the Site » 115

5 Contents

Leonor Peña-Chocarro and Mauro Rottoli Crop Husbandry Practices during the Bronze and Iron Ages in Tell Mishrifeh (Central-Western Syria) » 123

Simone Riehl Preliminary Archaeobotanical Results from the Palace at Qatna (Tell Mishrifeh) » 145

Girolamo Fiorentino and Valentina Caracuta Palaeoclimatic Signals Inferred from Carbon Stable Isotope Analysis of Qatna/Tell Mishrifeh Archaeological Plant Remains » 153

Emmanuelle Vila et Lionel Gourichon Apport de l’étude de la faune mammalienne et de l’avifaune à la réflexion sur l’environnement de Qatna à l’Age du Bronze et à l’Age du Fer » 161

Alessandro Canci and Fulvio Bartoli Food in Ancient Qatna: The Results of Palaeopathological Examination and Trace Element Analysis on Human Bones » 169

Carsten Witzel and Kerstin Kreutz First Results of the Anthropological and Palaeopathological Examination of the Human Skeletal Remains Recovered from the Royal Tomb of Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna » 173

Anna J. Mukherjee, Matthew A. James, Peter Pfälzner and Richard P. Evershed Biomolecular Analysis of Ceramic Containers, Skeletal Remains, Anthropogenic Sediments and Organic Artefacts from the Royal Tomb at Qatna » 189

Christine Pümpin Micromorphological Analyses of the Soil from the Royal Tomb of Qatna » 199

Lara Maritan, Claudio Mazzoli and Fabio Speranza Archaeometrical Study of Bronze and Iron Age Pottery from Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna and Archaeomagnetic Data » 207

Settlement and Landscape in Central-Western Syria: The Archaeological Evidence

Jean-Paul Thalmann Settlement Patterns and Agriculture in the Akkar Plain during the Late Early and Early Middle Bronze Ages » 219

Graham Philip Natural and Cultural Aspects of the Development of the Marl Landscape East of Lake Qatina during the Bronze and Iron Ages » 233

Karin Bartl and Michel al-Maqdissi Ancient Settlements in the Middle Orontes Region between

6 Contents ar-Rastan and Qalcat Shayzar. First Results of Archaeological Surface Investigations 2003-2004 » 243

Michel Fortin La vallée du Ghab: nouvelle prospection archéologique » 253

Bernard Geyer, Mohamed al-Dbiyat, Nazir Awad, Olivier Barge, Jacques Besançon, Yves Calvet and Ronald Jaubert The Arid Margins of Northern Syria: Occupation of the Land and Modes of Exploitation in the Bronze Age » 269

Corinne Castel Stratégies de subsistance et modes d’occupation de l’espace dans la micro-région d’Al-Rawda au Bronze ancien final (Shamiyeh) » 283

Settlement and Landscape in Central-Western Syria: The Textual Evidence

Jesper Eidem Notes on the Topography of Late Bronze Age Qatna. New Evidence from the ‘Lower City Palace’ Tablets » 297

Thomas Richter Topographical Names in Late Bronze Age Texts Unearthed in Misˇrife/Qa#na » 305

Nele Ziegler Les données des archives royales de Mari sur le milieu naturel et l’occupation humaine en Syrie centrale » 311

Cinzia Pappi The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period » 319

Towards a First Reconstruction

Mauro Cremaschi (with comments by Alessandro Canci, Lionel Gourichon, Leonor Peña-Chocarro, Christine Pümpin, Simone Riehl and Emmanuelle Vila) The Environment of Ancient Qatna. Contributions from Natural Sciences and Landscape Archaeology » 331

Bernard Geyer Quelques réflexions en guise de synthèse » 337

Index » 341

7 The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period Cinzia Pappi1

إن ا ا أن ن ا ا (ادة - اس واآ ا). وه ادات أن ارة ا و ا ار ا واء ا ا. أي ن ا اس ن أو ً ار او . اص ا وار اا ه أس ا ا . وء ا ن رة اص ا ا د إ او ا ا / ا / ا ق و ص ااد ا اة ا وب ر، وإن اع اي آ ن واد ا ص ا أر ري دة ء اة ا وا اة ا ا. هف ا در ار وا س ادة ه ا. ه ا أرا ض " وا أخ وإ ا د وا ر". ن ا ا وا ار ات ار دة ام و أرا ري دة ااد وا وردت اص ل وادي اات. و أن ادة و أ ج ا ال ا.

ABSTRACT

A ‘religious landscape’ may be defined as the sum of human performances, beliefs, cults, rituals and holy places. Such attitude may mould the landscape and confer to specific architectural or natural spaces a sacred meaning; elsewhere, the holy attributes of a place or a region may be due to the ‘mental maps’ of specific peoples. Written sources and archaeological evidence are required to describe the cultic scenario of this area. Unfortunately the scarcity of written sources, dated to the Middle Bronze Age in Tell Misˇrifeh/Qa#na, is particularly troublesome, since a huge range of elements would be required to provide an outline of the religious landscape of Qa#na and western Syria. However, the variety and the vast number of texts of the Mari archive allow us to a certain extent to construct a political and religious geography for this area. The author’s aim is to present a survey of the archaeological and epigraphical sources of cults of this region. This area involves the Yam‹ad territory (including Alalakh and Ebla), where a devotion to Addu of Aleppo and I$tar is frequently attested, the cities of the Mediterranean coast and the Amorite kingdoms, where archaeological evidence of a lithic cult is found, and the territory of Mari, where the worship of ancestors is epigraphically attested along the Euphrates valley. Not surprisingly, the cults of Qa#na appear to form a harmonious mixture of different styles.

1 University of Leipzig and University of Udine.

319 Cinzia Pappi

As is well known, epigraphical evidence coming or a region may be due to the mental maps of spe- from the region of Qa#na and from western Syria cific peoples13. To express their religious beliefs during the Middle Bronze Age is very scanty. and to practice their rituals and cults, men have According to the Mari archives, north-western been known to create within urban centres the so- Syria was ruled mainly by the kingdom of Yam‹ad, called topography of cult, which is formed by tem- with its capital, Aleppo2. Its area of influence ples, chapels, cemeteries and monumental graves; essentially extended from the upper Euphrates, in this manner, the cult itself manipulates the including the cities of Karkemi$ and Emar, in the images of gods. East to the Mediterranean Coast westward, con- Moreover, the same attitude induces people to trolling the harbour of Ugarit3. The kingdom of consider some natural sites beyond the urban Qa#na ruled southern Syria4, extending from the ‘mental map’ as sacred ones. Some of them were upper valley of the Orontes River to Qade$ and the sanctified in antiquity because of their location or territory of Palmyra. Further in the South we find their morphology, such as a high mountain, a cave the Amorite kingdoms of Gubla – later Byblos – or a river, particular examples could be the cele- and ›a%or5. Qa#na and especially Aleppo were the bration of river Euphrates and the Ôabal Sin‚ªr, two substantial Syrian centres, but no significant both attested as deified areas. From this point of archive concerning this period has yet been found view, some places were also celebrated as having a in either. The cuneiform sources dating to this specific role within the cult, i.e. the river within the period come from cities linked to Yam‹ad, such as ritual ordeal, or even because they were the back- Ebla6 and Alala‹7, though the epigraphical evi- drop of memorable events, thus becoming sacred dence from the former is almost exclusively limit- because they were marked by monuments honoured to the Statue-inscription of king Ibbit-L‰m. The ing a special exploit, such as the commemoration city of Ebla, indeed, is not mentioned by the Mari monument on the mountains or offerings on the archives and its Old-Babylonian epigraphical shore of the sea made by Ya‹dun-L‰m during his remains are later than the Mari destructions; some- campaign to the Mediterranean coast14. Further- what the same situation occurs in the texts of level more, even physical features, for instance salt pits, VII of the city of Alala‹8. Finally, some contempo- bitumen springs or specific kinds of water springs, rary texts have been recently discovered in ›a%or9. could provide the origin for such beliefs. In a normal state of affairs, to study such a cultic The scarcity of written sources indicated above is scenario, both written sources and archaeological particularly troublesome, since a huge range of ele- evidence are required, while, at the same time, an ments would be required to provide a description interdisciplinary approach resulting from the of the religious landscape of western Syria. As interaction of different subjects of study, such as applied to the cult and its manifestations, the term history of religions, cultural anthropology, archae- ‘landscape’ is undoubtedly a complex expression with different meanings and many approaches, only slightly less generalizing than the expression 2 On Yam‹ad and its political history during the Old-Baby- 10 ‘cultural landscape’ . Modern geographers con- lonian period cf. KLENGEL 1992: 49-83. 3 sider the latter as ‘a symbolic environment’ creat- HEIMPEL 2003: 13. 4 ed by the cultural history of the relevant popula- On Qa#na and its political history cf. KLENGEL 2000; RICH- TER 2006. 11 5 tions . In other words, it represents the influence HEIMPEL 2003: 13. 6 of human activities and behaviours on specific ter- Cf. PETTINATO 1970; FAOS 7: 369-370 7 ritories. Starting from this result, a ‘religious land- Cf. WISEMAN 1953 (texts marked by asterisk); DIETRICH - LORETZ 2004. scape’ may be defined as a sum of human perfor- 8 CHARPIN - ZIEGLER 2003: 25. 9 mances, beliefs, cults, rituals and holy places. A Cf. HOROWITZ 1996; HOROWITZ 1997; HOROWITZ - WASSERMAN sacred site is commonly understood as a place 2000; ZIEGLER - CHARPIN 2004. 10 where a human being encounters the divine12; On ‘landscape’ and ‘cultural landscape’ cf. CONZEN 2001; BONNEMAISON 2005. there are however several possibilities which may 11 EVANS - ROBERTS - NELSON 2001: 53; GREIDER - GARKOVICH give rise to such an encounter. In particular, reli- 1994: 1-24. gious belief may mould the landscape and confer 12 On ‘sacred place’ and its role within a religious thinking cf. to specific architectural or natural spaces a sacred FILORAMO 2004: 216-224. 13 PONGRATZ-LEISTEN 2004: 253. meaning; elsewhere, the holy attributes of a place 14 RIME 4: E4.6.8.2, 41-66.

320 The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period ology and ancient history may be invoked. In the the same type and dating to the same period have present case the elements to rebuild a religious been discovered just outside the royal hypogeum23. landscape of western Syria are truly few and far in Cult buildings dating to the Middle Bronze Age between. In fact, the epigraphical and archaeolog- are also attested at Byblos24, on the Mediterranean ical record of this period in this area is scarce or coast, where the so called ‘Temple of the Obelisks’ lacking; evidence about Middle Bronze Age is still was discovered by Dunand in connection with anoth- missing, because in many cases archaeological and er temple dedicated to a feminine deity. Dating to the epigraphical data of later periods are more fre- same time, temples with an in antis plan, sometimes quent and monumental in the city centres men- associated with stones cults such as ma%%®bôt, were put tioned above; examples are the sites of Aleppo, on evidence by excavations at ›a%or25, Tell Tell Mi$rifeh/Qa#na and Ra’s §amra/Ugarit. Balª#a/§e·em26, Tell al-Mutasallim/Megiddo27, and Tell Haror28. Archaeological research establishes a partial topography of sacred places, which is a basic com- As stated above, cult and geography are connected ponent of such a landscape. The slot of time in many ways; a religious landscape is also con- described by the Mari archives corresponds nected to topography of gods. Some deities, in archaeologically to the transition from Middle fact, could be related to a city, or rather, to a spe- Bronze I to Middle Bronze II15. In western Syria cific area. They were, indeed, associated with a archaeological remains of cult, dating to this peri- natural environment, not strictly matching the od, were put on evidence basically by the excava- political setting of the region. According to this tions at Tell Açana/ancient Alala‹, Tell Mard‰‹/ cultic-geographical point of view, J.M. Durand ancient Ebla and Ra’s §amra/ancient Ugarit. Unfor- suggested a general partition of the gods of the tunately, the archaeological research on the main Mari archives29. Dagan is connected to the Mid- political centres of that period, such as Aleppo and dle-Euphrates Valley30, probably because of his Tell Mi$rifeh/Qa#na, is not really fruitful because of the huge later occupation of the site. 15 Remains of the so called ‘broadroom temple’ dat- AKKERMANS - SCHWARTZ 2003: 290-292. The chronology of ing to Middle Bronze I and evidence of an in antis Tell Mard‰‹/Ebla is actually the most complete sequence in temple connected to the Middle Bronze II are this area, with Mardi‹ IIIa corresponding to Middle Bron- 16 ze I and Mardi‹ IIIB to Middle Bronze II (Cf. MATTHIAE known at Tell Açana , the latter which, according 1997). The chronological result of Tell Mard‰‹ should be to Na’aman, could be connected to the goddess integrated with Hama, Tell Açana/Alala‹ and Tell I$tar17. However, iconographical studies on Alala‹ Mi$rifeh/Qa#na sequence. 16 glyptic of Middle Bronze II age levels showed that Cf. WOOLLEY 1955: 59-65. 17 NA’AMAN 1980. the cult of Addu and his spouse ›epat was wide- 18 AKKERMANS - SCHWARTZ 2003: 305. Cf. COLLON 1975: 6-97. 18 spread in the Amuq plain . In the South, at Tell 19 On Ebla and its Middle Bronze Age monuments, cf. Mard‰‹/Ebla are attested temples dedicated to MATTHIAE 1997a. 20 I$tar (Temple D; Temple P2; Monument P3), AL-MAQDISSI - MORANDI BONACOSSI 2005: 23. 21 AL-MAQDISSI - MORANDI BONACOSSI 2005: 27. §ama$ (Temple N), Re$ef (Temple B1) and to 22 19 MORANDI BONACOSSI 2003: 106; MORANDI BONACOSSI 2006. 23 Ancestors cult (Sanctuary B2) . NOVÁK et al. 2003: 156-165. 24 The archaeological evidence of Tell Mi$rifeh/ DUNAND 1958: 644-654. 25 Qa#na is more complex; there is no clear reference YADIN et al. 1989: 212-220. 26 CAMPBELL 2002: 145-150. to religious topography dating to the Middle 27 KEMPISKI 1989: 169-186; FINKELSTEIN - USSISHKIN - HALPERN Bronze Age. In this period there is evidence of a 2000. 28 large cemetery located in the northern part of the OREN 1997. 29 acropolis (specifically in the levels underneath the MANDER - DURAND 1995: 256-263. Late Bronze Age Royal Palace)20. On the top of the 30 Dagan is not the city-god of Mari; even if this god is often celebrated in the main centre of the Middle-Euphrates acropolis, traces of a vast official structure (Building kingdom, the texts mostly refer to the Terqa deity. He and 8) related to a huge pottery manufacturing area his wife supervise the pagrª’u ritual (MANDER - DURAND were recently discovered21; the function of this 1995: 147-152), so as me‹ru, urubªtu and kin¥nu rites monumental structure is not fully evident, although (ARM 1, 34; ARM 3, 41; ARM 3, 72). Although Mari peo- the likely presence of two basalt statues of deified ple, inside their own city, were more votaries to I$tar and her expressions and to It¥r-M®r, many of them, especially Ancestors indicate the building’s public function in the kings, went regularly to Terqa to pay honour to the god the urban topography22. Two more sculptures of (ARM 3, 17; ARM 3, 44; ARM 3, 8).

321 Cinzia Pappi association with cereals31; this god was honoured The influence of this deity also spread to Ugarit at especially where this kind of cultivation was avail- this time, as may be proved by a fragmentary Mari able32, principally, in the river valley, at Mari, letter in which a ritual ‹ªru47 was celebrated by Terqa33, Tuttul34, Saggarªtum35 and &ubªtum36, as Uprapean and Ben-Simªl nomads together with in other little cities and in Emar37, even though this the city of Ugarit in honour of Addu of Aleppo.48 centre was included in the area of influence of the kingdom of Yam‹ad. Nergal was the god of the 38 steppe between Euphrates and Tigris , compris- 31 SCHWEMER 2001: 282. 32 ing the southern part of the Ôabal Sin‚ªr and the STRECK 2004: 423. 33 Wªd‰ A‚i‚, frequented by Mari people as a source Cf. MANDER - DURAND 1995: 173; FELIU 2003: 101-118. of salts. The goddess of Nagar39 was connected to 34 Dagan of Tuttul with his own temple is attested, as well, as a large wooded district between Nagar and §ubat- location of the ritual e$$e$u (ARM 10, 10; A.4259, cf. VIL- LARD 1990: 570-572). It is, also, known that the god was tra- Enlil. The inhabitants of the western part of Ida- velling along the river, stopping at Tuttul (ARM 6, 73). 40 Mara% were devoted to Sîn and his holy family, Dagan and his temple with a sacred yard (KISLA› $a É while §ama$ seems to be the main deity of Sin‚ªr, ƒda-gan; KTT 111; KTT 120) is attested in the epigraphical honoured especially in Andarig and Karªnª. Addu record of Tell Bi’a/Tuttul as receiver of offerings (KTT 25; KTT 27; KTT 28; KTT 29; KTT 30; KTT 46; KTT 47). Cf. of Aleppo, together with ›epat, his wife, was, cer- KREBERNIK 2001: 11-12. 35 tainly, the god of the West. MANDER - DURAND 1995: 227. 36 MANDER - DURAND 1995: 226. It is well known from the Mari archives and other 37 The text A.528 testifies a cultic travel of Dagan of Tuttul to Emar. Cf. DURAND 1990: 52-53. contemporary sources that the cultic centre of 38 Cf. CHARPIN 1993. 39 Addu was Aleppo; moreover this city was definitely On the Goddess of Nagar and her properties cf. GUICHARD recognized as the main sacred place of western 1994; GUICHARD 1997; MANDER - DURAND 1995: 259-260. Syria. Both archaeological evidence and written 40 Sîn is rarely attested in the Mari archives, he is not attested sources of later periods prove that this sacred place in the pantheon of Mari. Indeed, it is evident that the cult was practiced mainly in ›arrªn and its neighbourhood. In continued to be active and grew in fame during the a well known text (ARM 26/1, 24), the temple of this god Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age, within Neo-Hit- is mentioned as a meeting point of nomads to ratify a treaty. tite and Aramaean culture, also due to a syncretism Cf. MANDER - DURAND 1995: 181-182. 41 th with the Hittite god Te$$up41. The character of this During the 16 century it is noticeable a syncretism of Addu with Te$$up and Ba’lu (SCHWEMER 2001: 443-574). deity and his connection to the surrounding territo- 42 On Addu of Aleppo and his role cf. POPKO 1998; DURAND ries in the first half of the second millennium is very 2002: 1-4; cf. SCHWEMER 2001: 211-237. composite42; it is not really known how far the influ- 43 The temple of I$tar is well attested in the texts of Alala‹ ence of Addu of Aleppo spreads. Addu was cer- VII, the goddess and her temple were objects of offerings tainly honoured in all of northern Syria, not only in by the governor (AlT*366; AlT*369), she was, as well, a warrantor in sale contracts (AlT*61, DIETRICH - LORETZ the surroundings of Aleppo, but most likely also in 2004: 112-113), but, above all, I$tar was the symbol of the the Amuq plain and in the Ugarit region. The city. In the so called ‘religious texts’ where the ascension of iconography of this god on the cylinder seals of Yarim-L‰m to the throne of Alala‹ is described, he has to Alala‹ VII provide hints of the wide diffusion of go to the temple of I$tar (a-na É ƒI§TAR ú-$e-li) and take the oath of the gods (AlT*1, DIETRICH - LORETZ 2004: 47-48; this cult, since this motif appears not only at Alala‹, AlT*126, DIETRICH - LORETZ 2004: 52-54). 44 but also at Ebla, Ugarit, and in the East. AlT *54, DIETRICH - LORETZ 2004: 100-102; AlT *58, DIETRI- The contemporary archives mention the coexis- CH - LORETZ 2004: 107-109. 45 tence of the cults of Addu and I$tar, although the na-ra-am ƒIM (AlT *7, DIETRICH - LORETZ 2004: 61; AlT *443; AlT *444). On the iconography of the sealings cf. people and the kings of Alala were particularly ‹ COLLON 1975: 6-98. devoted to, and tributaries of, the temple of I$tar 46 ƒIM in-ad-di-na-ak-kum $um-ma a-za-az-‹a ú-ul te-ep-pu-u$ 43 in the city . Nevertheless, a sanctuary of Addu is (AlT *126, DIETRICH - LORETZ 2004: 54). attested as well and the god is very frequently men- 47 The ‹ªru ritual (‹ªru qa#ªlum) is known as ‘rite of the tioned either as warrantor in sale contracts44 or as donkey’ (FINET 1993; LAFONT 1999; STRECK 2000) and is attested elsewhere in the Mari archives (LAFONT 2001: 263- 45 protector of rulers in the titulary of sealings . An 266). It seems to be a typical West-Semitic usage to kill a interesting allusion to a protecting power, within donkey to seal an alliance with gods or with people in front the cultic sphere of Addu, is evidenced by the cer- of gods. Such practice is archaeologically attested through emony of the throne accession, where the god cultic burials of donkeys in the courtyard of the big ‘Syrian style’ temple dating to the Middle Bronze Age II-III at Tell makes sure that Yar‰m-L‰m and his brother pre- Haror (OREN 1997). sent offerings during the ceremony46. 48 The text A.2094 was first published by P. Villard in the

322 The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period

Thus, this episode is included in the records of the journey of Zimr‰-L‰m to Aleppo. The visit of the Mi$rifeh/Qa#na opens up complex questions per king of Mari to king Yar‰m-L‰m and to the sanctu- se. Remains dating to the Middle Bronze Age con- ary of Addu sheds light on the influence of this cerning cults and rituals are lacking. The textual deity and the authority of the L‰m dynasty of Alep- evidence is not substantial, since the epigraphical po eastward, essentially toward the Middle- evidence dating to this period consists of only one 54 Euphrates and to Mari49. Unquestionably the fragmentary text , and the archaeological record, political and religious connections between Zimr‰- consisting of statues, as stated above, hints at cult L‰m and Yam‹ad were extensive. The Mari letters, of dead ancestors. However, the discovery of a 55 especially the administrative texts which record royal hypogeum underneath the palace and new 56 offerings to deities, show that the cultic centre of insights on the Qa#na inventories indicate that Aleppo and its god were highly honoured in this this cult continued to be practiced in later times; period. In fact, the dynasties with rulers bearing names devoted to L‰m established mutual politi- context of his study about the visit of Zimr‰-L‰m to Alep- cal and diplomatic relationships; this connection po. In this text ›ammi-I$tamar wrote to Ibal-El about a 50 ‹ªru-rite of Ugarit to be officiated in the temple of Addu of was sealed by the royal marriage of §ibt¥ , Aleppo (VILLARD 1986: 411-412). The same letter was colla- Yar‰m- L‰m’s daughter, with Zimr‰-L‰m as well as ted some years later by the same scholar, who read in line by a special devotion of the Mari court to Addu 10 “I[G]I ƒIM [$]a ‹a-la-ab” instead of “ °É¿ƒIM [$]a ‹a-la- of Aleppo51. ab” (VILLARD 1990: 25); that means that the celebration should have been officiated not in the temple of Addu in On the other hand, Yasma‹-Addu, the previous Aleppo, but in honour of the storm-god, probably in front king of Mari and son of §am$‰-Addu of Assyria, of an image of Addu in Ugarit (VILLARD 1990: 25; DURAND seems to have been less devoted to the sacred city 2002: 8). M. P. Streck noticed that ‹ªr‰ni should be a plu- of Yam‹ad. His devotion turned rather to other ral form and he suggested that two different oaths have been sworn, though the context is unclear (STRECK 2004: religious centres, such as Terqa and Tuttul, and 423). The text is difficult to explain and to contextualize, even if he mentions Addu, he is referring to the but, in comparison with text containing similar oaths, it has Addu of Arrap‹a, whose temple was in been noticed that the term ‹ªru is usually followed by the Ekall tum52. This kind of neglect might have been name of one of the contractors (LAFONT 2001: 268). That ª means that Ugarit is one of the partners making agreements due to the political opposition of that period with the Uprapeans and the Ben-Simªl, at the same time, in between Yam‹ad and Mari. During the dominion of honour or in front of Addu of Aleppo. This could be, Yasma‹-Addu, indeed, the kingdom of the Middle- indeed, the reason for a plural, but, according to Streck, it is still hard to say where they celebrate the ‹ªru, either in Euphrates was diplomatically connected to Qa#na front a statue of Addu of Aleppo in Ugarit or in the temple and to §am$‰-Addu of Assyria. This coalition was a of Addu in Aleppo. political antagonist of the dynasty of Aleppo and 49 According to Villard and to Durand many rituals officiated might explain why there are almost no references of during the journey of the king and their prosecutions to Ugarit are evidence that this event could also have had a Addu of Aleppo dating to this period. religious purpose, particularly, this occasion could have c It is uncertain how far the cult of the god of Alep- celebrated the myth of the fight of B.a al against the See. Cf. po spread southward. The poor epigraphical evi- VILLARD 1986; DURAND 1993. dence and the more substantial archaeological 50 The Yam‹ad princess brought to Mari new western cults in addiction to Addu, such as I$tar of Tubª. Cf. CATAGNOTI data of the Middle Bronze levels of Tell 1992. Mard‰‹/Ebla testify that Addu of Aleppo was not 51 Many high officials travelling to Aleppo and bringing offe- a city god of this centre, where a cult of I$tar seems rings to the god are mentioned in the archives of this to be prevalent53. Specifically, the archaeological evi- period, such as Dari$-Lib¥r and the chef musician expedi- tion. Cf. DURAND 2002: 15-31. dence – both city planning and architectural pat- 52 ARM 1, 75 (LAPO 17, 658); ARM I, 136 (LAPO 16, 202). terns and glyptic – force us to compare the cult 53 Matthiae maintains that the most monumental temples as topography of Tell Mard‰‹/Ebla to the one of Tell Temple D and Temple P2 should have been dedicated to a Açana/Alala‹. Tell Mi$rifeh/Qa#na, the archaeologi- great goddess, a form of I$tar (MATTHIAE 1997: 388) and that a big compound known as Sanctuary B2 should has cal and textual remains of which are unfortunately been consecrated to the ancestors’ cult (MATTHIAE 1997: too reduced to allow comparison with other centres, 391), but the glyptic is completely similar to that of Alala‹ seems to lack the devotion to the Yam‹ad deity. with many references to Addu and ›epat (MATTHIAE 1997: 409-410). On Ebla cult cf. BAFFI GUARDATA 1991. 54 MSH01-H-1979.1 (EIDEM 2003: 164). 55 In general, the textual and archaeological evidence Cf. AL-MAQDISSI et al. 2003. 56 concerning the cults and rituals of Tell Cf. FALES 2004.

323 Cinzia Pappi no actual temple is really attested, but the same limited clues as evidence, or whether it was a typi- inventories show that a statue of B®let-Ekallim, to cal cult coming from Qa#na native to Mari. In any which jewellery was offered by many successive case, no deities are exclusively connected to the kings of Qa#na, was a particularly prominent ele- kingdom of I$‹‰-Addu. ment in the royal palace liturgy. Most recent As already mentioned, some sort of devotion of archaeological research forces us to abandon the the Qa#nean princess to I$tar and to Dagan has older view of du Mesnil du Buisson, according to been noticed within the Mari archives; both gods whom there was a sanctuary of this goddess in the are mentioned again in connection with Qa#na vast hall now called Hall C57. Furthermore, the when, afterwards, Zimr‰-L‰m invites the king French Count thought he had discovered a holy Amut-p‰-El to participate in rituals for Dagan and place, a sort of bamâ, which he called haut lieu, I$tar in Mari65. The cult of I$tar is, moreover, where a kind of ma%%®bôt would have been locat- attested in western Syria at Ebla and at Alala‹, as ed58. On the contrary, newer architectural inter- mentioned above, largely by the occurrence of pretations of the plan of the palace consider the temples, textual evidence and by findings of alleged haut lieu to be a large bathroom with female terracotta figurines, that are markers of a drainage holes, now called room F59. No such tem- private devotion to the goddess, and mostly attest- ple may, for the moment, be postulated even with- ed at Ebla and in the area of Hama; samples of in the palace compound of later phases. such figurines occur in Tell Mi$rifeh, as well, but Since the monumental findings concerning the city they are not strictly connected to a religious con- cult, both archaeological and textual, are mostly text66. related to a later period, recourse to the Mari Besides the devotion to the Storm-God of Yam‹ad archives appears necessary, at least as a starting and some cults of foreign princesses, the Mari point, in an attempt to sketch an outline of the reli- archives show other cultic elements concerning gious landscape of Tell Mi$rifeh/Qa#na in the Mid- the West, such as particular types of prophetic dle Bronze Age. During the rulership of Yasma‹- activities and the cult of stones67. The relevant rit- Addu, Qa#na and Assyria, under the sovereignty of uals have in recent times been fully analyzed by J.- I$‹‰-Addu and §am$‰-Addu, respectively, were M. Durand68: the texts mention three different allied; this coalition was sealed by a dynastic mar- types of stone rites. The cult of sikkanum, i.e. of riage, between Yasma‹-Addu and the daughter of the betylus, is largely attested under the rule of the king of Qa#na. B®ltum, who has recently been Zimr‰-L‰m. This cult is mentioned, as well, in the identified with Dam-›urª%‰m, the Qa#nean epigraphical data of Ebla and Emar69, whereas fur- princess of Mari of Zimr‰-L‰m’s time60, would seem not to have brought with her cults from Qa#na to her new residence: thus, e.g. Addu is 57 never mentioned. On the contrary, she appears to DU MESNIL DU BUISSON 1935, 71-79; NOVÁK - PFÄLZNER 2001: 167-169. take care of the cult of Dagan of Terqa. This kind 58 DU MESNIL DU BUISSON 1935, 97-111. 59 of devotion was perhaps due to the role played by NOVÁK - PFÄLZNER 2001: 174-176. 61 60 the Mari princess within the court’s rituals ; even Cf. GRONEBERG 1994. when her father asks Yasma‹-Addu to allow 61 ARM 10, 62 (LAPO 18, 1119); ARM 10, 66 (LAPO 18, B ltum to come back to Qa na to honour her city’s 1118); ARM 10, 70 (LAPO 18, 1125). ® # 62 DINGIR.ME§ $a a-li-$a li-sa-al-lim; ARM 2, 51 (LAPO 17, 62 gods , there is no mention of the identity of such 453). 63 f gods. The expression possibly referred to the local i-na MÍ la ta-ki-il-tim $a i-na re-e$15 be-el-ti-ia i-za-zu mu-I&- la-lam i-nu-ma sí-ka-at É-kál-lim na-de-e a-na É e -tár a-na cult of Ancestors, attested by the Qa#na invento- $4 $u-ra-ri-im MÍ.NAR.ME§ u$-te-%í-$i-ma; ARM 26/2, 298. ries. Furthermore some hints about B®ltum’s reli- 64 This term is mentioned just once more in the Mari archives gious duties are revealed in a letter that U%ur- in an unpublished administrative text (M. 11830) on the 63 Awassu wrote to the king : the princess is sick occasion of an offering of wine (DURAND 1988: 27). Heim- because, against Mari custom, she wanted to offi- pel connects (HEIMPEL 2003: 288) $urªrum with Assyrian ciate the ur rum ritual64 by going to the temple of surªru (AHw: 1062a; CAD S: 407a). $ ª 65 a-na SISKUR -RE pa-ag-ra-i $a ƒda-gan ù SISKUR -RE $a I$tar, accompanied by a court singer, during the 2 2 e$4-tár qé-re-ta; ARM 26/1, 25. 66 hottest hours of the day, when the doors of the AL-MAQDISSI - MORANDI BONACOSSI 2005: 38. 67 palace are closed. It is quite impossible to under- Cf. CHARPIN 1992: 8-10. 68 DURAND 2005. stand the real nature of this ritual with only these 69 DURAND 2005: 26-27.

324 The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period ther archaeological evidence of cult stones is pro- ‹um¥sum, a role of this marker within the settle- vided by Syria and Palestine, i.e. at Byblos in the ment of the territory may be deduced. At Mari, Temple of the Obelisks, at §e·em and at Ebla in indeed, such markers are tied to specific individu- the temple N70, during this period and later. A als: the occurrences always show ‹um¥sum $a fol- betylus, probably dating to the §akkanakku peri- lowed by a personal name. Moreover, in some od, was found at Mari inside the temple of the cases the monument is indicated as a meeting goddess Ninni.za.za, in the middle of a central point of people78, mostly nomads79. And finally, square courtyard71. In spite of the newer interpre- these kinds of monuments are located mainly tations regarding the palace of Tell along the river valley of the Euphrates80, next to Mi$rifeh/Qa#na, the relevant information does not roads81 and outside of towns. In sum, cultic signif- rule out the possibility that cults regarding stones icance should most likely be attributed to the were performed in this area as well, although the basalt mound located near Tell Mi$rifeh/Qa#na, existence of a palace chapel and a bamâ are because it brings to mind in many ways the memo- excluded. Basalt is, in fact, readily found in close rial known in the Mari texts as ‹um¥sum, being proximity of Tell Mi$rifeh72 and it is easy to think located along the Orontes valley and along a road. that most of these cultual aniconic stones should have been robbed and reused in later periods. In conclusion, an attempt to describe the religious Indeed, it is common to find basalt stones, all over landscape of Qa#na and western Syria, during the the site, recycled in more recent levels, in contem- Middle Bronze age meets with many difficulties porary houses or rather in a modern cemetery, because large quantities of (especially textual) data located just west of Operation J on the acropolis of are lacking, but it is possible to provide a prelimi- Tell Mi$rifeh, where many gravestones seem to nary outline, taking into account all the available come from spoils of pillaged buildings. Further- information at present. The area of Qa#na is geo- more, one of the fragmentary sealings73 of the graphically situated on an intersection involving royal palace bears an inscription which mentions the Yam‹ad territory (including Alala‹ and Ebla) Addu-Ju’ili, a servant of Addu, ‘the stonecutter’; in the north, the cities of the Mediterranean coast from a cultic point of view, this man might have to the west, the Amorite kingdoms in the south been in some way connected to stone rituals. Even and Mari to the east. There can be little doubt that his master’s name might not be irrelevant: from such a location also represented a crossroads for Mari we learn that the god Addu was sometime all sorts of products, material and intellectual, associated with cult stones. thereby including religious beliefs and cultic prac- The Mari archives provide evidence regarding tices. Not surprisingly the religious landscape of other cults of stones, such as ‹um¥sum and this area appears to be a kind of harmonious mix- râmum. These two elements were, according to ture of different styles, although the physical char- Durand, tightly interconnected74. The first term acter of the area, to which mental maps are firmly should represent a monument, a sort of pile made connected, is very composite. Indeed, in the allu- by either stone or wood, commemorating a special vial plain men composing their worldviews based event of a man or even a victory, or simply a trib- ute to a God, located outside the city75. On the 70 other hand, râmum should be a sort of ‹um¥sum, MATTHIAE 1989: 150-151. 76 71 perhaps with different functions . MARGUERON 2004: 241-244. 72 CREMASCHI et al. 2003: 74. From this point of view, a cultic function would 73 RICHTER 2002: 253. seem to be attached to a pile of basalt stones, locat- 74 DURAND 2005: 136-138. 75 ed outside the urban area, exactly at the conflu- DURAND 2005: 93-141. 76 ence of three wadis, among the beds of which the DURAND 2005: 143-145. 77 ancient site of Mi$rifeh was founded, a few kilo- Personal comunication of Daniele Morandi Bonacossi. 78 ina ‹um¥sim $a PN; cf. A.1073 (FM 8, 29; ARM 14, 86; metres to the north of the city. This little mound is LAPO 16, 416); cf. A.3605 (FM 8, 31). considered by the Italian team as a land marker, or 79 A nomadic meaning of such monuments was noticed befo- rather, a place where travellers and caravans com- re by M.P. Streck (STRECK 2004: 424). 80 ing from the north, following the Orontes basin, DURAND 2005: 109. 81 The letter A.9 (FM 8, 30) of Dªd‰-›adun informs the king left the river valley and turned southward to reach that he has trodden ten times the road where the ‹um¥sum Qa#na77. From the Mari texts concerning was, but he never touched (passed next to) it.

325 Cinzia Pappi their beliefs on the contrast between the flat king and the royal family. This deity appears, Mesopotamia and the rest of the world, consisting indeed, in the titulary of Alala‹ sealings86 and in a of mountains and steppe82. This scheme is, conse- seal impression of the king I$‹‰-Addu found quently, strictly connected to the formation of a recently at Tell Mi$rifeh/Qa#na87. concept of a city patron deity and his family. The political framework also influenced the geog- The scattered landscape of Syria requires a differ- raphy of cult. Under this perspective it has been ent interpretation. Since the physical and cultural noted that the religious landscape of the Mari peri- background of this area is more composite than od was different under the rule of Yasma‹-Addu, the one of the Mesopotamian plain, it follows that who was more oriented eastward to the kingdom also the religious landscape of this area should be of his father, in contrast to cultic geography under more heterogeneous83. Nevertheless, a certain sim- Zimr‰-L‰m, who improved the cult of the western ilarity within the cultic tradition has to be noted in storm god of Aleppo. Addu’s role as a prominent the region. The cult of stones is clearly in use from deity in Qa#na and in western Syria is paralleled by Mari to Ebla and to the southern Amorite King- that of Dagan in the Euphrates valley. It is not cer- doms, attested textually in relation to the Mari tain that the Addu attested in Qa#na is to be fully archives, but archaeologically in Palestinian exca- equated with the Addu in Aleppo. The influence vations. At the same time, the cult of Ancestors, of the Aleppo deity later certainly spread to the based on the kispum-ritual in honour of royal fore- south and to the west, during the so-called ‘Inter- fathers, is well attested along the Euphrates valley, national Period’, due to syncretism with the Hittite less so in the Transeuphratene before the Late Te$$up and Bacal. Bronze Age. Finally, it has to be noticed that a religious scenario Acknowledgements is made up, mainly, by cultic topography of the cities and by a range of other elements, such as I am very grateful to Prof F.M. Fales (University of Udine) onomastics, in addition to religious beliefs and rit- and to Prof. D. Morandi Bonacossi (University of Udine) uals84. for having encouraged me to write this paper and for supervising my work, with precious advice. I am also very In this case, the analysis of all available data, con- grateful to Prof M.P. Streck (University of Leipzig), who cerning the topography of gods, appears very com- contributed a number of valuable comments in private posite. A cult of a city goddess, quite definitely a communications and to R. Besana (University of Udine), local I$tar, still appears nearly everywhere in C.W. Hess (University of Leipzig) and L. Turri (University North-West Syria, through the Yam‹ad sphere of of Udine) for useful advice concerning their field of research. In any case, any mistake or slip should be influence, precisely at Alala‹, Ebla, Mari and Byb- ascribed to the present writer. los85. Though it is difficult to support evidence of an I$tar of Qa#na, it remains possible that further archaeological or textual findings could change 82 this. Indeed the cult of B®let-Ekallim might in PONGRATZ-LEISTEN 2004: 253. 83 some respects be compared with that of I$tar. LAMBERT 1985: 532. 84 However, the devotion to this goddess, attested at Onomastics should be one of these elements, but in the present work a systematic scanning of Mari and contempo- Tell Mi$rifeh in the palace dating to Late Bronze rary names belonging to the city of Qa#na, now in prepara- Age, is strictly connected to the religious activities tion, has been not carried out properly. of the royal court. 85 According to a recent research of P. Xella the deity con- c Although Addu is attested in this period, the nected to the big temple of Byblos is not a Ba al, but a goddess (XELLA 1995: 197). weather god of Aleppo seems, at least according to 86 Cf. footnote n. 44. 87 the seal inscriptions, mainly to be a patron of the MORANDI BONACOSSI - EIDEM 2006.

326 The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period

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