Steve (1948-1977): Fighter against and apostle of black consciousness

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Alternative title Notes and Documents - Centre Against ApartheidSpecial Issue Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid Publisher United Nations, New York Date 1977-10-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Coverage (temporal) 1966 - 1977 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description "Steve Bantu Biko, Honorary President of the Black People's Convention and founder and leader of the black consciousness movement in South Africa, died in police detention in Pretoria on 12 September 1977. He was the 23rd political detainee to die in the apartheid regime's gaols since March 1976. He had been detained under the infamous Terrorism Act on 18 August." Format extent 20 page(s) (length/size)

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http://www.aluka.org SPECIAL ISSUE NOTES AND DOCUMENTS* October 1977

SPECIAL ISSUE NOTES AND DOCUMENTS* October 1977 4 UJ , 1917 Africala (1948 - 1977) Fighter against apartheid and apostle of black consciousness * All material in these notes and documents may be freely reprinted. Acknowledgement, together with a copy of the publication containing the reprint, would be appreciated.

-1- Steve Bantu Biko, Honorary President of the Black People's Convention and founder and leader of the black consciousness movement in South Africa, died in police detention in Pretoria on 12 September 1977. He was the 23rd political detainee to die in the apartheid regime's gaols since March 1976. He had been detained under the infamous Terrorism Act on 18 August. The news of the death of Mr. Biko, who has been called the most important black South African leader of this generation, evoked shock and indignation throughout the world. The initial announcement by the South African Minister of Police that Mr. Biko had died after a seven-day hunger strike was met with universal incredulity, and amid vacillating Government pronouncements and mounting evidence of police maltreatment, anger and demands for a judicial inquiry were voiced by black and iuhite South Africans as well as by many international leaders. A New York Times correspondent wrote from on 18 September: "A week after the event, it is clear that the death of Steven Biko has shaken South Africa more than any single event since the police opened fire at Sharpeville in 1960, killing 72 black demonstrators.' On 13 September, the day after Mr. Biko's death, 40O blacks and whites attended a prayer service in Johannesburg led by prominent churchmen. On 15 September, the police arrested more than 1,200 black university students who gathered at the University of Fort Hare for a peaceful memorial meeting for Mr. Biko. Clashes between mourners and police resulted in a number of deaths. Mr. Biko's funeral, held in King William's Town on 25 September, was attended by 15,000 mourners, despite police actions that prevented thousands more from reaching the funeral from Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town and other areas. In an unprecedented gesture, 13 Western States sent senior riplomatic representatives to the funeral to pay respects to the fallen leader. 77-21278

Steve Biko: relentless fighter for dignity and freedom Born in King William's Town in 1948, Steve Biko was educated at Forbes Grant Secondary School and Lovedale College and obtained. his matriculation certificate at Marian Hall, the Catholic Church centre in Natal. In 1966 he enrolled at the University of Natal to study medicine. In 1968, Mr. Biko became founder and President of the South African Students' Organization (SASO). One of the first organizations of the emergent black consciousness movement, SASO has played a significant role in building the unity of black people, especially the youth, in total opposition to apartheid. The Sharpeville massacre of 1960 and subsequent wave of repression and the outlawing of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in the same year had left a void as regards legal political activity by the black community of South Africa. The African Students' Association (ASA) and the African Students' (ASUSA) faced divisions along sectional or ideological lines, and this lack of unity and co- ordination, coupled with intimidation and harassment by the authorities, led to the collapse of both ASA and ASUSA. The formation of SASO followed the collapse of these earlier black students' associations and the growing feeling that the whitedominated National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), which had still commanded considerable following on black campuses, could not serve the needs of the black students. The principal tenets of black consciousness movement, i.e. black identity and pride and black unity, were central to the emergence of SASO. In 1969, a year after the formation of SASO, Steve Biko was prohibited from returning to the university to continue his studies. He then founded and worked in the Black Community Programme in Durban, another component of the black consciousness movement. Through community projects, the black consciousness movement endeavoured to develop political as well as socio-economic awareness amongst the broader black community of South Africa and to encourage positive action to emancipate themselves from the inhuman yoke of apartheid. In 1972, Mr. Biko edited Black Review 1972, a comprehensive analysis of the events and trends in the black community of

-3- South Africa, which was subsequently banned. The introduction to this volume states: "Blacks want to know, and must know, more about who they were and who they are if they are seriously concerned about whom they intend to become. In answer to these questions lies the purpose of this publication.; In 1973, the apartheid regime served Mr. Biko with a fiveyear banning order, restricting him to the magisterial district of King William's Town. He continued to work there as an executive member of the Eastern Cape branch of the Black Community Programme and started studying law by correspondence. In December 1975, the restrictions on Mr. Biko were increased and he was prohibited even from associating with the Black Community Programme. 1r. Donald Woods, editor of the East Daily Dispatch and a close friend of Mr. Biko, recalled recently that he had pleaded with the Minister of Justice Kruger to lift Mr. Biko's restrictions. According to Mr. Woods, Mr. Biko was ';the most important political leader in the country". "The result of that visit was an increase in Steve's restrictions and a State prosecution against me. Steve's reaction was to burst out laughing - nothing ever daunted his spirit. In 1975, Mr. Biko founded the Zimele Trust Fund to assist released political prisoners to rehabilitate themselves, and was appointed its Secretary-General in 1976. At the 1976 congress of the Black People's Convention in Durban - a congress which he could not attend because of the banning orders Mr. Diko was elected Honorary President of the organization. The importance of Steve Biko in the liberation struggle in South Africa was underscored when, during the upheaval which followed the massacre of June 1976, Soweto leaders demanded that the Government negotiate the country's future with three black leaders Mr. , leader of the African National Congress, serving a sentence of life imprisonment on ; Mr. Robert SobukwTe, leader of the Pan Africanist Congress, restricted in Kimberley; and Mr. Steve Biko. In December 1976, Senator Dick Clark, African affairs adviser to then President- elect Carter of the United States, accompanied by

United States Ambassador-designate to the United Nations, Mr. , and Congressman Charles Diggs, interrupted their participation in the American- African Institute conference in Maseru and chartered a special plane to visit Mr. Biko at his home and to hold discussions with him. Mr. Biko was detained several times since 1974, once for a period of 101 days, and was charged with breaking his banning order and with obstructing the course of justice, allegedly by persuading witnesses to change their evidence. He was, however. never found guilty of any offence in a court of law. Mr. Biko was again detained by Security Police on 18 August 1977 in Grahamstown under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act,which provides for indefinite detention without any charges. His whereabouts until the time of his death were unknown to members of his family, relatives and friends. Mr. Biko leaves his wife, Ntsiki, and two young sons, Nkosinati, age 7, and Samora, age 2. In 1976, Donald Woods had written under the headline "Remember the name well': ... as a journalist who has interviewed politicians not only at home in South Africa, but in America, Canada, Britain, Germany, France, Italy and Israel, I have not met, in any of these countries, a man as gifted with intellect, personality and human understanding as ... Steve Biko...... By normal standards, I am a fairly conservative sort of bloke, not unduly naive and not easily impressed by politicians. But I'll tell you one thing: make a note of the name Steve Biko and remember it well. One way or another, it will be writ large in the South Africa of tomorrow.; After Mr. Biko's death, he wrote: "/Steve Biko7 needs no tributes from me. He never did. Re was a special and extraordinary man who at the age of 30 had already acquired a towering status in the hearts and minds of countless thousands of young blacks throughout the length and breadth of South Africa.

- 5 -"In the three years that I grew to know him my conviction never wavered that this was the most important political leader in the entire country, and quite simply the greatest man I have ever had the privilege to know. "'Wisdcm, humour, compassion, understanding, brilliancy of intellect, unselfishness, modesty, courage - he had all these attributes." On 19 October 1977, the apartheid regime of South Africa arrested or banned more than 200 opponents of apartheid and announced the banning of most still- functioning black organizations, including all major organizations of the black consciousness movement with which Steve Biko had been closely associated: the South African Students' Organization, the Black Community Programme, the Zimele Trust Fund and the Black People's Convention. While the action evoked renewed outrage and warning that it would prh the country toward an inevitable racial conflagration with its immeasurable repercussions, it also demonstrated how much the regime feared these organizations which helped solidify black unity and generate resistance in defiance of massive violence. Steve Biko and black consciousness Steve Biko was the founder, leader and theoretician of the black consciousness movement which, born in the aftermath of the Sharpeville massacre and the savage repression of the early 1960's, has transformed the face of South Africa in less than a decade. The significance of the black consciousness movement, which sought to build up among blacks in South Africa an awareness of and pride in their identity and their value system, as well as to build black unity, has been demonstrated by the events since the Soweto massacre: the irrepressible national uprising and undaunted spirit of black people in South Africa in the face of the most brutal violence perpetrated by the regime to crush the opponents of apartheid. In a message he addressed to the conference of African and American leaders assembled in Maseru , in December 1976, Steve Biko said: 'It has become pretty obvious to us that these are crucial years in the history of Azania. The winds of liberation which have been sweeping down the face of Africa have reached our very borders. There is no more doubt about the inevitability of change - the only questions now remaining are how and when."

The Policy Manifesto adopted by SASO at its second General Students Council in July 1971 has been referred to by Mr. Biko as containing most of the salient points in the definition of black consciousness and has provided the working basis for efforts by all elements of the black consciousness movement. Black Review 1972, which Mr. Biko edited, reproduced the following excerpts from the SASO Policy Manifesto. 'SASO believes that: 3.(a) South Africa is a country in which both black and white live and shall continue to live together; (b) that the white man must be made aware one is either part of the solution or part of the Problem, (c) that, in this context, because of the privileges accorded to them by legislation and because of their continual maintenance of an oppressive regime, whites have defined themselves as part of the problem, (d) that, therefore, we believe that in all matters relating to the struggle towards realizing our aspirations, whites must be excluded: (e) that this attitude must not be interpreted by blacks to imply 'anti-whitism' but merely a more positive way of attaining a normal situation in South Africa, (f) that in pursuit of this direction, therefore, personal contact with whites, though it should not be legislated against, must be discouraged, especially where it tends to militate against the beliefs we hold dear. :74.(a) SASO upholds the concept of Black Consciousness and the drive towards black awareness as the most logical and significant means of ridding ourselves of the shackles that bind us to perpetual servitude. (b) SASO defines Black Consciousness as follows: (i) Black Consciousness is an attitude of mind, a way of life. (ii) The basic tenet of Black Consciousness is that the black man must reject all value systems that seek to make him a foreigner in the country of his birth and reduce his basic human dignity.

(iii) The black man must build up his own value systems, see himself as self-defined and not defined by others. (iv) The concept of Black Consciousness implies the awareness by the black people of the power they wield as a group, both economically and politically, and hence group cohesion and solidarity are important facets of Black Consciousness. (v) Black Consciousness will always be enhanced by the totality of involvement of the oppressed people, hence the message of Black Consciousness has to be spread to reach all sections of the black community. (c) SASO accepts the premise that before the black people should join the open society, they should first close their ranks, to form themselves into a solid group to oppose the definite racism that is meted out by the white society, to work out their direction clearly and bargain from a position of strength. SASO believes that a truly open society can only be achieved by blacks. " 5. SASO believes that the concept of integration cannot be realized in an atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust. Integration does not mean assimilation of blacks into an already established set of norms drawn up and motivated by white society. Integration implies free participation by individuals in a given society and proportionate contribution to the joint culture of the society by all constituent groups. Following this definition, therefore, SASO believes that integration does not need to be enforced or worked for. Integration follows automatically when the doors to prejudice are closed through the attainment of a just and free society. 6. SASO believes that all groups allegedly working for 'integration' in South Africa ... and here we note in particular the Progressive Party and other liberal institutions ... are not working for the kind of integration that would be acceptable to the black man. Their attempts are directed merely at relaxing certain oppressive legislations and to allow blacks into a white-type society. "7. SASO, while upholding these beliefs, nevertheless wishes to state that Black Consciousness should not be associated with any particular political party or slogan." Central also to the concept of black consciousness is the realization that "the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed" and that "not only have YThe whites7 kicked the black but they have also told him how to react to thekick ... he is now beginning to show signs that it is his right and duty to respond to the kick in the way he sees fit." The emphasis on black identity and the decision to "go it alone7 have caused the black consciousness movement, and Steve Biko, to be accused by some of racialism. Mr. Biko refuted this charge in his article '"The definition of black consciousness:'. "'Te have in our Policy Manifesto defined blacks as those who are 'by law or tradition politically, economically and socially discriminated against as a group in the South African society and identifying themselves as a unit in the struggle towards the realization of their aspirations'. This definition illustrates to us a number of things: 1. Being black is not a matter of pigmentation; being black is a reflection of a mental attitude. 2. Merely by describing yourself as black you have started on a road towards emancipation, you have committed yourself to fight against all forces that seek to use your blackness as a stamp that marks you out as a subservient being."' The use of the term "black' in place of "non-white" was central to the philosophy of black consciousness and reflected the view that "people must be referred to in a positive manner and not as negatives of others". In the SASO glossary, according to Black Review 1972, the term "black"' is used when referring to the African, Coloured and Indian people and the term "non- white" is specifically used in a derogatory sense to refer to " sell-outs or 'collaborators' or "lackeys . Mr. Biko also argued persuasively that the historical and world-wide dimensions of white racism and colonialism showed that it was not coincidence that black people were exploited. "Nowhere in the world today do we see whites exploiting whites on a scale even remotely similar to what is happening in South Africa . The focus on the awareness of their blackness by black people as the key to their emancipation was therefore simple recognition of objective reality. He wrote: 'With this background in mind, we are forced, therefore, to believe that it is a case of 'haves' against 'have-nots', where whites have been deliberately made 'haves' and blacks 'have-nots'. There is, for instance, no worker in the classical sense among whites in South Africa, for even the most down-trodden white worker still has a lot to lose if the system is changed... '" It should therefore be accepted that an analysis of our situation in terms of one's colour at once takes care of the greatest single determinant for political action i.e. colour - while also validly describing the blacks as the only real workers in South Africa.'" In an article entitled "White racism and black consciousness", Steve Biko addressed himself to the question of the totality of white power in South Africa and, in particular, of the hypocrisy of white liberals and the fallacy of the "integration" approach. Pointing out that ' the white man's quest for power has led him to destroy with utter ruthlessness whatever has stood in his way'! with the complicity of all elements of the white society including opposition parties, Mr. Biko continued: "We now come to the group that has longest enjoyed confidence from the black world - the liberal establishment, including radical and leftist groups. The biggest mistake the black world ever made was to assume that whoever opposed apartheid was an ally. For a long time the black world has been looking only at the governing party and not so much at the whole power structure as the object of their rage. In a sense the very political vocabulary that the blacks have used has been inherited from the liberals, Therefore it is not surprising that alliances were formed so easily with the liberals "Who are the liberals in South Africa?... These are the people who argue that they are not responsible for white racism and the country's 'inhumanity to the black man'" these are the people who claim that they too feel the oppression just as acutely as the blacks and therefore should be jointly involved in the black man's struggle for a place under the sun, in short, these are the people who say that they have black souls wrapped in white skins.

- 10 "The liberals set about their business with the utmost efficiency. They made it a political dogma that all groups opposing the status quo must necessarily be non-racial in structure. They maintained that if you stood for a principle of non-racialism you could not in any way adopt what they described as racialist policies. They even defined to the black people what the latter should fight for... "Of course this situation could not last. A new breed of black leaders was beginning to take a dim view of the involvement of liberals in a struggle that they regarded as essentially theirs... "It never occurredto the liberals that the integration they insisted upon as an effective way of opposing apartheid was impossible to achieve in South Africa. It had to be artificial because it was being foisted on two parties whose entire upbringing had been to support the lie that one race was superior and others inferior. One has to overhaul the whole system in South Africa before hoping to get black and white walking hand in hand to oppose a common enemy. As it is, both black and white walk into a hastily organized integrated circle carrying with them the seeds of destruction of that circle - their inferiority and superiority complexes... "Peeing white /The liberal7 rossesses the natural passport to the exclusive pool of white privileges from which he does not hesitate to extract whatever suits him. Yet, since he identifies with the blacks, he moves around his white circles whites-only beaches, restaurants, and cinemas -- with a lighter load, feeling that he is not like the rest. Yet at the back of his mind is a constant reminder that he is quite comfortable as things stand and therefore should not bother about change. Although he does not vote for the Nationalists (now that they are in the majority anyway), he feels secure under the protection offered by the Nationalists and subconsciously shuns the idea of change. "The limitations that have accompanied the involvement of liberals in the black man's struggle have been mostly responsible for the arrest of progress." Steve Biko's conclusion that it was a fundamental fact that total identification with an oppressed group in a system that forces one group to enjoy privilege and to live on the sweat of another is impossible'; was echoed by his friend, Donald Woods, in the following terms:

-~ 11 _ 'Initially, there were several areas of disagreement between us, as I had long regarded the black consciousness movement ... as a negative and retrogressive development with racial undertones. "But with increased understanding of all it implied I came to the realization that, in today's circumstances, its validity could neither be rationally questioned nor fully comprehended by a non-black' It was on the basis of this analysis that Steve Biko asserted: since the thesis is a white racism, there can only be one valid antithesis, i.e. a solid black unity to counterbalance the scale. If South Africa is to be a land where black and white live in harmony without fear of group exploitation, it is only when these two opposites have interplayed and produced a viable synthesis of ideas and modus vivendi. We can never wage any struggle without offering a strong counterpoint to the white racism that permeates our society so effectively.7 He added that this reference to a synthesis was only in relation to power politics. One must immediately dispel the thought that black consciousness is merely a methodology or a means towards an end. IThat black consciousness seeks to do is to produce at the output end of the process real black people who do not regard themselves as appendages to white society.'2 On the question of external influence on the rise of blach consciousness movement, Steve Biko wrote: "The growth of awareness among South African blacks has often been ascribed to influence from the American 'Negro' movement. Yet it seems to me that this is a sequel to the attainment of independence by so many African States within so short a time." In his jiemorandum of December 1976, addressed to Senator Dick Clark of the United States, Steve Biko said bluntly: "... America - your country - has played a shameful role in her relations with our country. Given the clear analysis of our problems, the choice is very simple for America in shaping her policy towards

- 12 - present-day South Africa. The interests of black and white politically have been made diametrically opposed to each other. America's choice is narrowed down to either entrenching the existing minority white regime or alternately assisting in a very definite way the attainment of the aspirations of millions of the black population as well as those of whites of good will..' After his death, some in the Western press have referred to Steve Biko as a "moderate". Steve Biko was a man of profound humanity and compassion. He was not a moderate in the sense of accepting one iota of compromise with apartheid and racism. He was not a moderate in his total commitment to the cause of dignity and freedom of his people, a cause to which he dedicated his life. World mourns and pays tribute to Steve Biko The news of Mr. Biko's death evoked a profound reaction and outpouring of tributes throughout the world. On 13 September 1977, the Chairman of the United Nations Special Committee against Aoartheid, Leslie Harriman of Nigeria, issued a statement expressing his shock at the death in detention of the "outstanding leader of the black consciousness movement" an(charging the apartheid regime with "a crime against the oppressed people of South Africa and, indeed, against the United Nations". On the same day, the United States Representative to the United Nations, Andrew Young, said in a statement: "The sudden and tragic death of Mr. Steve Biko will prove to be a major loss for the future of South Africa. No nation can afford to lose its most dedicated and creative leadership and yet prosper. "I know personally how much the United States suffered nationally as a result of the similarly tragic deaths of President John F. Kennedy, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Senator Robert F. Fennedy. These losses cost us nearly a decade of progress. "Certainly a future non-racial South Africa will mourn the loss of a dedicated native son, Mr. Biko."

- 13 Demands for a full and impartial investigation into the circumstances surrounding Steve Biko's death came from all parts of the world. On 23 September, a meeting was organized at the United Nations Headquarters by the African Group of States to pay tribute to the memory of Mr. Biko. In a statement read at the meeting, Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim said: "hI wish to associate myself with the tributes to the late Mr. Steven Biko and to express my deep shock at his death in detention. "Mr. Biko was not even 30 years old when he died but he left a deep mark on the South African scene as a leader of the 'black consciousness movement' and by his vision of an egalitarian society in South Africa... "He was not only respected by the black people of South Africa, especially the youth, but made a great impression on liberal-minded South Africans, as well as many people from other countries who had occasion to meet him. That is why there is today so much grief, and so much resentment, both in South Africa and abroad... "I would hope that the grave concern expressed over the death of Steven Biko will persuade the South African authorities to desist from their present course - in the interest of the future of all the people of South Africa." Addressing the meeting, the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid Leslie 0. Harriman, called 1r. Biko "one of the best sons and great patriots of Africa' and said: 'He has joined the great martyrs of the African renaissance and revolution in this generation -- men like Amilcar Cabral, Eduardo Mondlane and many others. 'When he dedicated himself to the struggle for liberation, he willingly risked his life for the freedom of his people. It is, of course, tragic and painful to us that he did not live to see his people free, that he did not even die in the battle for their freedom, but was murdered by cowardly torturers and assassins.

'But his death, like the deaths of Amilcar Cabral and Eduardo Mondlane, is surely the tragedy that precedes the victory. Our duty and obligation is to see that it is so. "We should, therefore, not waste our time by mourning. We are in the middle of the battle and there can be no pause... "Steve Biko is dead. But he has left behind the spirit of black unity, black pride, and black heroism, in the cause of liberation. That cause is the cause of Africa and of all the progressive humanity. It must prevail and soon, if we are to avert the murders of more and more patriots. "We should not mourn the death of Steve Biko. We must plan and act to punish the culprits, to destroy the apartheid regime and liberate the patriots from its clutches... "Let us proceed from this memorial with a pledge to act." David Sibeko, Director of Foreign Affairs of the Pan Africanist Congress, spoke as follows at the memorial meeting: '... Steve Biko was a unique man. As the moving spirit behind the black consciousness movement which received the liberatory spirit of African nationalism during a particularly grim period in our protracted struggle for freedoms Steve Biko claimed the stage of history nearly ten years ago and remained the most disting-uished exponent of the black consciousness up to the time of his death. The evidence of his inspiring leadership is already legendary.': Mr. Sibeko said that a message had been received during the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held from 22 to 26 August 1977 in Lagos, Nigeria, in which Mr. Biko emphasized the unity of purpose amongst all who were fighting for the liberation of Azania. Although the contents of the message could not be divulged at that time, he said, what Mr. Diko proposed would have a profound impact on the struggle of their people. Mr. Sibeko concluded: "We all owe it to /M7r. Biko's7 memory and supreme sacrifice to uphold the revolutionary-legacy of nation-building which he bequeathed to us - for he died so that we may be free." - 14 -

- 15 On 21 September, the Government of the Republic of issued the following statement: "The Government and People of Ghana received with great shock and dismay the news of the most tragic death of Mr. Steven Biko, a well-known and extremely able young black leader, founder of the South African Students Organization and an honorary President of the Black Peoples Convention... "As an articulate speaker and dedicated leader of South African blacks Mr. Biko was said to have won the respect and great admiration of political leaders from several countries who had the opportunity of discussing the urgent problems of South Africa with him. He indeed gave hope to many that the creation of a peaceful multi-racial society in South Africa was still possible. "With his passing away not only have the blacks in southern Africa lost a truly remarkable and dedicated leader, but all those who believe in racial equality and the need for racial harmony in South Africa have lost a great champion of the cause. "Above all the untimely termination of his life in apartheid Bastille is yet another crying instance of the enormity of the racist system against which Mr. Biko fought. It also affords another proof if any more proof were required of the urgency with which apartheid must be denied all external assistance and brought down. "The Government and People of Ghana offer their sincerest condolences to the martyr's family and to all his oppressed countrymen." The following statement was issued on 27 September by the Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho: "The Government of Lesotho has learned with great shock and indignation of reports on the mysterious death of Mr. Steve Biko who died while in detention. "'Mr. Biko is one of the gallant sons of South Africa who have fallen victim to the ever-widening selective elimination that the South African Government serves on its opponents. This indicates further that even the South African judiciary itself has failed to ascribe any guilt to the freedom-loving people of South Africa, hence the shortcut alternative in mysterious deaths which seek to eliminate the opposition without formal judicial procedures...

In an unprecedented show of concern, a number of statements were made in the Congress of the United States in the weeks following Mr. Biko's death, including those by Senators Dick Clark, Hubert Humphrey and Charles Percy and Congressmen Yvonne Braithwaite Burke, Cardiss Collins, Charles Diggs and Charles W. Whalen, Jr.. These statements expressed shock and sadness at the untimely death of the outstanding young leader, who was called a "martyr" (Senator Clark), the Martin Luther King of South Africa's movement towards 'black consciousness"' (Congressman Burke), and a :leader who would have been instrumental in any credible dialogue across the colour line aimed at bringing into being a humane and just political and economic system to South Africa" (Congressman Diggs). They also denounced the growing repression of opponents of apartheid and, in particular, the lengthening list of mysterious deaths in detention in South Africa. Congressman Collins asked: How many atrocities must befall the South African civil rights movement before world opinion recognizes the South African Government for what it is: a brutal police State without the slightest regard for the human rights of the black majority in that country?" She went on to call upon the United States Government to take "concrete steps against a regime that continues to say 'never3 to majority rule, while preparing to test an atomic bomb for possible use against its own black citizens". Reactions of sadness and outrage came from non-governmental organizations as well. Dr. Philip Potter, General Secretary of the World Council of Churches, said in a statement on 16 September: "Mr. Biko was a symbol of South Africa's hope of a just and peaceful future. His message of political change through black dignity without bloodshed had won international respect. 'But the South African authorities responded to this man with harassment intimidation and slander. He was officially silenced by restriction order in 1973. He was unofficially but just as surely put to death in 1977." -, 16 -

- 17 A statement issued on 15 September by the International University Exchange Fund stated: .... whatever the result of the official enquiry, the world is aware that Steve gave his life for the struggle for the liberation of his people. "Steve was a true leader of his people and a true fighter for liberation and he never faltered no matter how hard the struggle... "A few short weeks ago Steve phoned the IUEF and told of his latest arrest and charge for breaking his banning order. He then said 'They are really desperate to get me' and he laughed. We will not easily forget the courage of Steve and we are convinced that Steve's death was the only way that the South African authorities could succeed in stopping his personal activity in pursuance of liberation. "But Steve's death will not set back liberation in South Africa and will spur those who are left behind to greater efforts. His death will spur the IUEF to ever greater support to those working and fighting for liberation in South Africa. To the IUEF Steve was more than an admired leader of his people - he was also a close friend. "Steve Biko was a great African, a great human being and a person to whom the freedom of his people and the liberation of the last corner of his continent meant enough for him to give his life. We warn the South African authorities that his death will not go unavenged and that his example is an inspiration to all those who wish to see South Africa free. The South African authorities know that against such people they cannot hope to win. On 16 September, the American Committee on Africa issued a statement adopted by its Executive Board, which said: 'The action of the South African Government has demonstrated to the world that no matter how well known internationally an opponent might be, it will strike to eliminate any and all who dare to advocate black empowerment... "His death demonstrates that it is no longer enough to label the Vorster Government 'illegitimate'. In homage to the memory of this leader in the struggle, we must act to fulfill that which the black consciousness movement in South Africa has called upon the world to do: to end the massive economic and political collaboration that the United States corporations and Government are lending to the apartheid regime.

- 13 - To the family and companions of Steve Biko we extend our sincere condolences. But more than sympathy, we express our growing understanding and conviction that the people of South Africa, despite the vicious acts of the regime, will overthrow apartheid and exploitation. We send our solidarity in that struggle and pledge intensified work on our part to hasten the day of victory.; And from Mr. William R. Cotter, President of the AfricanAmerican Institute: "Mr. Biko was a respected spokesman for black aspirations in South Africa. He believed that blacks and whites must live together in a multiracial society. His tragic death bodes ill for peaceful change in that troubled country. In a telegramme sent to the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Romesh Chandra, President of the World Peace Council, expressed shock and outrage at the callous murder in detention of Steve Biko by Vorster's police and drew attention to the dangers inherent in the continued existence of South Africa's racist regime. Notwithstanding numerous resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, he said, the racist regime continued with impunity detention, torture, murder and imprisonment of hundreds of patriots struggling against the evil apartheid systera. Recalling that in resolution 3411 (XXX) of November 1975 the General Assembly proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community had a special responsibility towards those imprisoned and restricted for their struggle against apartheid, the World Peace Council urged convening of a special meeting of the Security Countil to consider urgently the situation in South Africa and to take effective measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The Secretariat of the All- African Students Union issued the following statement: The Secretariat of AASU has received with shock the news from its member organization, SASO, of the sad assassination of Steve Biko, age 309 founding member of SASO, Honorary President of the DPC and a profound activist for the liberation and independence of South Africa. Ihilst mourning this untimely death of Steve, callously engineered by the fascist9 racist9 colonialist and occupationist security forces of the Vorster minority regime, the Secretariat on behalf of its entire membership holds itself duly proud to intensify its unceasing condemnation of the fascist apartheid regime in South Africa

- 19 o and calls on people of the world through collective Inass organizations as well as Governments, to condemn in no uncertain terms the brutal and inhuman elimination of the dedicated son of the young generation of South Africa, a nationalist, patriot and student leader, as a systematic cowardly plan of the Vorster regime in panic to eliminate the popular opposition within the country... 'Steve Biko sacrificed his life to save his fellow innocent prisoners of apartheid from. the escalating official massacres. This was in keeping with the character of his entire life...' In South Africa, despite police intimidation, voices Were raised not only be Mr. Biko's friends and comrades but also by many members of the white community. The Black People's Convention of which Mr. Biko was Honorary President, said in a reference to the official reports of Mr. Biko's hunger strike: 'Steven Diko was a freedom fighter indeed, dedicated to the liberation of his people, and he never would have indulged in any cowardly action which would delay the realization of the ideal to which he had dedicated his life - the total liberation of South Africa. The BPC statement said his death in detention and those of others was ;a picture of the violent police State that is South Africa... /which has7 claimed the precious life of a man who wanted nothing else but the restitution of the dignity of the black man.' Dr. Frank Meer, Vice Chairman of the South African Indian Council, said: "Steve's death was caused by the beast apartheid that stands astride this country with the blood dripping from every pore. Vorster's way is leading this country into despair, violence and bloodshed." Fikele Bam, an executive member of the Zimele Trust Fund, said Biko died because he was not afraid of telling the truth. 'His death has not left us cold", he said, a reference to a remark by the Minister of Police Kruger, who said Biko's death 'leaves me cold". Hr. Eam said that the death 'has left us boiling hot. Boiling hot with grief, boiling hot with anger, boiling hot with impatience. We have always been self-restrained, we black people. but we may not remain so for much longer :.