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Black Protestants in a Catholic Land the Ame Church in the Dominican Republic 1899–1916

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Black Protestants in a Catholic Land the Ame Church in the Dominican Republic 1899–1916 New West Indian Guide 89 (2015) 258–288 nwig brill.com/nwig Black Protestants in a Catholic Land The ame Church in the Dominican Republic 1899–1916 Christina Cecelia Davidson* Duke University, History Department, Durham, nc 27708-0719, u.s.a. [email protected] Abstract The African Methodist Episcopal (ame) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a cen- tury later, the ame Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article exam- ines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and u.s.-based ame leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the ame Church, demonstrates the signif- icance of the southeast to Dominican ame history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean. Keywords Dominican Republic – Protestantism – blacks – migrants – missionaries – United States – history In 1916, the African Methodist Episcopal (ame) Church—a historically black Church founded in 1816 in the United States—was one of several Protestant denominations growing rapidly in the Dominican Republic as thousands of * I would like to acknowledge the United Methodist Church General Commission on Archives and History for the 2013–14 “Racial/Ethnic History Research Grant” that I received to complete this research. © christina cecelia davidson, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/22134360-08903053 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (cc-by-nc 3.0) License. Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 01:59:04PM via free access the ame church in the dominican republic 259 laborers from the British Caribbean migrated to sugar plantations in south- eastern regions of the country.1 Unlike the Episcopal, Moravian, and Methodist denominations, the ame Church was unique because black ministers led ame congregations and the denomination’s bishops were African-Americans in the United States, not white Europeans or Americans.2 The ame Church was also the oldest Protestant denomination in eastern Hispaniola, having first been established in 1830 by black colonists who emigrated from the United States to Haiti between the years 1824 and 1825 at a time when the entire island was under Haitian rule (1822–44).3 At the turn of the century, the ame Church pro- vided an organizational structure in which descendants of African-American colonists along with more recent British Caribbean migrants (West Indians) maintained and developed ties to African-American institutions in the United States.4 These groups coalesced around common cultural markers (the English language and Protestant religion) and a shared commitment to the principles of racial uplift and self-determination that were at the center of the history and contemporary rhetoric of the ame Church and its black Protestant leaders. Despite the ame Church’s transnational history and its popularity among West Indians in the Dominican southeast at the turn of the century, the ame Church is most often remembered as a key institution within the “American” enclave in Samaná.5 Scholars and even current ame leaders have described 1 The ame Church emerged from the Free African Society founded by Richard Allen and Absalom Jones in 1787 as a response to the racism Blacks faced in the Methodist Church. See Payne 1891:3–18 and Smith 1922:13–14. 2 The exception to this rule was the Episcopal priest Benjamin Wilson, a West Indian who began work in San Pedro de Macorís circa 1894 and was affiliated with Bishop Theodore Holly of Haiti. See Wheaton & Wipfler 1997:27–41. White Episcopal missionaries later rejected Wilson when they established churches in 1918. The Moravian Church came in 1907 and the Methodist Church came in the form of the Iglesia Evangélica Dominicana in 1922. 3 For founding in Hispaniola, see “Voices from Santo Domingo or Haiti, Which Sounded Forty- Eight Years Ago,” The Christian Recorder, March 8, 1877, and Payne 1891:65. For emigration, see Stephens 1974; Jackson 1976; Winch 1988; Dixon 2000:34–47; Pamphile 2001:39–46; Hidalgo 2001; Newman 2008:245–63; Minaya 2012; Puig Ortiz 2011; and Fanning 2015. 4 I use the following terminology: “Black” to refer to people of African descent; “West Indian” to refer to British Caribbeans who migrated to the Dominican Republic. The term “Afro- diasporic” is used as the adjectival form of African Diaspora, see Guridy 2010:4–7. Dominican Republic is used to refer to the eastern side of Hispaniola post 1844, and Santo Domingo is used to refer only to the capital. In all cases, these terms present issues due to their ahistori- cal nature and the universal way they are deployed; I employ them here to improve clarity. 5 See Hoetink 1962:14–15; Davis 1984:104–13; Smith 1987; Aracena 2000:39; Davis 2007; Sánchez 2008; Davis 2011; Willmore 2011; and Mann-Hamilton 2010 and 2014. New West Indian Guide 89 (2015) 258–288 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 01:59:04PM via free access 260 davidson the Samaná Americans and the ame Church as unique to the Samaná Penin- sula, and have not studied immigrant descendants’ religious connections to the southeastern region of the island. This historiographical trend is a result of various factors including the lack of primary sources available in Dominican ame churches, historical anti-Haitian and anti-black sentiment in the Domini- can Republic, and racist ideologies and practices developed during the Trujillo dictatorship (1930–61) and the subsequent long-term presidency of Joaquin Balaguer (1960–62, 1966–78, 1986–96). Such ideologies have worked to prevent people from labeling Dominicans as black by emphasizing their Spanish her- itage and associating black pride and African cultural influences with “foreign” populations located in seemingly isolated cultural enclaves.6 Consequently, the historiography of the ame Church fails to analyze the ways that African Methodism in the Dominican Republic—and Protestant religion in general— was part of a broader matrix of practices through which Afro-diasporic com- munities maintained ties to one another.7 The history explored in the following pages of this article counters the cur- rent narrative of the ame Church in the Dominican Republic, and seeks to bring Dominican history into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean. By analyzing the history of the ame Church not just in Samaná but also in the Dominican southeast between 1899–1916— with a special focus on the story of missionary Jacob Paul James—I restore the centrality of the southeast in Dominican ame Church history and demon- strate that the ame Church provided a critical space for the construction of diasporic connections between West Indians, African-Americans, African- American descendants, and Haitians.8 By documenting and analyzing the pro- cess of Afro-diasporic exchange in the ame Church and the multiple chal- lenges ame missionaries faced in the Dominican Republic, I additionally high- light uneven power dynamics in relationships between African-Americans and 6 For anti-Haitianism and racist ideology in Dominican historiography and society: Cassá 1976:73–84; Franco 1979:143–47; Fennema & Loewenthal 1987; Derby 1994; Baud 1996; Torres- Saillant 1998; Sagás 2000; Howard 2001; Turits 2002 and 2003:144–80; Martínez 2003; González 2010; and Liberato 2013. 7 For examples of Afro-diasporic links, see Brock and Castañeda Fuertes 1998; Matory 2005; Curry, Duke & Smith 2009; Seigel 2009; Guridy 2010; Polyné 2010; and Rahier, Hintzen & Smith 2010. Literature on Afro-diasporic “dialogue” (Matory 2005) is also closely tied to the abundant literature on black internationalism and Caribbean migratory flows. For examples, see James 1998; Hoffnung-Garskof 2001; and Putnam 2013. 8 This study primarily covers links between Dominican-based black Anglophone groups and African-Americans in the United States. New West Indian Guide 89 (2015) 258–288 Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 01:59:04PM via free access the ame church in the dominican republic 261 Afro-Caribbeans. My findings thus demonstrate that such hierarchical ex- changes fomented tensions between various black ethnic groups even as they united in response to racism, socioeconomic marginalization, and growing state power at the turn of the twentieth century.9 African-American Descendants, Cocolos, and the ame Church In recent years the Americans of Samaná, descendants of black freemen who emigrated from the United States to Haiti between 1824 and 1825, have become a popular subject of conversation for academics and tourists interested in dias- pora studies and black culture in the Dominican Republic.10 The immigrants who migrated to Samaná were distinct from other colonists on the island because they formed a close-knit community that has endured to the present.11 In local historical memory as well as academic literature, people portray the Samaná Americans as an exceptional case study. They describe the commu- nity as an isolated group of immigrants, and highlight their long-term use of English and two Protestant traditions—African Methodism and British Wes- leyan Methodism—as evidence of cultural cohesion. Based on empirical evi- dence, the traditional discourse on the Samaná Americans characterizes the community as a centuries-old cultural enclave currently facing extinction due to modernization and the assimilation of new generations. 9 Other scholars have theorized about the implications of hierarchy and tensions within black diasporic relationships. For examples, see Guridy 2010:12–13 and “frictions” in Hintzen & Rahier 2010:xiii.
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