Remembrance, History, and Justice
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Trials of the War Criminals
TRIALS OF THE WAR CRIMINALS General Considerations The Fascist regime that ruled Romania between September 14, 1940, and August 23, 1944, was brought to justice in Bucharest in May 1946, and after a short trial, its principal leaders—Ion and Mihai Antonescu and two of their closest assistants—were executed, while others were sentenced to life imprisonment or long terms of detention. At that time, the trial’s verdicts seemed inevitable, as they indeed do today, derived inexorably from the defendants’ decisions and actions. The People’s Tribunals functioned for a short time only. They were disbanded on June 28, 1946,1 although some of the sentences were not pronounced until sometime later. Some 2,700 cases of suspected war criminals were examined by a commission formed of “public prosecutors,”2 but only in about half of the examined cases did the commission find sufficient evidence to prosecute, and only 668 were sentenced, many in absentia.3 There were two tribunals, one in Bucharest and one in Cluj. It is worth mentioning that the Bucharest tribunal sentenced only 187 people.4 The rest were sentenced by the tribunal in Cluj. One must also note that, in general, harsher sentences were pronounced by the Cluj tribunal (set up on June 22, 1 Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă, “Introducere” in Procesul maresalului Antonescu (Bucharest: Saeculum and Europa Nova, 1995-98), vol. 1: p. 33. 2 The public prosecutors were named by communist Minister of Justice Lucret iu Pătrăşcanu and most, if not all of them were loyal party members, some of whom were also Jews. -
Germany, International Justice and the 20Th Century
Paul Betts Dept .of History University of Sussex NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR: DRAFT VERSION: THE FINAL DRAFT OF THIS ESSAY WILL APPEAR IN A SPECIAL ISSUE OF HISTORY AND MEMORY IN APRIL, 2005, ED. ALON CONFINO Germany, International Justice and the 20th Century The turning of the millennium has predictably spurred fresh interest in reinterpreting the 20th century as a whole. Recent years have witnessed a bountiful crop of academic surveys, mass market picture books and television programs devoted to recalling the deeds and misdeeds of the last one hundred years. It then comes as no surprise that Germany often figures prominently in these new accounts. If nothing else, its responsibility for World War I, World War II and the Holocaust assures its villainous presence in most every retrospective on offer. That Germany alone experienced all of the modern forms of government in one compressed century – from constitutional monarchy, democratic socialism, fascism, Western liberalism to Soviet-style communism -- has also made it a favorite object lesson about the so-called Age of Extremes. Moreover, the enduring international influence of Weimar culture, feminism and the women’s movement, social democracy, post-1945 economic recovery, West German liberalism, environmental politics and most recently pacifism have also occasioned serious reconsideration of the contemporary relevance of the 20th century German past. Little wonder that several commentators have gone so far as to christen the “short twentieth century” between 1914 and 1989 as really the “German century,” to the extent that German history is commonly held as emblematic of Europe’s 20th century more generally.1 Acknowledging Germany’s central role in 20th century life has hardly made things easy for historians, however. -
What Do Students Know and Understand About the Holocaust? Evidence from English Secondary Schools
CENTRE FOR HOLOCAUST EDUCATION What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? Evidence from English secondary schools Stuart Foster, Alice Pettigrew, Andy Pearce, Rebecca Hale Centre for Holocaust Education Centre Adrian Burgess, Paul Salmons, Ruth-Anne Lenga Centre for Holocaust Education What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? Evidence from English secondary schools Cover image: Photo by Olivia Hemingway, 2014 What do students know and understand about the Holocaust? Evidence from English secondary schools Stuart Foster Alice Pettigrew Andy Pearce Rebecca Hale Adrian Burgess Paul Salmons Ruth-Anne Lenga ISBN: 978-0-9933711-0-3 [email protected] British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A CIP record is available from the British Library All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permissions of the publisher. iii Contents About the UCL Centre for Holocaust Education iv Acknowledgements and authorship iv Glossary v Foreword by Sir Peter Bazalgette vi Foreword by Professor Yehuda Bauer viii Executive summary 1 Part I Introductions 5 1. Introduction 7 2. Methodology 23 Part II Conceptions and encounters 35 3. Collective conceptions of the Holocaust 37 4. Encountering representations of the Holocaust in classrooms and beyond 71 Part III Historical knowledge and understanding of the Holocaust 99 Preface 101 5. Who were the victims? 105 6. -
Beyond Social Democracy in West Germany?
BEYOND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST GERMANY? William Graf I The theme of transcending, bypassing, revising, reinvigorating or otherwise raising German Social Democracy to a higher level recurs throughout the party's century-and-a-quarter history. Figures such as Luxemburg, Hilferding, Liebknecht-as well as Lassalle, Kautsky and Bernstein-recall prolonged, intensive intra-party debates about the desirable relationship between the party and the capitalist state, the sources of its mass support, and the strategy and tactics best suited to accomplishing socialism. Although the post-1945 SPD has in many ways replicated these controversies surrounding the limits and prospects of Social Democracy, it has not reproduced the Left-Right dimension, the fundamental lines of political discourse that characterised the party before 1933 and indeed, in exile or underground during the Third Reich. The crucial difference between then and now is that during the Second Reich and Weimar Republic, any significant shift to the right on the part of the SPD leader- ship,' such as the parliamentary party's approval of war credits in 1914, its truck under Ebert with the reactionary forces, its periodic lapses into 'parliamentary opportunism' or the right rump's acceptance of Hitler's Enabling Law in 1933, would be countered and challenged at every step by the Left. The success of the USPD, the rise of the Spartacus move- ment, and the consistent increase in the KPD's mass following throughout the Weimar era were all concrete and determined reactions to deficiences or revisions in Social Democratic praxis. Since 1945, however, the dynamics of Social Democracy have changed considerably. -
“Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset De-Stalinization”
“Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset de-Stalinization” May 5, 2018 marked the 200th anniversary of Karl Marx’s birth. Whatever the attitude towards this philosopher, nobody denies that his heritage largely shaped the 20th century and that today’s demand for Marxist-related ideas is much above supply. What has happened to left- wing and Communist ideas following the collapse of the Soviet Union and how does decommunization influence societies? Russia in Global Affairs editor Alexander Solovyov discusses these and other related topics with Sergei Solovyov, editor-in-chief of Skepsis magazine. – What made Eastern Europe and some post-Soviet republics launch decommunization? – firstly, it is the ideological embodiment of what in eastern europe is commonly called “regime change.” a key element of a newly- invented myth of the fundamental break with the so-called Communist past, which is a clue to the legitimation of the new elite. This policy, as far as I can judge, is enforced more radically the stronger the real ties are between the elite’s nomenklatura and the previous political regime. a clear example of this is hungary, where the technocratic mid-level career functionaries began to insist (as soon as they laid hands on the previous regime’s property) on the most resolute ideological break with the country’s past. on this soil hungarian nationalism soared and Jobbik—the movement for a Better hungary party—emerged in the limelight … I should say that in hungary today we have what I would Sergei M. Solovyov is an Associate Professor in the Social Psychology Department at the Mos- cow State Institute of Psychology and Pedagogy. -
Article Differing Interpretations of Reconciliation in South Africa
Article Differing interpretations of reconciliation in South Africa: a discussion of the home for all campaign1 Sally Matthews [email protected] Abstract The theme of reconciliation remains an important one in South African politics. The issue of reconciliation was recently highlighted by South African Human Rights Commission chairperson, Jody Kollapen. According to Kollapen, in South Africa we have a problematic narrow interpretation of reconciliation, one that presents reconciliation and transformation as being in opposition to one another. This paper explores some of the debates about reconciliation as a process and then relates these to the Home for All Campaign. This Campaign was aimed at encouraging white South Africans to acknowledge the injustices of the past and to commit themselves to healing divisions and reducing inequalities in contemporary South Africa. It conceived of reconciliation as a process in which the onus is on white South Africans to take the initiative in reconciling with black South Africans. The Campaign received much publicity and provoked debate but never managed to gain the support of a significant number of white South Africans. In this paper, I explore the reasons for the Campaign’s failure to meet all of its objectives, relating this to contemporary South African discourse on reconciliation. I argue that the Campaign’s interpretation of reconciliation was valuable and necessary and that it remains imperative in South Africa that white South Africans critically reflect upon past and present privileges and take the initiative in processes of inter-racial reconciliation. More than fifteen years after the end of apartheid the topic of post-apartheid inter-racial reconciliation in South Africa remains pertinent. -
Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Gründungsaufruf Des Kuratoriums Für Einen Demokratisch Verfassten Bund Der Länder
Am 16. Juni 1990 hat sich im Reichstag, Berlin, Das Kuratorium ist ein Forum für eine breite das KURATORIUM FÜR EINEN DEMOKRA- öffentliche Verfassungsdiskussion, eine TISCH VERFASSTEN BUND DEUTSCHER LÄN- Verfassunggebende Versammlung und für DER gegründet und folgenden Gründungsauf- eine gesamtdeutsche Verfassung mit Volks- ruf verabschiedet: entscheid. Um diesen Forderungen Nach- „Das KURATORIUM FÜR EINEN DEMOKRA- druck zu verleihen, führen wir eine Unter- TISCH VERFASSTEN BUND DEUTSCHER LÄN- schriftensammlung durch und rufen auf, DER hat sich gebildet, um eine breite öffentliche Ver- sich daran aktiv zu beteiligen. fassungsdiskussion zu fördern, deren Ergebnisse in eine Verfassunggebende Versammlung einmünden sol- „Ich will, daß die Menschen in der B R D und in der len. Auf der Basis des Grundgesetzes für die Bundes- D D R ihr politisches Zusammenleben selbst gestalten republik Deutschland, unter Wahrung der in ihm ent- und darüber in einer Volksabstimmung entscheiden haltenen Grundrechte und unter Berücksichtigung können. Die wichtigsten Weichenstellungen für die des Verfassungsentwurfs des Runden Tisches für die neue deutsche Republik dürfen nicht über die Köpfe DDR, soll eine neue gesamtdeutsche Verfassung aus- der Menschen hinweg getroffen werden. gearbeitet werden. Wir setzen uns dafür ein, daß die Deshalb muß unter Beteiligung der Bürgerinnen und Einberufung einer Verfassunggebenden Versammlung Bürger eine Verfassung ausgearbeitet und ,von dem zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der deutschen Volke in freier Entscheidung beschlossen' Deutschen Demokratischen Republik verbindlich werden (Art. 146 GG). Diese Verfassung darf nicht festgeschrieben und die neue gesamtdeutsche Verfas- hinter das Grundgesetz der Bunderepublik Deutsch- sung von den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern durch Volks- land zurückfallen. Sie bietet vielmehr die Chance, entscheid angenommen wird." (verabschiedet auf der den hinzugekommenen Aufgaben entsprechend, die Gründungssitzung des Kuratoriums am 16. -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
Educational Websites on the Holodomor
TOP PICKS - Resources for Teaching the Holodomor Selected by Valentina Kuryliw and Lana Babij The listings below are examples of resources in a given category suitable for classroom instruction. Educational Websites on the Holodomor 1. Holodomor Research and Education Consortium A project of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta www.education.holodomor.ca/ and www.holodomor.ca This website contains research-based, reliable content and curricular materials on the Holodomor for grades 6-12. Educational materials found here include background information for teachers and students, memoirs of survivors, primary documents, newspaper articles, excerpts from literature, as well as a variety of suggested lesson plans and assignments. Emphasis is placed on developing historical and critical thinking skills using a variety of strategies that complement curricula expectations in a number of provinces. The site has an excellent list of resources and links. 2. Nadiya – Hope; Holodomor Supplemental Resource for Teachers Edmonton Catholic Schools, Alberta www.education.holodomor.ca/supplemental-resource-for-teachers-nadiya-hope/ www.ecsd.net/AboutUs/Overview/Holodomor/Pages/default.aspx Developed by educators throughout Canada for use in K-12 and for school events, this site draws together dozens of lesson plans, PowerPoint presentations, and background materials on the Holodomor and is grouped by grade level. Although some of the materials are designed for use in Catholic schools, all the resources can be adapted as needed. 3. Manitoba. Diversity Education: Holodomor Education and Awareness Manitoba Education and Training www.edu.gov.mb.ca/k12/cur/multic/holodomor.html www.edu.gov.mb.ca/k12/diversity/educators/index.html The official site of the Manitoba Ministry of Education describes how the Holodomor has been incorporated into the Manitoba curriculum, provides teaching resources, and offers links to sites on the Holodomor and other genocides. -
The Poetry, a Christian Resistance Support in Romanian Prisons
The poetry, a christian resistance support in Romanian prisons Ana NECHITA Abstract: Documents of special importance for their content, giving the voice of a tumultuous and broken destiny, which marked the young generation of the 1960’s, the poems of communist prisons are a significant sound of experiences had in suffering by those who wrote them. Pages written with blood, these poems by their testimonial value, require from us not to ignore their long sacrificial experience, using the freedom, stolen to these authors, for the rebuilding of the nation and the reconstruction of historical truth. The prison poetry, being between the fighting weapons of spiritual resistance, is located near the divine, tending to transfiguration, thing which is happening not few times. Thus, poetry of the prisons becomes a direct way of communicating of the one behind the bars with God. Endowed with the talent of rhyme and having the conscience of fight for truth, for a Romanian creed, these „angels of pain”, as they were called poets of communist prisons in Romania, assured their spiritual survival by sacrificing the best of them on the country altar, replacing the moments of indignation with life in spirit, and here pain is receiving a salvation sense. The lyrics of the imprisoned poets, springing out from pain and completed through pain, formed bright candles from the overflowing of their hearts for all those which was facing the same situation. In the shadow of the cell, under the lightless Professor of Romanian language and literature at “Ion Holban” Technical College, Iaşi. Romania Ana NECHITA vault of the lead mines, along with prayer, the poetry was a saving word, a flasher that lightened and assuaged in the darkness.