Udo Reinhold Jeck Vakhtang IGorgasali (r.447–522) as a Christian Monarch in Georgia: HisDepiction in the Life of Kartli

In antiquity,the Caucasuswas located between two empires with long-lasting con- flicts of interest: Rome and Persia.¹ In the view of some late Romanemperors,the Persians barredthe path to the East and threatened the eastern part of the empire by their westwardexpansion.² From aPersian perspective,the Romansblocked the path to expansion and resurgence of their old empire.³ This complicated and en- duringconflictdragged on over the course of several centuries into late antiquity.⁴ It included military confrontation with alternating victories and defeats.⁵ As the Persians and Romans fiercelybattledoverhegemonyinthe eastern Med- iterranean, the Caucasus attained strategic importance as one of the frontiers be- tween these two empires.The major powers of late antiquity both wanted to secure their ownspheres of influenceinthe region, relying in part on expansive political power and partlyonthe persuasive forceoftheir respective religious traditions.⁶

 Klaus Schippmann, Grundzüge der Geschichtedes sasanidischen Reiches,Darmstadt1990;Josef Wiesehöfer,Das antikePersien. Von550 v. Chr.bis 650n.Chr., Düsseldorf/Zürich 1998.  James Howard-Johnston, The Sasanian’sStrategic Dilemma, in: HenningBörm, Josef Wiesehöfer (ed.), Commutatio et contentio. Studies in the Late Roman, Sasanian and EarlyIslamic Near East in Memory of Zeev Rubin, Düsseldorf 2010,37–70;id., The Grand Strategyofthe Sasanian Empire, in Carsten Binder,HenningBörm, Andreas Luther (ed.), Diwan, Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean /UntersuchungenzuGeschichte und Kultur des Nahen Ostens und des östlichen Mittelmeerraumes im Altertum. Festschrift für Josef Wiesehöfer zum 65.Geburtstag,Duisburg2016,591–613.  RogerC.Blockley,East Roman Foreign Policy.Formation and Conduct from Diocletian to Anasta- sius (ACRA: Classical and Medieval Texts,Papers and Monographs 30), Leeds 1992.  James Howard-Johnston, East Rome, Sasanian Persiaand the End of Antiquity.Historiographical and Historical Studies (Variorum Collected Studies 848), Aldershot 2006;Henning Börm, Prokop und die Perser.Untersuchungenzuden römisch-sasanidischenKontakten in der ausgehenden Spä- tantike(Oriens et Occidens 16), Stuttgart 2007.  Edward Dabrowa (ed.), The Roman and Byzantine Armyinthe east.Proceedings of aColloquium held at the Jagellonian University,KrakówinSeptember 1992, Kraków 1994;Geoffrey B. Greatrex, Rome and PersiaatWar,502– 532, Leeds 1998.  UdoReinhold Jeck, Die lautlose Invasion. ZurAuseinandersetzung griechischerPhilosophen mit dem persischen Mythos,in: Rolf Elberfeld (ed.), Philosophiegeschichtsschreibung in globaler Per- spektive (Deutsches Jahrbuch Philosophie 9), Hamburg2017, 253–277.

OpenAccess. ©2021Udo Reinhold Jeck, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-011 222 Udo Reinhold Jeck

While the Persians tried to establish aform of Zoroastrianism in the Caucasus,⁷ Chris- tianity,supported by Constantine I, alsopenetratedthe region.⁸ During these political and religious conflicts,the monarchs of Georgia managed to, moreorless successfully, preserveacertain amount of independence through careful manoeuvring. The Georgian ruling classes staunchlyopposedboththe expan- sive Persianimperialism and their religious encroachments through military means. They banked on Byzantium and the late Roman/Byzantine Christianitywhich ulti- matelyprevailed in Georgia. The events of this formativeperiod in Georgian history are very difficult to recon- struct.Later sources offer at least insight into the reception of this time in the Geor- gian tradition. This studywill focus on the representationofGeorgian King Vakhtang IGorgasali in the Life of Vakhtang Gorgasali embedded within the Georgian royal chronicles known as the Life of Kartli,acollection and redaction of earlier texts formedinthe mid-eleventh century.The dates of Vakhtang’srule are disputed, but the most recent scholarship proposes the dates of 447to522.⁹ The Life of Kartli’sde- scription of Vakhtang’sstyle of governing suggests thatlocal elites in the Caucasus at this time receivedaGraeco-Roman education. Thisresulted in aspecific understand- ing of good Christian rulership that will be at the heart of this examination.¹⁰ The surviving records, which certainlyonlydeserve limited trust as sources, de- pict Vakhtang as aprudent politician, an energetic commander,ahighlyeducated monarch with agreat sense of responsibility,and acaring sovereign with adevout Christian disposition. Although the memory of Vakhtang remains quite vibrant with- in Georgia,knowledge of him, his time,and the long and dramatic historical devel- opmentsinGeorgia remainlargely unknown in the West to this day. European schol- ars became aware of Georgia’shistory onlyatarelatively late date through the work of distinguished western scholars of the Caucasus and oriental studies.This study seeks to rectify this in part by bringingattention to the reception of one of the pre- eminent rulersoflate antique Georgia within one of the most important medieval ac- counts of Georgian history.

 On Persian religion and its manifold forms,see Michael Stausberg, Die Religion Zarathushtras. Ge- schichte – Gegenwart – Rituale, Stuttgart 2002– 2004.  Heinz Fähnrich, Geschichte Georgiens (HandbookofOriental Studies,Handbuch der Orientalistik, section eight,Central Asia 21), Leiden/Boston 2010,122: “Der römische Kaiser Konstantin I. war der erste,der das Christentum in seinem Reich zur Staatsreligionerklärte. Dadurch wurde es in den po- litischen Kampf zwischen Rom und Persien einbezogen, und so erklärt es sich, daß die Perser nach der Annahmedes Christentums durch Rom ihreBeziehungzuden Christenradikal änderten: Vonder anfänglichwohlwollenden Duldung gingensie zur gnadenlosenVerfolgung über.”  Stephen H. Rapp Jr., The Sasanian World through Georgian Eyes. Caucasia and the Iranian Com- monwealthinLate Antique Georgian Literature, Farnham (Surrey) 2014,271.  VaxtangGoilaje, VaxtangGorgasali da misi istorikosi, Mecniereba, Tbilisi 1991;Sargis Kakabadze, VaxtangGorgasalisxana, Tbilisis Damoukidebeli Univ.[et.al.], Tbilisi 1994. Vakhtang IGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 223

ABrief History of Scholarship on the Life of Kartli

At the beginning of the nineteenth century,important tools for researching Vakhtang Iwereunavailable in the western hemisphere. The standard reference works of the time onlyprovided incomplete information on the history of Georgia. Even the fa- mous Conversations-Lexicon oder encyclopädisches Handwörterbuch fürgebildete Stände publishedin1815 was of no use. It merelydevoted acouple of sentences to modern-agepolitical developmentinGeorgia;¹¹ it contains no mention of Vakh- tang IGorgasali. This state of affairs was first changed by Heinrich Julius Klaproth (1783 – 1835). In his Reise in den Kaukasus und nach Georgien unternommeninden Jahren 1807und 1808,the second volume of which was published in 1814,¹² he drew on abundant sources, compiled material on the kingsofGeorgia, and also included aprofile of Vakhtang:¹³

AfterMirdat (346), his son 〈…〉 VachtangGurg-aßlan, meaningVachtangthe Wolf-Lion ruled; as in Persian gurg means ‘wolf’ and aßlan means ‘lion.’ He possessed all royal virtues and is held by Georgians as one of their greatest princes.¹⁴

Unfortunately, Klaproth’sremarks are largely confined to the political activities of the Georgian monarch and his manycampaigns against hostile neighbours. In addition, he merelyidentified him as the founder of Tbilisi. Accordingtohis information, Vakhtang alsobuilt Christian churches and appointed the first “Catholicos of Geor- gia.”¹⁵ Klaproth did not indicate that the basisofthe monarch’spolitics was his in- tellectual disposition. Travel literature of the first half of the nineteenth century

 Conversations-Lexicon oder encyclopädisches Handwörterbuch für gebildeteStände. Vierter Band. Gund H. Leipzig/Altenburg ³1815,167.  Heinrich J. Klaproth, Reise in den Kaukasusund nach Georgien unternommen in den Jahren1807 und 1808, aufVeranstaltung der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St.Petersburg, enthal- tend eine vollständige Beschreibungder Kaukasischen Länder und ihrerBewohner,von Julius von Klaproth, Kaiserl. Russischem Hofrathe und Mitgliede der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St.Pe- tersburg. vol. 1, Halle/Berlin 1812; id., Reise in den Kaukasus und nach Georgien unternommen in den Jahren1807und 1808, aufVeranstaltung der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg,enthaltend eine vollständige Beschreibungder Kaukasischen Länder und ihrer Bewohner, vonJulius vonKlaproth, Hofrathe und correspondirendem Mitgliede der königlichen Societät zu Göt- tingen. vol. 2, Halle/Berlin 1814.  Klaprothcompiled this biography from various different materials: idem, Reise in den Kaukasus und nach Georgien II, 62.  Klaproth, Reise in den Kaukasus und nach Georgien II, 163: “XXXIII. Nach Mirdat (346) regierte dessen Sohn 〈…〉 WachtangGurg-aßlan, das ist Wachtangder Wolf-Löwe; denn im Persischen bedeu- tetgurgWolf und aßlan Löwe.Erbesaß alle königlichen Tugenden und wirdvon den Georgiern für einen ihrer größten Fürsten gehalten.”  Ibid., 163–165. 224 Udo Reinhold Jeck

added little new information,¹⁶ and knowledge of Vakhtang’sbiographywas not sub- stantiallyexpanded.¹⁷ This unsatisfactorysituation remained until the French orientalist Marie Felicité Brosset (1802–1880) published his work on the history of Georgia from antiquity until 1469 in Saint Petersburgin1849¹⁸ and dedicated it to SergeySemionovich Uvar- ov (1786 – 1855), the president of The SaintPetersburgImperial AcademyofScien- ces.¹⁹ Brosset took aGeorgian sourceashis starting point and translateditinto French.²⁰ In an extensive prefaceheprovided further details on the document,orig- inallytitled Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba (Life of Kartli). However,Brosset did not startfrom scratch in researching and translatingthe text.Ashehimself stated, he followed information contained in scholarlyliterature of the time. The Armenian Stefanos Orbelian (d. 1304) had alreadyreferenced this importanttext for the history of Georgia in apaper edited by the French orientalist Antoine-Jean Saint-Martin (1791–1832).²¹ At anyrate, Brosset’stranslation wasan achievement of great importance. Forthe first time, European scholars gained deeper insight into the history of Georgia. Translations into other languages werenot avail- able until much later.AGerman translation did not appearuntil 1985.²² An English translation and commentary have onlybeen available to scholars since 2014,titled Kartlis tskhovreba:AHistoryofGeorgia.²³ In its preface, the authors explicitlyrefer- ence Brosset’saccomplishment.²⁴ Thus, with Brosset’stranslation, western scholars

 Frédéric Dubois de Montpéreux, Reise um den Kaukasus,zuden Tscherkessen und Abchasen, nach Kolchis,Georgien, Armenien und in die Krim vonFr. Dubois de Montpéreux. Eine vonder geo- graphischen Gesellschaft zu Paris gekrönte Preisschrift.Nach dem Französischen. ErsterBand. Mit zwölf Abbildungen, Darmstadt1842(original: ibid., Voyage autour du Caucase, chez les Tscherkesses et les Abkhases,enColchide,enGéorgie, en Arménie et en Crimée, Paris 1839–1849).  Ibid., 263–264.  Marie Felicité Brosset,Histoire de la Géorgie depuis l’antiquitéjusque’au XIXe siècle, traduitedu géorgien par M. Brosset.Membredel’Académie Impériale des Sciences. vol. 1, Histoire ancienne,jus- qu’en 1469 de J.-C., St.Petersburg 1849.  Ibid.: “ASon ExcellenceMonsieur le ComteOuvarof, Président de l’Académie Impériale des Sci- ences, Fondateur et Promoteurbienveillant des Études géorgiennes,enRussie; respectueux hom- mage de l’Editeur.”  Ibid., 1–13 (“Préface. AuxLecteurs,sur l’objet de ce livre”).  Ibid. (Préface), 1, fn. 1: “L’ouvrage que je traduis est connu en Géorgie sous le simple titre de kar- tlis zxovreba ‘VieduKarthli’,titre qui était déjà donné au XIII siècle àune histoire de ce genre, puis- que l’auteur arménien Stéfanos Orbélian le citedans l’histoire de sa famille (S.-Martin, Mém. hist.et géogr. t. II., p. 64).”  Gertrud Pätsch, Das Leben Kartlis.Eine Chronik ausGeorgien 300 –1200 (“Dshuanscher.Das Leben WachtangGorgassals,des großen und gottliebenden Königs, der unter allen KönigenKartlis der berühmteste war”), Leipzig1985, 201–322.  Roin Metʽreveli, Stephen F. Jones, Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (“Juansher Juansheria- ni, The Life of Vakhtʽang Gorgasali”), 77–114, Notesp.114– 133), Tbilisi 2014.  Ibid., 6: “In 1849the Russian AcademyofSciences published kartlis tskhovreba,based on the MS of the post-Vakht’ang period, editedbythe French orientalist and Georgian Academician Marie-Féli- Vakhtang IGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 225

have been able to access an important document on the political and intellectual his- tory of Georgia that does not merelydevote afew words but rather aconsiderably large section to Vakhtang.²⁵ The Life of Kartli contains some of the earliest records of Georgian history,in- cludingimportantly some texts like the Life of Vakhtang Gorgasali thatwerecom- posed before the founding of the Bagratid dynasty in 813.The author of these bio- graphical writingsisgenerallyconsidered to have been Juanšer,²⁶ who formedthe ideal of aheroic, pious, and educated ruler found within.²⁷ Due to the redaction of these works in the eleventh century,these pre-Bagratid works must be treated with much caution. The current state of research on the origin of the text has been conciselysummarised by Stephen Rapp:

Buildingupon the meticulous analysis of Toumanoff, Ihaveconfirmed elsewhere that TheLife of the Kings, The Life of Vakhtang Gorgasali and the latter’suntitled continuation by Pseudo-Juan- šer Juanšeriani attained their receivedforms just beforeBagratid rule. All threetexts proceed from the short interval between the establishmentofthe kingdom of Apʽxazetʽisometime in the last decade of the eighth century and the accession in 813 of the Bagratid Aŝot Itothe pre- sidingprincipate, the foremost political institutionofthe Kʽartʽvelian interregnum (which began ca. 580).

Like almostall other medieval Georgian historiographies, these “pre-Bagratid” texts are preserved exclusively in Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba, “The Life of Georgia,” the so-called Georgian Royal Annals or Georgian Chronicles.Asweknow today, the original iter- ation of the corpus was probablycompiled under the direction of Archbishop Leonti Mroveli (Leontius of Ruisi) in the mid-eleventh century. This occurred duringthe ze- nith of medieval Bagratid power.Surviving manuscripts of Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba are rel- atively late: the oldest Georgian-languagevariant was copied towards the end of the fifteenth century.However,the oldest manuscript of its medievalArmenian adaption, Patmutʽiwn Vracʽ (“The History of the Georgians”), belongstothe end of the thir- teenth or start of the fourteenth century,acosmopolitan period under Īlkhānid he- gemony.²⁸

cité Brosset.Brosset translated the textintoFrench and published it.Hemade this source on the his- tory of Georgia accessible to the world community.”  Pätsch (cf. fn. 22) 201–322; Kartlis tskhovreba (cf. fn. 23)77–114, Notes114– 133)  Pätsch (cf. fn. 22) 322: “Dieses Buch aber vomLeben der Kartweler bis Wachtangwurde fortlau- fend niedergeschrieben.Aber vonKönig Wachtangbis jetzt hat es Dshuanscheraufgezeichnet, aus dem Geschlecht Dshuanschers,der Ehemann der Brudertochter des heiligen Artschil, der Nach- komme Rews, des Sohnes Mirians.”  Ibid., 13: “Über das 5. bis 8. Jahrhundert berichtet Dschuanscher.Von ihm ist außer dem Namen nichts Sicheres bekannt.ImMittelpunkt seiner Darstellungsteht WachtangGorgassal, den er als das verkörperteIdeal des Heldenkönigsrühmt.”  Rapp (cf. fn. 9) 7–8; Stephen H. Rapp Jr., Kʽartʽlis cʽxovreba: The Georgian Royal Annals and Their Medieval Armenian Adaption (Anatolian and Caucasian Studies), Delmar (N.Y.) 1998;ibid., Studies in 226 Udo Reinhold Jeck

With duecaution, this essayproceedstoinvestigate the representation of Vakh- tang within the Life of Kartli to gain insight into the reception of this late antique king within the Georgian tradition.

The Christianisation of Georgia according to the Life of Kartli

The introduction of Christianityinto Georgia was still quite recent when Vakhtang I became king.This section traces some of the major contours of the narrative of the Christianisation in Georgia in the Life of Kartli,including the traditional Georgianre- ligion, the interventions of the Sasanians,and the measures of Georgianrulersto support Christianity.This will help contextualise the depiction of Vakhtang as a ruler within this work, as explored in the next section. The traditionalpiety of the Georgians plays arole in the narrative of the Chris- tianisation of Georgia in the Life of Kartli. The religious practices of Georgiansremain admittedlyopaque at the time of Christianisation, although it seems almost certain that they had anumber of different gods.²⁹ Several passing remarks in Graeco- Roman literature suggest that several gods wereworshipped in the Caucasus. Fried- rich Creuzer (1771–1858), aleadingromanticist mythologist of the first half of the nineteenth century, drew on these sources, writing about the gods of the Colchians focusing on Hecate,³⁰ goddess of the underworld,³¹ and amoongoddess who alleg- edlydemanded human sacrifice.³² The practices he described mayhavebeen those of the Greeks who had settledPhasis on the coast of Georgia earlyon.³³ This wasall the informationCreuzer possessed as he did not have access to anyoriginal sources

Medieval Georgian Historiography. EarlyTexts and Eurasian Contexts (Corpus Scriptorum Christiano- rum Orientalium601, Subsidia 113), Leuven, 2003.  Fähnrich (cf. fn. 8) 109–110;esp. 109: “Bis zum heutigenTag besteht leider keine Klarheitüber den Aufbaudes altgeorgischen heidnischenPantheons.Die Ansichten hierzu gehen weit auseinand- er.Aber unbestritten ist,daß die Georgier in vorchristlicher Zeit mehrere Götterverehrten.”  Thomas Lautwein, Hekate, die dunkle Göttin. Geschichte und Gegenwart,Rudolstadt2009.For older mythologist literatureonthis goddess,see EduardGerhard, Griechische Mythologie. Erster Theil: Die griechischenGottheiten, Berlin 1854,573 – 576; Ludwig Preller,Griechische Mythologie. Er- ster Band. Theogonie und Goetter,Leipzig1854, 199–201; Friedrich Gottlieb Welcker,Griechische Göt- terlehre. vol. 1, Göttingen1857(n. 91: ‘Hekate’)562– 567, (n. 92: ‘Hekate Brimo’)568–570.  On the cultofHecate in Phasis,see Otar Lordkipnanidze, Phasis.The riverand city in Colchis (Geographica Historica 15), Stuttgart2000,97–98.  Friedrich Creuzer,Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Völker,besonders der Griechen. Vierter Theil. Dritte verb. Ausg.Leipzig/Darmstadt1843(ND Hildesheim/New York 1973), 235: “Jener (i.e., Aeetes U. R. J.)hat die schreckliche und zauberische Nachtgöttin, die weithintreffende Hecate,zur Tochter, die der Mondgöttin Artemis einen Altar stiftet,anwelchem die anlandenden Fremdlinge als Opfer fallen müssen (Diod. IV.45.).”  Cf. fn. 31. Vakhtang IGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 227

and had to relyonthese reports.Such was the state of research on traditionalGeor- gian piety before the translation of the Life of Kartli,which offers important insights into the local religious practices in Georgia.³⁴ Before the translation of this work, Eu- ropeans knew very little about this topic. In the Life of Kartli,the gods of Georgia are depicted much more clearlyand provetobenuminous powers of acomprehensive nature-religion. Gods like Armas,³⁵ Saden,³⁶ Gazi, and Gaim³⁷ are considered “Lords of the world,” who “radi- ate the sun” and “sendrains.” As they “know all the secrets,” they also have aspi- ritual dimension. Accordingtothe Life of Kartli,the gods cared for humans and were believed in by the people.³⁸ Their followers erected anthropomorphic idols³⁹ and of- fered sacrifices.⁴⁰ Mtskheta, at the time capital of Kartli, stands out in literarytexts as an important cult site at which the Georgians served their godArmaz.⁴¹ Within the Life of Kartli,the Sasanian Persians encounter these traditions during their attempts to integrate Kartli into theirempire and establish Zoroastrianism there, resulting in inevitable religious differences with the indigenous Caucasians. The Georgiansstand on one sidewith their local practices,the PersianZoroastrians on the other.⁴² There are,accordingtothe Life of Kartli,some similarities despite

 Morerecent scholarship takesthis source into account,see GeorgesDumézil, Mythologie der kau- kasischen Völker (Wörterbuch der Mythologie. I. Abt. Die alten Kulturvölker. 11. Lief.), Stuttgart 1973, 1– 58.  Dumézil (cf. fn. 34) 26: “Armaz. Höchste Gottheit, ‘Gott der Götter’ im vorchristl. Georgien, sicher abgeleitet vomiran. Ahura-Mazda (armen. Aramazd). In der Vita der Hl. Ninowirdgesagt, daß sein Bildnis,inMtskhetha, Menschengestalthatte, und zwar ausKupfer,bekleidet mit einem goldenen Panzerhemdund einem Goldhelm und geschmückt mit kostbaren Onyx-und Beryll-Steinen. In der Hand trugerein funkelndes Schwert.Diese Gottheit wirdinallen alten georgischen Chronikener- wähnt.Der armen. Historiker Moses vonChoren sagt,daß man A. bei Tagesanbruchverehrt habe.”  Ibid., 56: “Zaden. Eine Gottheit im vorchristl. Georgien, in mehrerenChroniken erwähnt,doch kennen wir fast nur seinen Namen. Im ‘Leben der Hl. Nino’ sagt KönigMirian zur Heiligen: ‘Es gibt die beiden Götter, die überreiche Ernten schenken und die Welt regieren; sie lassen die Sonne scheinen und lassen regnen, und so lassen sie, was die georgische Erde hervorbringt,wachsen: Armaz und Z., sie sehen alles Verborgene.’ Der gleicheText spricht vonOpferungenerstgeborener Kinder an Armaz und Z. – Marr und Wesendonck habenden Namen mit dem pehlewischen Plural yaztān‚ persisch yazdān (vgl. avestisch yazata) ‘Götter’ erklären wollen. Tseretheli hat den asiani- schen Gott Sandon-Sandas mit ihm in Verbindunggebracht.”  Ibid., 32: “Ga (Gaim) und Gaci. Zwei Götterimvorchristl. Georgien, vondenen wir wissen, dass sie in Mtsekhetha zwei Standbilderhatten, das eine ausSilber,das andereaus Gold, die links und rechts voneiner Amazstatueaufgestelltwaren. Die Vita der Hl. Nino bezeichnet sie als ‘Königliche Götter’ und erzählt, ein Fürstensohn sei ihnen zum Opfergebracht worden. Für diese Namen wurden keiner- lei annehmbare Erklärungenbeigebracht.”  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)57, 12–14.  Ibid., 51.8– 9.  Ibid., 49.28–29.  Ibid., 50.25–26.  According to Hdt. 1.131.1,the Persians of his time did not tolerate temples,idols or altars, vehe- mentlycriticisedtheir use, and condemned anthropomorphism. They called the circle of heavenZeus 228 Udo Reinhold Jeck

these irreconcilable differences. As manyCaucasians practice apurelynature-based cult,they do not find it difficult to worship fire.⁴³ Forexample, Saint Nino (fourth century), upon reachingthe town of Urbnisi, sees that fire, stones,and trees are held in highesteem as gods.⁴⁴ Because the Persians want to establish acertain form of Zoroastrianism in Georgia, they find themselvesforced to compromise. They draw on these similarities and occasionallypermit the elites of Georgia to serveboth the fire and their own gods.⁴⁵ The local customs of Georgia trouble the Persians in the Life of Kartli but do not constituteaserious threat to their political aims. They seem more disturbed by the advance of Christianityinto the Caucasus. This was not without reason. The local elites,who feared that the Persians intended to subjugate and integrate the Caucasus into their empire, searched for an alternative and turned towards Constantinople. Persia,which wascloser geographically, seemed more dangerous.The Georgianspre- ferred to adopt Christianitythanthe Persianreligion, setting themselvesfirmly against Zoroastrianism.⁴⁶ From this perspective,Mirian III’s(r. 284–361) decision to recogniseChristianity as the religion of Iberia in the 320s or 330s seems logical.⁴⁷ Other Georgian kingdoms followed this decision.⁴⁸ In the Life of Kartli,this monarch appears at first as an ad- herent of the traditionalgods of Georgia and of the Zoroastrianism.⁴⁹ He laterturns his back on them, earning Constantine’sfavour.Georgians, however,ascribe his changeofheart to Saint Nino,⁵⁰ who won over the king to Christianity.⁵¹ Ultimately, onlythe political elite of Georgia could enforcethe religious turn towardsChristian-

and worshiped him on high mountains and also sacrificed to cosmic bodies such as the sun and the moon and the elements earth, fire water and air:Albert de Jong,Traditions of the Magi. Zoroastrian- ism in Greek and Latin Literature (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 133), Leiden/New York/Co- logne 1997, 76 – 120.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)58.9–10.  Ibid., 50.21–23.  Ibid., 42.4 – 7.  Werner Seibt (ed.), Die Christianisierung des Kaukasus.The Christianization of Caucasus (Arme- nia, Georgia, Albania), Referate des InternationalenSymposions (Wien, 9.–12. Dezember1999) (Öster- reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Denkschriften 296 =Ver- öffentlichungen der Kommissionfür Byzantinistik 9), Vienna 2002.  On the proposals for datingthe baptism of KingMiriam III, see the summary in Rapp (cf. fn. 9) 3 n. 12.  Fähnrich (cf. fn. 8) 125: “Im westlichen Teil Georgiens verbreitete sich das Christentum etwa zur gleichen Zeit wie in Iberien und wurde zu Beginn des 4. Jahrhunderts zur offiziellen Religion des Kö- nigreichs Lasika.”  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)58.9–14.  Ibid., 61.31.  GulikoSophia Vashalomidze, Die HeiligeNino, in: id., Die Stellung der Frau im alten Georgien. Georgische Geschlechterverhältnisse insbesonderewährend der Sasanidenzeit (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 16), Wiesbaden 2007,48–78. Vakhtang IGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian MonarchinGeorgia 229

ity;royal decisions werenecessary.Thiscan alsobeindirectlydiscerned from the Life of Kartli. In the Life of Kartli,Christianityseems to irritate the Persians but does not cause them to doubt the superiority of their owntradition.⁵² Forthis reason, manySasanian kingsintervene in the religious livesofCaucasians not onlyonaccount of their power-political interests, but also because they are convinced of the primacy and truth of their own religion. The strategies they pursue and means to which they resort are depicted in several poignant episodesinthe Life of Kartli. In most cases the Per- sians favour force,⁵³ but they occasionallyrelyonmore subtle methods, trying to win over Georgians by means of political marriages, tolerance, and missionary conver- sion. Initially, brute force, invasion, and suppression of the free exercise of religion seem the most promisingpaths to achieving their goal. Forexample, when the Geor- gian King Mirdat IV (r.409 –411)⁵⁴ loses abattle to the Persians, they carry him off into exile wherehelater dies. Subsequently,they laywaste to Kartli, destroying Churches and repurposingsome for Zoroastrianism. The inhabitants of Kartli are un- fazed by this and continue to practice their faith in secret.⁵⁵ Sometimes they even find enough strength for acounteroffensive.KingArčʽil I(r. 411– 435), Mirdat IV’ssuc- cessor on the Georgianthrone, revolts against the Persians,restores the Christian churches,and resists Zoroastrianism.⁵⁶ Once brute forceincreasingly proves ineffective,the Persians try to break up the enemyfront by means of blood ties between the Georgian and Persianelites.They find asympathetic partner in Mirdat V(r. 435 – 447), the son of Arčʽil I, who does not continue the confrontationalpolitics of his predecessors. Valiant and fearless,⁵⁷ he takesmeasures to achieve peace and marries Sagduxt,⁵⁸ the daughter of ahigh- ranking Persianofficial namedBarzabod. The Georgianking expects this tactic to strengthen ChristianityinKartli,⁵⁹ while the Persiansprobablyhoped for greater in- fluenceonGeorgian leadership.

 On religion in the Sasanian Empire: Wiesehöfer (cf. fn. 1) 268–273; RichardE.Payne, AStateof Mixture: Christians, Zoroastrians,and Iranian Political Culture in LateAntiquity (Transformation of the Classical Heritage56), Oakland (California) 2015.  The obvious motive of this portrayal is to underline the Christians’ courage in the faceofPersian cruelty.  These and all subsequent dates concerning Georgian kings areaccording to Rapp (cf. fn. 9) 386– 387.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)77.6 – 8.  Ibid., 77.13 – 16.  Ibid., 78.3 – 4.  On the origin of this name, see Ibid., 116,fn. 14.  The Life of Kartli features afictionalspeech by Mirdat Vtohis father Arčʽil Iinwhich he argues for peaceful coexistence between the inhabitants of Kartli and the Persians on account of his marriage to the daughter of aPersian aristocrat (Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia [cf. fn. 23], 78.14 – 20). 230 Udo ReinholdJeck

In favourable circumstances, the Persians seek to appear tolerant.The afore- mentioned Georgian queen of Persian descent converts to Christianity and gives up Zoroastrianism influenced by her Christian husband and scholars.⁶⁰ She fears acts of vengeance that could lead to the destruction of Kartli and the eradication of Christianity in Georgia.⁶¹ Therefore, she appeals to her father for forgiveness, which he generouslygrants.⁶² At the same time, her father acts shrewdly, as the Life of Kartli continues,and issues asurprising edict of toleration. No Georgian Chris- tian would be compelled to abandon the Christian faith, but anyone who voluntarily decided in favour of the Persian religion should also be able to practice without re- strictions.⁶³ The Persians in the Life of Kartli also make use of an additional measure support- ing their politics: religious mission. In this regard, they send prominent representa- tivesofZoroastrianism to Georgia with the purpose of establishing the Persianreli- gion in Mtskheta.⁶⁴ They are partlysuccessful at the beginning as the people, it is claimed,allow themselvestobeconvinced. However,the elites subsequentlycoun- teract this development successfully: Queen Sagduxt sends for aChristian priest from Byzantium and makes him bishop. The bishop with Byzantine roots combats the Persian religion so successfullythat onlyaminority of Georgians remain loyal to Zoroastrianism.⁶⁵ The missionary efforts of Persia in this wayend in failure. The Life of Kartli’snarrative of the Christianisation of Georgia encompasses sev- eral elements that playarole in its subsequent depiction of Vakhtang I. These in- clude the new possibilityofeducation among the nobility,the attempts of Georgian rulers to situate themselvesbetween the major political powers of Rome and Persia, and the attemptstonavigate between traditional forms of piety,Christianity,and Zo- roastrianism.

 Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)78.28–31.  Ibid., 79.18 – 21.  Ibid., 79.25–28,30–31.  Ibid., 79.31–34.  Ibid., 79.35–36.  Ibid., 79.40 – 80.8. VakhtangIGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 231

The Image of Vakhtang Iinthe Life of Kartli

In the Life of Kartli,Vakhtang IGorgasali,⁶⁶ the son of Mirdat Vand Sagduxt,⁶⁷ comes of ageinthe context of this tensesituation and has aChristian upbringing. Since the Life of Kartli depicts him as an ideal ruler,its statements regarding his life cannot be taken at face value. Yethis depiction is significant for understanding the concept of good rulership at the time at which this work was authored and redacted.⁶⁸ This sec- tion focuses on the religious and especiallythe philosophical elements of the depic- tion of Vakhtang’srule in the Life of Kartli in order to gain insight into the perspective on good rulership within this work. Accordingtothe Life of Kartli,Vakhtang receivesinstruction from aChristian bishop. Through an education that was characterised by Christian spirituality, he then quicklydevelops into astaunchproponent of Christianity and afierceopponent of Zoroastrianism.⁶⁹ Alreadyatayoungage,hedrafts policy guidelines and compiles them into apolitical platform,which he presents to the highnobility of Kartli and emphaticallypromotes. He promises the Georgian dignitaries unprecedented royal support,far exceedingthat of his fathers.⁷⁰ As the Life of Kartli suggests, Vakhtang keeps to his word, implementing his plans and cleverlygearing his politics towards the improvement of his subjects’ situation. The Life of Kartli does not onlyesteem Vakhtang’sindividual efforts towardsen- suring safety for,strengthening, and consolidating Georgia. But it alsoattends to the remarkable king’sinner disposition and mindset.Throughout,the imageofagood ruler with Christian virtues is clearly visible.Vakhtang searches for inspiration within the HolyScriptures, reveres the biblical Kings David and Solomon, and is guided by their pious actions.⁷¹ Vakhtang also regards Constantine the Great as his role model. The miracles, which the Roman emperor had witnessed through the power of the cross,become asourceofinspiration for him.⁷² KingSolomon and Constantine are also considered exemplary monarchs by his advisors, especiallybecause they had

 VakhtangIwitnessed manyPersian and Roman/Byzantine monarchs. LateRoman/Byzantine em- perors: Theodosius II (r.408–450); Marcian (r.450 –457); LeoI(r. 457– 474); LeoII(r. 474); Zeno (r. 474– 475 and 476 – 491); Basiliscus (r.475 – 476); Anastasios I(r. 491–518);Justin I(r. 518– 527). Persian monarchs: Yazdegerd II (r.439–457); Hormizd III (r.457–459); Peroz I(r. 459 – 484); Balash (r.484– 488); Kavadh I(r. 488–496,499–531). Dates of the Roman/Byzantine rulers according to GeorgOs- trogorsky,Geschichtedes byzantinischen Staates (Byzantinisches HandbuchI2),Munich ³1963, 479. Forthe Persian monarchs, see Wiesehöfer (cf. fn. 1) 409.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)79.5 – 7.  On VakhtangI,see Fähnrich (cf. fn. 8) 130 –137.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)80.27–30.  Ibid., 81.4–7.  Cf. fn. 73.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)86.14– 15. 232 Udo ReinholdJeck

modelled their rule on the kingdom of heaven.⁷³ Accordingtothe Life of Kartli,Chris- tianity has aprofound impact on the Georgian monarch’sstyle of rule. But the imageofagood Christian ruler in the Life of Kartli importantly extends beyond his Christian faith and suggests that he receivedaphilosophical education. Forexample, it reports that the Georgian king distinguishes himself by his wisdom earlyon.⁷⁴ The biographer implies here thatVakhtang did not merelyhaveworldly wisdombut also aknowledge of philosophythat complements his Christian dispo- sition. If what his biographer later wroteinthis section is true, then Vakhtang’stu- tors did not merelyemphasise his religious education but alsotaught him philoso- phy. This raises several difficult – perhaps unanswerable – questions. First,where might Vakhtang’sknowledge of philosophyhavecome from?Byzantium seems the onlylikelypossibility.⁷⁵ Since late Roman emperors wanted to both win over Georgia to their sideintheir conflict with Persia and to cement their influenceand safeguard their interests there, they intensified contacts with the Georgianelites,impressing the leading representativesofGeorgia with the manyadvantagesofByzantine cul- ture. This included not onlylate Roman/Byzantine Christianity, but also Christian philosophy, rooted in the philosophyoflate antiquity. Second, did Vakhtang himself participate in aschool of thought thatwanted to reconcile Plato and Aristotle from aNeoplatonic perspective?⁷⁶ The answer to this question must remain amatter of speculation. But,third, if it is true that Vakhtang learned philosophical ideas earlyon, is it possibletodetermine the specifics of what his educated advisors could have taught him about philosophy? This question seems possibletoanswer at least in regardto the depiction of the Georgianmonarch in the Life of Kartli. His biographer explains the Georgian monarch’sactions not onlyascomingfrom apurelyChristian disposi- tion, but also mentions philosophical motivesfor some of his political activities. Ac- cording to the Life of Kartli,Vakhtang studied aphilosophythat is not restricted to bookish speculation but embraces tangible philosophical praxis, ethics, and political philosophy. Vakhtang’sapparent philosophical education, though, can onlyberecognised by investigatingasignificant passageinthe Life of Kartli.⁷⁷ As willbecome apparent, no philosopher is actuallynamed and an explicit reference to aspecific philosoph- ical background is also missing.But the text exhibitssurprising similarities to some of Plato’spropositions.This coincidenceencourages comparison between Plato’s thoughtand the reasoningattributed to Vakhtang in the Life of Kartli.

 Ibid., 88.9–14.  Ibid. 80,36: “The Kingbegan in aloud voice like awise old man broughtupamongphiloso- phers….”  Vakhtangwas tutored by acleric from Byzantium (cf. fn. 65 and 69).  Georgi Kapriev,Philosophie in Byzanz, Würzburg2005.  Cf. fn. 88 and 91. Vakhtang IGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 233

Accordingtothe Politeia,Platobelieved that leadership of astate was in the best possiblehands if it wasleft to philosophers.⁷⁸ Onlyifathinker,chosen accordingto strict criteria, exercised power would there be justice in a polis.⁷⁹ The arduous path from unsophisticated everydayknowledge to philosophical insight – from imprison- ment in the cave to reality outside of the cave – and thus the constraints of the senses was described by Platointhe allegory of the cave.⁸⁰ The wayacomparable concept is depicted in the aforementioned passage – that is, the surprising speech attributed to Vakhtang in the Life of Kartli – will be investigated below. First,however,itisnecessary to examine the literary context of the speech. The Life of Kartli indicates that Vakhtang participates in warsasavassal of the Persian King Peroz(r. 459 – 484).⁸¹ This includes acampaign in India on the eastern border of the Persian Empire.⁸² The expedition is successful. At the order of the Persians,Vakh- tang turns against the Sindhs and lays siegetotheir capital.⁸³ An interesting encoun- ter allegedlytakes place there, when the king of the Sindhs tries to persuade the Georgian king to leave the Persiansand join him.⁸⁴ As weapons are of no use he re- sorts to rhetoric, presentingafable (accordingtoPätsch) or parable (accordingto Brosset) to Vakhtang.Heemploys the imageofacrow encountering awounded hawk. Contrary to expectation, the crow does not call on other crows in order to de- stroy it with their help but rather takes pity on the hawk and nurtures it.Later,the hawk eats the crow by wayofthanks. Thisfable of the beastismeant to make Vakh- tang,the vassal of the Persians,reconsider and to provoke apolitical about face. The king of the Sindhs argues from apurelystrategic standpoint.The Persians are currentlyinastate of weakness – whyelse would they need Vakhtang’ssupport? The time is right for revolt,asthe minor adversaries of Persia can destroy theirem- pire together. Vakhtang is merelystrengthening the Persians as their dutiful vassal. But as soon as the Persiansovercome their weakness with his help, they will destroy

 Pl.resp., 7. 514a–518b (allegory of the cave); Platons Höhlengleichnis.Das SiebteBuch der Poli- teia. Griechisch/Deutsch. Ed. and trans. by Rudolf Rehn, Mainz 2005.  RosamondKent Sprague, Plato’sPhilosopher-King.AStudyofthe Theoretical Background, Co- lumbia 1976;Michael Erler,Platon (Die Philosophie der Antike, vol. 2/2=Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie), Basel 2007,441– 449 (‘Politische Philosophie’), esp. 445–446 (Lit.710 –712).  Hans Lier,Zur Struktur des platonischen Höhlengleichnisses, in: Hermes 99 (1971), 209–216; Kon- radGaiser,Ilparagone della caverna. Variazioni da Platone aoggi, Napoli 1985; Hans Blumenberg, Höhlenausgänge, Frankfurt a.M. 1989;Wilhelm Blum, Höhlengleichnisse. Thema mit Variationen, Bielefeld 2004.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)98.16–101.28.  Ibid., 98.18–24.  Ibid., 98.25–99.9.  “Sindh” must be aregion of the Indian subcontinent close to Persia, see Leopold vonOrlich, In- dien und seine Regierung. Geschichte und Colonisationder Länder Sind und Peng’âb,Geschichte des Königreichs Oude und Schilderung der britisch-indischen Armee. Nach den vorzüglichsten Quellen und nach Handschriften, vol. 2, Berlin 1859,(‘Geschichtedes Sind vomJahr 600 bis zum Jahre 1857’), 2. 234 Udo ReinholdJeck

the Georgians.⁸⁵ The strategyofthe king of the Sindhs is acalculus of power politics. Vakhtang’sbiographer likelytried to communicatethis by includingthis fictional ap- peal. The fable of the king of the Sindhswith his unprincipled actions serves as afoil to Vakhtang,the Christian king with aphilosophical mindset.⁸⁶ Accordingtothe Life of Kartli,Vakhtang does not engageinrisky endeavours. Thus, he categoricallydeclinesthe offer of the king of the Sindhs to conspireagainst the Persians.⁸⁷ His response is also indicative of otherprinciples of royal action, such as when Vakhtang accuses the Sindh of profound untruthfulness. Although his asser- tions seem to be true, they are ultimatelybased on lies. The real truth looks different. Vakhtang also turnstoafable to rebuke the king of the Sindhs. From his per- spective,the king of the Sindhs resembles ablind mole living underground. As men- tioned above, Vakhtang here is alludingtothe cave dwellers of Plato’sallegory in the politeia,who live as chained prisoners. All they can see are shadows that they believe to be reality.They know nothing of the real world outside and therefore are not aware of the sun, the “form of the good.” Forthis reason, they think that everything that exists is exactlyasthey perceive it.They do not even wish to leave their cave and resist leaving.Ifthey must step outside, they immediatelyendeavour to return to their seclusion. The path to wisdom, truth, and unconcealment remains barred to them. To Vakhtang,the king of the Sindhs is in asimilar situation to the mole, who as a cave dweller is onlyaware of his underground corridors,cannot see the sun, and knows nothing of the beauty of the fields on the surface abovehis burrow.Here- mains in alimited underground existence thatbefits him, and he therefore believes everything exists just as he does. He neither strivestowardsthe light nor wishes to perceive the heavens or the earth, meaning he does not desire to find the cave’sexit:

Then Vakhtʽang said: “Youthink that your speech was inspired by the eyeofwisdom. But your words arefalse. Iwill tell youthe truth. Youare mad! Youresemble amole, devoid of eyes which livesunderground and knows nothingofthe brightness of the sun and the fascinations of space, whoiscontent with his life, because he thinks that all livingthings live like that.And he does not want to see the light and all the charms of heavenand the earth.”⁸⁸

In this passagefrom the Life of Kartli,Vakhtang seems inspired by Plato, who as noted abovethinks of the averagehuman who has no philosophicalinclinations

 Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)99.10 –100.2.  Pätsch (cf. fn. 22) 47: “BeiDshuanscherstammt die Parabel vonder Krähe ausder alten indischen Sammlung ‘Kalilah und Dimnah.’ Beiden im Titel genannten Erzählern handeltessich um zwei Schakale, die ihre Weisheit in der Form vonGeschichten austauschen. Und es fälltdem Chronisten nicht schwer, in der Antwort WachtangGorgassals Stil und Stimmungbeizubehalten” (Husain al-Ker- balaʾ-I, Kalilah und Dimnah. Orientalische Fabeln. Mit zehn alten orientalischenMiniaturen,Leipzig 1974,47).  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)100.3 – 101.28.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)100.3 – 7. VakhtangIGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 235

as adeluded cave dweller,lacking knowledge of the truth of the forms and chained to shadowyillusions instead of authentic truths. Vakhtang perceivesthe king of the Sindhs as likewise trapped in ignorance. He does not trulysee what he sees or truly hear what he hears. Instead of living in unconcealment,heexists in concealmentin asuperficial semblance of the sensoryworld. The intellectual world – the forms in Plato – remains hidden to the king of the Sindhs, because he does not pursue this extrasensory,transcendental world, ground- ed in the eternal form of the good.⁸⁹ Instead, he clingstothe sensory,holds on to the transient,and invests in finite interests. Therefore, he knows nothing of “infinite life” and the “light” which Vakhtang describes as not merely “eternal” but beingofa “greatness that is unspeakable and inconceivable.”⁹⁰ In this passage, Vakhtang states:

So areyou blind in the eyes of your mind and deaf to the reason of your ears. Youdonot see or hear,orevenknow anythingofthe spiritual life; and youdonot want to enter the everlasting, bright and infinitelife, the greatness that is unspeakable and inconceivable. And youknow nothingofthe Lord, the makerofall beings,creatorofeverything.⁹¹

HerePlato’s “form of the good” and Vakhtang’sChristian God, the “creator of all things,” converge. This is the perspective from which Vakhtang confronts the political ambitions of the king of the Sindhs, ever conscious of the eternal. In doing so, he comports him- self in amanner worthyofaphilosopher king who is mindful of the good, as is de- mandedbyboth Platoand Christianity. Vakhtang’scampaign on his view is not about finite interests or power politics. He thinks of himself not as the vassal of the Persianking but rather as aservant of the everlasting God, the God of Christian- ity,whom he describes as the “consubstantial Trinity,” the “maker of the world,” and “glory,for ever and ever.”⁹² According to this account,Vakhtang’spolitics draw their strength from the maxims of aChristian philosophythat obligehim to act ethically. He fulfils these principles in an exemplary manner.Accordingtothe Life of Kartli,he is protecting the HolyJerusalem and saving all of Christendom from being destroyed by the Persian king.⁹³

 Rafael Ferber,Platos Ideedes Guten, Sankt Augustin 32015.  Neoplatonic Theology argues in asimilar vein, see Jens Halfwassen, Der Aufstieg zum Einen. Un- tersuchungenzuPlatonund Plotin, Munich/Leipzig 22006.  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)100.8 – 11.  On the dogmatics of earlyGeorgian Christianity, see K. Kekelidze, Geschichteder kirchlichen georgischen Literatur.Auf Grund des erstenBandes der georgischen Literaturgeschichtev.K.Keke- lidze ed. by P. Michael Tarchnišvili and Julius Assfalg(Studi etesti185), Vatican City 1955;Wolfgang Hage, Das orientalische Christentum (Die Religionen der Menschheit 29,2), Stuttgart 2007,112–126 (‘Die Georgisch-Orthodoxe Kirche’).  Kartlis tskhovreba. AHistory of Georgia (cf. fn. 23)100.12 – 16. 236 Udo Reinhold Jeck

In this account,Vakhtang accomplishes what the Byzantines werenot able to on account of political weakness. He protects his own kingdom aided by the “power of Christ” and military means. He thereby conforms to his fundamental disposition as a Christian king,who is mindful of the good, puts his hope in Christ,and proves him- self by his effortsonbehalf of his (Christian) neighbours. In this vein, Vakhtang in- terprets his campaign in India in the retinue of the Persian king as salvation and as a sacrifice for the forgiveness of his sins. In addition, he sees himself as the protector of Christianity against the Persians.⁹⁴ But whysupport the Persians in the first place? Vakhtang also has areasonable explanation for this conduct,seemingly opposed to the interests of Georgia.Hefirst references his kinship with the Persians and then proceeds to areligious rationale. While the Persians maynot acknowledge the Christian faith, they do believein both a “creator” and a “spiritual being.” The Sindhs are,bytheir ignorance, much further removed from true understanding.⁹⁵ In the Life of Kartli,Vakhtang labels the world view of the Sindhs as “disgusting” and lacking anymoral value from aChristian point of view.Contrary to human na- ture, they praise those who betray and destroy their benefactors without loyalty.Ac- cording to Vakhtang’sunderstandingofChristianity,one should treat benefactors in acharitable way. Forthis,one will receive the praise and recognitionfrom humanity in this life and the forgiveness and eternal life from God in the next.Whoever dies a martyr’sdeath shallevenbecome immortal.⁹⁶ This episodeinthe Life of Kartli reveals the work’sdepiction of Vakhtang as a good ruler based bothonhis Christian commitments and his philosophical outlook. The subtle allusions to Plato’sallegory of the cave show how aphilosophicalback- ground became woven into the concept of good Christian rulership in this work. While it is difficult to sayhow farback these ideas maygoinGeorgian history, they at least offer insight into the reception of Vakhtang in the Georgiantradition and the importance placed on philosophyinthe concept of good rulership within the Life of Kartli.

Conclusion

This studyhas focused on episodes in the Life of Kartli thatreveal views on good Christian rulership centred on the figure of Vakhtang IGorgasali.This work reflects the perspectivesofatime well after Vakhtang himself ruled, and its history of redac- tion separatesusevenfurther from the world of late antiquity.Itnevertheless offers

 Ibid., 100.17– 23.  Ibid., 100.24–28.  Ibid., 100.29–33. VakhtangIGorgasali (r.447 – 522) as aChristian Monarch in Georgia 237

insight into the representation of good rulership in Georgia within the Georgian chronicles. Vakhtang’sdepiction within this work can be summarised as follows. According to the Life of Kartli,the Georgian KingVakhtang Igrew up in aworld of Roman-Per- sian tensions and distinguished himself as aChristian ruler,who had to come to terms with the non-Christian ruler of Persia. He receivedaChristian education that recommended David, Solomon and Constantine as political role models. He is seen as apromoter and saviour of Christianity, who feels deeplyobliged to Christian ethics. And, most interesting for the depiction of good Christian rulership in this work, Vakhtang’sthoughts and deeds seem influenced by philosophical thinking. In afictional speech put into his mouth by his biographer,Vakhtang commits to the “form of the good” and aspires to an ideal approaching aplatonic philosopher king. How far the portrayal of Vakhtang in this work corresponds to historical fact is another matter.⁹⁷ This paper has sought to shed light on how the Life of Kartli – com- posed and redacted well after his reign – highlights the philosophical reasoning of Vakhtang,one of the preeminent rulers of the Georgianpast.Inthis way, an empha- sis on philosophical expertise was woven into one concept of good rulership that de- velopedinmedieval Georgia.

 Stephen H. Rapp, New Perspectiveson‘The Land of Heroesand Giants’.The Georgian Sources for Sasanian History,in: E-Sasanika13(2014), 1–32.