A Comparative Analysis of Reunification Discourses in Selected Cameroonian History Textbooks
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Re Joinder Submitted by the Republic of Uganda
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA REJOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1 6 DECEMBER 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION .................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1 : THE PERSISTENT ANOMALIES IN THE REPLY CONCERNING MATTERS OF PROCEDURE AND EVIDENCE ............................................... 10 A. The Continuing Confusion Relating To Liability (Merits) And Quantum (Compensation) ...................... 10 B. Uganda Reaffirms Her Position That The Court Lacks Coinpetence To Deal With The Events In Kisangani In June 2000 ................................................ 1 1 C. The Courl:'~Finding On The Third Counter-Claim ..... 13 D. The Alleged Admissions By Uganda ........................... 15 E. The Appropriate Standard Of Proof ............................. 15 CHAPTER II: REAFFIRMATION OF UGANDA'S NECESSITY TO ACT IN SELF- DEFENCE ................................................. 2 1 A. The DRC's Admissions Regarding The Threat To Uganda's Security Posed By The ADF ........................ 27 B. The DRC's Admissions Regarding The Threat To Uganda's Security Posed By Sudan ............................. 35 C. The DRC's Admissions Regarding Her Consent To The Presetnce Of Ugandan Troops In Congolese Territory To Address The Threats To Uganda's Security.. ......................................................................4 1 D. The DRC's Failure To Establish That Uganda Intervened -
“Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: the Central African Republic and South Sudan
al Science tic & li P o u P b f l i o c l A a f Journal of Political Sciences & Public n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Affairs Review Article “Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: The Central African Republic and South Sudan Agberndifor Evaristus Department Political Science and International Relations, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul, Turkey ABSTRACT Civil wars are not new and they predate the modern nation states. From the time when nations gathered in well- defined or near defined geographical locations, there has always been internal wrangling between the citizens and the state for reasons that might not be very different from place to place. However, the tensions have always mounted up such that people took to the streets first to protest and sometimes, the immaturity of the government to listen to the demands of the people radicalized them for bloodshed. This paper shall empirically examine the cause of civil wars in Sub-Saharan Africa having at the back of its thoughts that civil wars are most times associated to political, economic and ethnic incentives. This paper shall try in empirical terms using data from already established research to prove these points. Firstly, it shall explain its independent variables which apparently are some underlying causes of civil wars. Secondly, it shall consider the dense literature review of civil wars and shall look at some definitions, theories of civil wars and data presented on a series of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Lastly, it shall isolate two countries that will make up its comparative analysis and the explanations of its dependent variable by which it shall seek to understand what caused the outbreaks of civil wars in those two countries. -
NSOH Christopher NDIKUM (Phd) Associate Professor of Political Science Head of Department of International Relations and Conflict Resolution-University of Buea
NSOH Christopher NDIKUM (PhD) Associate Professor of Political Science Head of Department of International Relations And Conflict Resolution-University of Buea Benin Conference 2018 Topic: Discuss the Political Situation of Cameroon Introduction: Cameroon is a country divided into ten regions. She is today faced with many challenges in her different regions. These regions are the Northern where the Boko Haram terrorist phenomenon is found since 2014, in the Eastern, where a large number of refugees from the Republic of Central Africa are based since 2013 and in the North West/South West regions where there is the conflict known today as the Anglophone problem which started since the reunification of the two peoples-The Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroon. Respectable ladies and gentlemen, permit me draw your attention to the fact that with the collapse of the cold war, the international community thought it was time to address the issues of human rights and democracy that were plaguing the world. Little did the international community foresee the coming of 1. The war against terror, 2. Climate change and 3. The eruption of intra-conflicts. Cameroon is a victim of these three challenges. I will peruse the Cameroon political situation today in addressing some of these challenges and the issue of refugees. It does not mean that the one that will not be treated is of little value. In this 1 exposé, I will present, 1. Refugee crisis in the Eastern region, 2. Boko Haram Phenomenon and 3. The Anglophone problem. 4. The recent Presidential elections that just took place on the 7th of October 2018. -
Writing from the Margins [13 June 2018, Mougoue]
THIS IS A WORK IN PROGRESS. PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT PERMISSION FROM THE AUTHOR C'EST UN TRAVAIL EN COURS DE RÉALISATION. VEUILLEZ NE PAS CITER OU FAIRE CIRCULER SANS LA PERMISSION DE L'AUTEUR WRITING FROM THE MARGINS: POLITICAL MASCULINITIES AND SEPARATIST (AUTO) BIOGRAPHIES IN CAMEROON (ECRIRE DES MARGES: LES MASCULINITÉS POLITIQUES ET LES (AUTO) BIOGRAPHIES SÉPARATISTES AU CAMEROUN) Jacqueline-Bethel Tchouta Mougoué, Baylor University Anglophone human rights activist Albert Mukong described his six-year imprisonment from 1970 to 1976 in his 2009 biography, Prisoner without a Crime, in painstaking detail.1 He describes his prison gendarmes as lawless and bent on humiliation; he describes frequent beatings, intimidation, and mental torture. He shares that one brutal beating from a gendarme left him hospitalized for days because he had refused to embrace President Ahidjo’s political party.2 But before all this he describes the soldier who escorted him to the capital into the custody of the Brigade Mixte Mobile, Ahidjo’s paramilitary secret police of Cameroon, thus: “[H]e was very civil and respectable in his conduct, maybe because he was Anglophone and also from Bamenda. He comported himself rather more [as] a bodyguard than a police escort for a detainee.”3 Mukong’s autobiography cast issues of Anglophone political identity and dignity within the framework of ongoing Anglophone social and political marginalization during the first two decades of Cameroon’s independence from British and French European rule. Historicizing the lives of such men illuminates individual agency and highlights how past events shaped the ideas and understanding of the world in which they lived. -
The Perception and Ramifications of Boko Haram's Activities on Cameroon
Issue 5, October 2013 Cameroon. Too Much to Carry: The Perception and Ramifications of Boko Haram’s Activities on Cameroon Walter Gam NKWI Abstract. This paper examines the activities and consequences of Boko Haram in Nigeria and how it is perceived and conceived in Cameroon within the government circles and the local population. It further focuses on the historical roots of the Boko Haram. Using internet sources, secondary data and personal observations, the paper contends that this conflict, like most conflicts in human history, has a spill-over effect which has affected Cameroon in a significant way. Both the government and local population have to a large extent been affected by the activities of Boko Haram. Key words: Boko Haram, Cameroon, Nigeria, Yaounde Summit, ECOWAS, West Africa, Gulf of Guinea, Piracy. Introduction: Objectives; Understanding Boko Haram Two unrelated events have inspired me to write to this paper. First, from Monday 24 to Tuesday 25 June 2013, twenty-five West African and Central African heads of State met in Yaoundé, Cameroon for the summit on Maritime Security in the Gulf of Guinea. This was meant to coordinate their efforts in addressing illegal activities in the region that have recently surpassed Somali piracy. Walter Gam NKWI, PhD The challenge facing the Yaoundé Summit, University of Buea, one of the most important ever held in Cameroon Africa, was to provide a coordinated re- gional and international response to the Conflict Studies Quarterly scourges of piracy, drug trafficking, armed Issue 5, October 2013, pp. 67-87 robbery and other illegal maritime activi- ties in the Gulf of Guinea. -
The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: a Geopolitical Analysis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal December 2019 edition Vol.15, No.35 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: A Geopolitical Analysis Ekah Robert Ekah, Department of 'Cultural Diversity, Peace and International Cooperation' at the International Relations Institute of Cameroon (IRIC) Doi:10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 Abstract Anglophone Cameroon is the present-day North West and South West (English Speaking) regions of Cameroon herein referred to as No-So. These regions of Cameroon have been restive since 2016 in what is popularly referred to as the Anglophone crisis. The crisis has been transformed to a separatist movement, with some Anglophones clamoring for an independent No-So, re-baptized as “Ambazonia”. The purpose of the study is to illuminate the geopolitical perspective of the conflict which has been evaded by many scholars. Most scholarly write-ups have rather focused on the causes, course, consequences and international interventions in the crisis, with little attention to the geopolitical undertones. In terms of methodology, the paper makes use of qualitative data analysis. Unlike previous research works that link the unfolding of the crisis to Anglophone marginalization, historical and cultural difference, the findings from this paper reveals that the strategic location of No-So, the presence of resources, demographic considerations and other geopolitical parameters are proving to be responsible for the heightening of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon and in favour of the quest for an independent Ambazonia. -
The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon
The Journal of Modern African Studies, , (), pp. –. Printed in the United Kingdom # Cambridge University Press The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon by PIET KONINGS and FRANCIS B. NYAMNJOH* Tpolitical agenda in Cameroon has become increasingly dominated by what is known as the ‘anglophone problem’, which poses a major challenge to the efforts of the post-colonial state to forge national unity and integration, and has led to the reintroduction of forceful arguments and actions in favour of ‘federalism’ or even ‘secession’. The root of this problem may be traced back to when the political e! lites of two territories with different colonial legacies – one French and the other British – agreed on the formation of a federal " state. Contrary to expectations, this did not provide for the equal partnership of both parties, let alone for the preservation of the cultural heritage and identity of each, but turned out to be merely a transitory phase to the total integration of the anglophone region into a strongly centralised, unitary state. Gradually, this created an anglophone consciousness: the feeling of being ‘marginalised’, ‘exploited’, and ‘assimilated’ by the francophone-dominated state, and even by the francophone population as a whole. It was not until the political liberalisation process in the early s that some members of the English-speaking e! lite started openly to protest against the supposed subordinate position of the anglophones and to lay claims for self-determination and autonomy. Whereas the most important organisations initially called for a return to the federal state, the persistent refusal of the Government headed by President Paul Biya to discuss any related constitutional reforms forced some to adopt a secessionist stand. -
Anglophone Secessionist Movements in Cameroon
ANGLOPHONE SECESSIONIST MOVEMENTS IN CAMEROON Piet Konings & Francis B. Nyamnjoh Introduction Secession has been rare in post-colonial Africa and has been strongly opposed by newly independent states and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in an attempt to safeguard territorial integrity. Secessionist claims have, however, been on the rise since the end of the 1980s in the wake of political liberalisation in Africa. Eritrea’s independence in 1993, after several decades of a national war of liberation, is, significantly, the only example of a formal reorganisation of the continent’s political map. Of late, some Africanists have been trying to explain the reasons for Africa’s remarkable ‘secessionist deficit’ and to identify the various internal and external factors accounting for the failure or success of past and on-going secessionist claims on the continent (cf. Forest 2004; Englebert & Hummel 2005; Keller 2007). Curiously, in their critical review of African secessionist movements, they have failed to discuss Anglophone secessionist movements in Cameroon. This chapter tries to fill the lacuna. It will be argued that the deep roots of current Anglophone secessionist claims can be found in what has come to be called the ‘Anglophone Problem’, which is posing a major challenge to the post-colonial state’s efforts to forge national unity and integration. There is a widespread feeling in Anglophone Cameroon that reunification with Francophone Cameroon in 1961 has led to a growing marginalisation of the Anglophone minority in the post-colonial nation-state project that is controlled by the Francophone political elite and endangers Anglophone cultural heritage and identity. -
Dealing with Conflict in Africa: the United Nations and Regional Organizations
Dealing with Conflict in Africa The United Nations and Regional Organizations Edited by Jane Boulden Boulden-FM.qxd 9/22/03 7:34 AM Page i Dealing with Conflict in Africa This page intentionally left blank Boulden-FM.qxd 9/22/03 7:34 AM Page iii Dealing with Conflict in Africa: The United Nations and Regional Organizations Edited by Jane Boulden Boulden-FM.qxd 9/22/03 7:34 AM Page iv DEALING WITH CONFLICT IN AFRICA © Jane Boulden, 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published 2003 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS. Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 1–4039–6080–1 hardback Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dealing with conflict in Africa: the United Nations and regional organizations/edited by Jane Boulden. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1–4039–6080–1 (cl: alk. paper) 1. United Nations—Peacekeeping forces—Africa. 2. Regionalism (International organization) 3. Security, International. I. Boulden, Jane, 1962– JZ6377.A35D43 2003 341.5Ј84––dc21 2003051795 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Et the Library Know, Stating Your Reasons
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Win-wins in forest product value chains? How governance impacts the sustainability of livelihoods based on non-timber forest products from Cameroon Ingram, V.J. Publication date 2014 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Ingram, V. J. (2014). Win-wins in forest product value chains? How governance impacts the sustainability of livelihoods based on non-timber forest products from Cameroon. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:25 Sep 2021 12 References ABBOT, J. I. O., D. H. L. THOMAS, A. A. GARDNER, S. E. NEBA & M. W. KHEN (2001), Understanding the links between conservation and development in the Bamenda Highlands, Cameroon. World Development 29(7): 1115-1136. -
Chronology of British Southern Cameroons Aka AMBAZONIA History
Chronology of British Southern Cameroons aka AMBAZONIA History 1884 to 1916 – German Occupation German Governors of German Kamerun 1884 Gustav Nachtigal 1887–1906 Jesko von Puttkamer - Built a 72-Bedroom home in Buea, Kamerun to convince his wife to move from Germany. The building still stands today. 1914–1916 Karl Ebermaier Cameroons - German Kamerun was an African colony of the German Empire from 1884 to 1916 comprising parts of todays' Cameroon, + parts of Nigeria, Tchad, Central African Republic, Congo, Gabon Most of German Kamerun shared between Britain and France 1914 - 26 September 1914 Occupation by Great Britain and France begins 1945 - Post World Wars - League of Nations => United Nations - Decolonization begins 1948 - UPC (Union des Populations Camerounaises) a party that wanted Independence from France with no strings IS CREATED in French Cameroun Actors: British Cameroons Colonial Officer i/c 1949 to 1 October 1954 Edward John Gibbons, Special Resident 1 October 1954 Autonomous territory within Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria 1 October 1954 to 1956 Edward John Gibbons, Commissioner 1956 to 1 October 1961 John Osbaldiston Field, Commissioner 1 June 1961 Northern British Cameroons incorporated into Federation of Nigeria 1 October 1961 Southern British Cameroons incorporated into Republic of Cameroon 1952 - The KNC (Kamerun National Congress) was established in 1952 as a merger of two pro- unification parties, the Kamerun United National Congress and the Cameroons National Federation. The party's leaders included E. M. L. Endeley, Salomon Tandeng Muna, John Ngu Foncha and Sampson George. However, with Endeley leading the party towards a pro-Nigerian stance, 1955 - Foncha led a breakaway group to form the Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP) in 1955. -
Cameroon's Anglophone Crisis at the Crossroads
Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis at the Crossroads Africa Report N°250 | 2 August 2017 Translation from French Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 The Roots of the Anglophone Problem: Colonial Legacy and Failure of the Centralised Model ...................................................................................... 2 The Colonial Legacy ................................................................................................... 2 Independences and Reunification: Different Dreams in the Same Bed ................... 2 The Centralist Model and the Emergence of Anglophone Grievances ...................... 4 From Sectoral Mobilisations to the Resurgence of the Anglophone Problem ................. 9 From the Strike to the Crisis ...................................................................................... 9 The Government and Anglophone Actors: Strategies and Motivations .................... 11 The International Community’s Response ................................................................ 16 A Political, Economic and Social Crisis ...........................................................................